Armenian-Iranian relations

Armenian-Iranian relations

Iran	Armenia

The relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are very close, the two countries have since Armenia's independence no border, ethnic, religious or economic conflicts take place. They are often seen on a Moscow-Yerevan-Tehran axis. Mutual relations are important for both states in order to limit Turkey's influence in the South Caucasus and to reduce its isolation. Relations with Iran are also important for Armenia in order not to become too dependent on Moscow.

Ethnic relationships

An influential Armenian minority lives in Iran . Some of their ancestors were forcibly relocated from old Jolfa to Isfahan on the orders of Shah Abbas I , and some came to Iran as refugees from the genocide of the Armenians . The Armenian minority in Iran is shrinking today due to emigration, especially to the USA . At the same time, it has made a major contribution to the modernization of Iran, maintains a friendly relationship with the Muslim majority of the population, does not experience any great discrimination and is represented by two guaranteed seats in the Iranian parliament. The centers of the Armenian minority are located in Isfahan, Tehran , Urmia , Tabriz and Jolfa , the latter three are in areas where Azerbaijanis predominate . In the Iran-Iraq war , the Iranian Armenians showed themselves loyal to Iran, and numerous Armenian men died at the front. The Armenians living in Iran have made it possible to establish good contacts between the two countries. The good relations with Armenia allow Iran to improve its reputation and to show that its confrontation with the Western states is not a battle of civilizations and that the differences with the West are not of a religious but of a political nature.

Iranian foreign policy influence on Armenia

The Iranian President Hassan Rohani with the former Armenian Prime Minister Howik Abrahamjan

The Islamic Republic of Iran supported the Asala in the 1980s . Iran recognized Armenia's independence on December 25, 1991.

In the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict , Iran is on the side of Armenia because it hopes that this will weaken Azerbaijan, with which Iran has numerous political differences. In the armed Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, religious forces in Iran called for the support of the Azerbaijani co-religionists in the fight against the Armenian infidels, but the foreign politicians in Iran preferred a weakening of the Republic of Azerbaijan to counter the threat of unification of all Azerbaijanis. The latter were able to prevail and the Islamic Republic supported Armenia as long as there was not too much resistance from the Iranian public. Iran became the most important supplier of electrical energy and everyday goods, and the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave was supplied via Iranian territory. There is also evidence that Armenia has received arms shipments that have entered the country via Iranian territory. Thus, Iran made the expansionism of the Republic of Armenia possible in the first place, at the same time Iran condemned the Armenian aggression or threatened Yerevan as in 1993. However, the war threatened to spill over to Iranian territory several times, so it posed an immediate danger and a risk to the stability of Iran In 1991 Iran brokered unsuccessfully, in 1992 it repeatedly negotiated a ceasefire between the parties, but it was immediately broken by Armenia at the instigation of Russia. To this day, he has shaped the triangular relationship between the neighbors Armenia, Iran and Azerbaijan.

Since US troops have been stationed in Iraq and Afghanistan, Iran has been dependent on Russian support and can therefore hardly pursue a policy in the Caucasus that conflicts with Russia's interests.

Economic Cooperation

During the Cold War , the border between the Soviet Union and Iran was practically closed and there was little exchange. The border was only opened in 1991. In 1992 the Peace Bridge was built over the Aras . During the economic embargo in Turkey and Azerbaijan, it was temporarily the only land connection for the delivery of goods to Armenia.

Since the independence of Armenia, economic relations between the two states have developed rapidly. In 2001, Presidents Kocharyan and Mohammad Chātami agreed on cooperation for regional security and stability. Since then, numerous other agreements followed, the v. a. regulate cooperation in the economic field. At the same time, trade barriers were gradually dismantled; in 2012, President Ahmadinejad even suggested allowing free trade with Armenia. In 2011, Armenia exported goods worth US $ 106.2 million to Iran, while Iran exported goods worth US $ 217.2 million to Armenia. The most important import goods for Armenia are oil, steel and fuel; it is possible that Iran will replace Russia as Armenia's most important partner. Armenia has long been Iran's most important trading partner in the South Caucasus.

Trade between Armenia and Iran is partially subverted by various embargoes by the international community against the Iranian economy. The implementation of tougher sanctions would put an extreme strain on the Armenian economy, which in turn is facing the Azerbaijani and Turkish embargo. It would also make Armenia completely dependent on Russia. For this reason, Armenia's trade relations with Iran are tolerated by the West.

For inland Armenia, cooperation with Iran is particularly important, as it is boycotted by its two neighbors Azerbaijan and Turkey in the wake of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict ; By the end of the Soviet Union, 85% of Armenia's trade in goods was handled through Azerbaijan. Without Iran, Armenia would be very one-sidedly tied to Russia. Although both Iran and Armenia work closely with Russia , they are both aware that Russia can be an unreliable partner. In addition, both states have an interest in limiting Turkish influence in the South Caucasus.

Iran wants to diversify its oil and gas exports, while Armenia wants to break away from its one-sided dependence on Russia. In 1995, the contract to build the Iran-Armenia natural gas pipeline was signed. The original plan stipulated that the pipeline should have a diameter of 1,420 millimeters; under pressure from Russia, the diameter was reduced to 700 millimeters, so that Armenia cannot export any further Iranian gas. In 2007 the natural gas pipeline was inaugurated by Presidents Robert Kocharyan and Ahmadinejad . In 2014, the 365-kilometer oil pipeline from Tabriz to Jerash was completed, through which Armenia can import 1.5 million liters of gasoline or diesel every day, which significantly reduces the import costs for Armenia. Its construction was agreed in 2009 and in order to minimize Moscow's influence, it is 50% owned by Armenia and 50% by Iran, with the Armenian share being financed by Iran. Overall, the investments in the export infrastructure helped Armenia a lot, but the benefits for Iran were manageable.

Web links

Commons : Armenian-Iranian Relations  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

1. ↑ ^{a b} Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 4 ( esisc.org [PDF]).
2. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Bernard Hourcade : Géopolitique de l'Iran . 1st edition. Armand Colin, Paris 2010, ISBN 978-2-200-35116-8 , pp. 200 .
3. ↑ Houman A. Sadri and Omar Vera-Muñiz: Iranian relations with the South Caucasus . In: Thomas Juneau and Sam Razavi (eds.): Iranian Foreign Policy since 2001 . Routledge, Abingdon 2013, ISBN 978-0-415-82743-0 , pp. 143 .
4. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Houman A. Sadri and Omar Vera-Muñiz: Iranian relations with the South Caucasus . In: Thomas Juneau and Sam Razavi (eds.): Iranian Foreign Policy since 2001 . Routledge, Abingdon 2013, pp. 144 .
5. ↑ ^{a b} Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 7 ( esisc.org [PDF]).
6. ^ Svante E. Cornell: Azerbaijan since independence . Sharpe, Armonk, NY 2011, pp. 321 .
7. ^ ^{A b} Houman A. Sadri and Omar Vera-Muñiz: Iranian relations with the South Caucasus . In: Thomas Juneau and Sam Razavi (eds.): Iranian Foreign Policy since 2001 . Routledge, Abingdon 2013, pp. 147 .
8. ^ Svante E. Cornell: Azerbaijan since independence . Sharpe, Armonk, NY 2011, pp. 322 .
9. ^ ^{A b} Svante E. Cornell: Azerbaijan since independence . Sharpe, Armonk, NY 2011, pp. 329 .
10. ^ Svante E. Cornell: Azerbaijan since independence . Sharpe, Armonk, NY 2011, pp. 326 .
11. ↑ Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 8 ( esisc.org [PDF]).
12. ^ Islamic Republic of Iran. (No longer available online.) In: Bilateral Relations. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia, November 1, 2012, archived from the original on April 3, 2018 ; accessed on April 10, 2018 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  
13. ↑ Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 11 ( esisc.org [PDF]).
14. ^ ^{A b} Houman A. Sadri and Omar Vera-Muñiz: Iranian relations with the South Caucasus . In: Thomas Juneau and Sam Razavi (eds.): Iranian Foreign Policy since 2001 . Routledge, Abingdon 2013, pp. 145 .
15. ↑ Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 48 ( esisc.org [PDF]).
16. ^ ^{A b} Houman A. Sadri and Omar Vera-Muñiz: Iranian relations with the South Caucasus . In: Thomas Juneau and Sam Razavi (eds.): Iranian Foreign Policy since 2001 . Routledge, Abingdon 2013, pp. 146 .
17. ↑ Claude Moniquet and William Racimora: The Armenia-Iran Relationship - Strategic implication for security in the South Caucasus region . European Strategic Intelligence & Security Center, Brussels 2013, p. 14 ( esisc.org [PDF]).