Garamut
Garamuts ( pidgin ) are wooden slit drums of various sizes and shapes that are struck in New Guinea's ceremonial music , to convey messages and to accompany traditional songs and dances. The woods, which are mainly played by men and count as idiophonic, are found on the coasts and rivers in northern Papua New Guinea , especially in the Sepik region, on the Bismarck archipelago , the island of New Britain , the northern islands of the Solomon Islands and on other small ones Islands of Melanesia common.
A garamut is considered a sacred musical instrument, the sound of which is used by the ancestors to speak, and plays a central role in initiation ceremonies . Accordingly, there are certain contact taboos : Garamuts are kept in a certain location or in a special cult house, their production often takes place in a secret place in the forest that women are not allowed to visit. Valuable specimens are lavishly decorated in relief and their handles at the ends are designed as human and animal figures. As with every cult object, the meaning of the slit drums can differ for the individual social groups within a society and depending on the situation. The same log drum can be used to convey individual messages and for rituals in a magical-religious context. Garamut is also the name of a hardwood ( Vitex cofassus ) that is often used to build slotted drums .
distribution
It is unclear where the name garamut comes from. The word probably didn't spread until the end of the 19th century, when the first European missionaries and explorers were in the region. Similar to the pidgin word kundu , which summarizes the hourglass drums that are widespread in New Guinea and beaten by dancers , garamut could have been adopted and generalized by the Europeans from a local language. Sibyl Marcuse (1964) lists in her Lexicon of Musical Instruments a selection of 13 regionally known writing variants, including angremut, dangamut ( Lavongai ), galamutu ( St. Matthias Islands ), garamudu and karamut ( Duke of York Island ) , kolamut , also gamti ( New Ireland ), naramut and qaramut ( Gazelle Peninsula ), ngaramut and tarremut (New Ireland). The angremut ordered Curt Sachs (1913), however, the xylophones to. According to this, the primitive percussion instrument, found in New Britain and first described in 1887, consisted of two 70 centimeters long and seven or eleven centimeters wide wooden sticks that the player placed (as a kind of spar xylophone) over his knees or over a narrow opening in the floor, which acts as a resonance chamber served (pit xylophone). The pitch of the two plates was an excessive third.
Garamut is the pidgin name of the tree genus Vitex cofassus , which has become the "drum tree ". In the Pala language of New Ireland , garamut means "a kind of puffer fish". In 1910, Father J. Eberlein described the slit drums of the Gazelle Peninsula and derived the word a garamut as a combination of a gara , "song" and courage , "silence", presumably because when the drum speaks, it adds song and the spoken word have fallen silent. “A gara i muti” therefore meant a request to remain silent that someone uttered to the evening singers when he wanted to hear the drum beating in the distance.
Some regional names for slotted drums on the north coast of New Guinea are galamo (Nakanai language in West New Britain Province ), galamutu ( Emirau island ), giram (Kairiru language, East Sepik Province ), yilamo (Kove people in West New Britain Province), giramo ( Manam island ), wagan (Iatmul on the middle Sepik, after the ancestral spirit of the same name) and in the Solomon Islands garamuc (Halia language on the island of Bougainville ) and kamus (tinputz language there). Slit drums on the Admiralty Islands are called dali, rali, lali (also in Fiji and Tonga ), as well as drami, ndrame and ndral .
Log drums are absent on the south coast of New Guinea and inland. In the Indonesian part of the north coast they have practically disappeared or never existed. They occur from the border of Papua New Guinea to the east to the border of the provinces of Madang and Morobe , in an isolated area around the city of Lae in the Morobe Province and inland along the river courses, especially on the Sepik and Ramu .
There are cultural connections to islands further east in the Pacific. For example, the log drum was previously used in the music of Tuvalu and other Pacific islands .
Some peoples living further away from the sea coasts and rivers, to whom slit drums were unknown until the 19th century, received them from Christian missionaries at the beginning of the 20th century. The Azera in the Markham River Valley in Morobe Province have three hourglass-shaped drum types called simpup, one of which has a body made of clay ( simpup gur ). The missionaries introduced the slit drums, made them themselves, and struck them instead of church bells at services and other gatherings. The Azera refer to the import as garamut because they don't have a word for it.
Design and style of play
In most cases, a slotted drum consists of a tree trunk that has been hollowed out into a slot on one long side and which, when struck , is set into natural oscillation like a gong . The English term slit gong correctly refers to the type of sound generation, while " drum " incorrectly refers to a percussion instrument with a membrane. The length of the garamuts varies between 40 centimeters and four to five meters, on average they are 1.5 to 2 meters long. At one to two meters, the slit drums on the lower Sepik are significantly shorter than those on the middle Sepik. The sacred significance of some instruments is enhanced by artistic carvings in the bas-relief on the sides or the painting with geometric patterns. Handles on one or both sides often show animal or human figures.
The large slit drums of New Guinea are generally played horizontally on two wooden surfaces on the floor, the smaller ones less often on a pole structure. The horizontal slit drums differ from the tall, upright slit drums of the New Hebrides , Vanuatus and the Admiralty Islands in human form today . The musician sitting on one of the long sides strikes with short sticks directly on the edge of the slot or a little away from the edge, thus producing different sounds. Alternatively, one or more standing people can bump the slotted drum with a long stick. The pitch difference between the two edges of the slot ranges from a second , a third to a fifth, depending on the construction . The musical possibilities include different rhythms and tempos within a limited range, the variation of the volume as well as several pitches and timbres. Log drums are mainly played by men, and occasionally by women for entertainment.
At large village festivals ( sing-sing ), the chants and dances in some places are accompanied by garamuts in addition to the portable hourglass drums ( kundu ) . The leader of ceremonial music is the big man bilong sing-sing . At festivals in New Ireland, two men with long sticks bump into a garamut while they perform a dance and move the sticks wildly. The garamut played as a soloist alternates with the singing of a mixed choir.
Only in New Ireland were rubbing sticks common, which in their sacred meaning were equivalent to the slit drums. They consisted of an elongated block of wood rounded on all sides, which is usually triple incised on the upper side up to almost the middle. The slots are expanded inside to form cavities. If you run your hand across the surface, the individual pieces of wood vibrate and produce three penetrating tones. Women and uninitiated people were not allowed to see the friction sticks. For them the sound should evoke spirit voices. Its name in the dialect of Northwest New Ireland is aptly manu taga kul , "the bird sings".
Manufacturing
Gazelle Peninsula
As news drums, the deeply sounding large slit drums are less suitable, but rather medium sizes, which produce a higher and more precise sound. The ideal garamuts of the Gazelle Peninsula for this purpose are about 1.2 meters long with a diameter of 30 centimeters. Because the production of women is not allowed to be seen, the drum maker retires in a description from 1910 to a remote place in the forest. There he cuts down a suitable tree, divides the trunk into three or four sections, which he places in a specially built hut in which he can live for several weeks or months and also work in the rain. First he brings the trunk into an oval shape on the outside, which is almost circular on the lower long side and narrower on the top. He leaves transport handles at both ends.
In the traditional way of making the sound opening, a string is stretched between the two handles to determine the position of the slot. Between two symmetrically cut oval holes measuring 20 × 8 centimeters along the cord line, a 20 centimeter long, thumb-wide slit runs at the beginning of the work. The drum maker now fills glowing charcoal into the openings and presses the embers from both sides against the center in order to widen the slot inside to form a continuous cavity. When the coals have burned out, he takes them out and replaces them with new ones. In between, the shape is reworked with a hatchet. The larger the resonance space created inside, the fuller the sound. The shape and width of the reeds are also decisive for the correct sound. The slit drums of the Gazelle Peninsula were painted red and white after completion, inaugurated with a magical spell and then delivered to their future owner.
On the island of Karkar off the coast of Madang Province, the manufacture of slit drums ( goyak ) is still the focus of ritual activities for men. Several men retreat to a forest clearing for a month, where they make a large number of slit drums. They avoid contact with their wives and fast. At the big closing party, they beat garamuts , the hand drums Kundu and sing appropriate ceremonial songs ( amung-mung ) and other dance songs. Later the log drums are handed over to neighboring villages in another festival.
Yangoru
The Yangoru sub-district within the East Sepik Province cuts through the settlement areas of the Arapesh , Abelam , Boiken and Sawos, who speak the Yangoru dialect of the Boiken language. This belongs to the Ndu languages of the Sepik language family. They call the slit drum mie ( mi ), which in several languages of this group also means “tree”, “wood”, “wooden board” and “wood carving”. The word probably comes from the Iatmul language. In the Yangoru dialect, the three types of wood used are called kwila (or hwabo , in the timber trade Merbau , Intsia bijuga ), miamba (in Pidgin garamut, hardwood similar to teak , Vitex cofassus ) and moruhwo ( rosewood ). Log drums are usually made in pairs, the larger one is called selek ("first"), the smaller one is called heik ("second"). The Abelam know three sizes of intricately carved slit drums that are only allowed to be seen by initiated men in the ceremonial house: the large and deepest sounding maama mi , the middle kwaté mi and the small nyégél mi .
Production in the Yangoru area continues to this day in secret, just like on the Gazelle Peninsula around 1900. Only mothers with babies are allowed to prepare and deliver food to the drum maker. Otherwise he has to stay away from his wife while he is working on a garamut . The production, which involves several men, takes two to three days. On the first day, they cut a tree or prepare a trunk lying on the ground by removing the bark. For the night they cover the wood and go home. The next morning they leave early and perform a magical ritual at their workplace in which they spray a prepared plant sap. Should technical difficulties arise, another ritual ( kambahele ) is needed to drive away the spirits of the dead ( kamba ) ( hele ). Using dechs and other tools, they get to work to make a selek and a delicate . The sound sample shortly before completion is of great importance. At the end of the third day, the garamuts are brought into the village. Men of the village greet the transporters and, on their own garamuts, beat the rhythm anjiji or jiji , with which the arrival of a new log drum is announced. A village festival ends with a lot of cooked yams and side dishes.
Rai Coast District
For the Nekgini in the Rai Coast District in the southeast of the Madang Province, the spirit cult kaapu (corresponds to tambaran on Sepik) is a central element in the manufacture of the slit drums. There are several types of spirits ( kaapu ), especially the water spirits kaap tupong yarung , who have beautiful voices, and the dangerous forest spirits kaap sawing . The production process, which is divided into four phases, begins with the trees being felled. A story according to which a huge tree was felled in mythical times, which brought prosperity for some and death for others, compels that only a man who has no brothers is allowed to cut the tree. Further rules concerning the social hierarchy must be observed when building a slotted drum. Chopping down a tree affects the man's position within the village community and a young man should only build a log drum if his older brother has done so beforehand.
The second phase is about the allocation of the trunk sections to the men involved in the action. They walk one behind the other in a row from the trunk lying on the ground. The man in front receives the topmost piece of trunk, the last the bottom piece. After the sections are marked, they are cut apart with the ax. For men, the well-known abstinence rules (no sexual contact) and food taboos apply during work. According to the imagination, the actual woodworking is not done by the men, but by the forest spirits ( kaap sawing ), for whom the men are only helpful. It remains somewhat unclear in what form the ghosts appear because details are kept secret. As birds, the forest spirits are said to hollow out the trunks with their beaks. First, the kengiau, a species of parrot that can drill holes in trees, acts . Now the siurr sotngarangtin ( hornbill ) removes the pieces of wood that have remained between the holes until a slot is created. A little later the nung sarr ( cockatoo ) appears and removes the bark on the outside. Only when all slotted drums have been prepared in the same advanced state can they be beaten from the branch of a softwood tree for the first time with an elastic stick ( tokung sawing ). This is to open the ears of the slit drum. After this makeshift stick, the actual sound-producing blows with a stick made of hardwood follow.
As soon as the woods are completely hollowed out, i.e. the kaapu sawing have finished their work, the dangerous spirits are driven away . They follow a bird bait that a man at the head of the slit drum throws into the bush. When the log drum is about to be completed, it is replaced by the kaap tupong yarung , because their beautiful voices are now in demand.
In the fourth phase the new slit drums are brought into the village in procession like newly initiated young men. Before doing this, the men flame the surface to make it black and the drum "strong" and drill a hole through the front end. With a rope attached to this hole, the slotted drum can be pulled across the ground. To protect themselves from the magical power of the drums, the spectators throw grass and leaves over them when they see them.
Cultural meaning
Manufactured objects are, according to the ideas of the peoples in the Sepik region, more than just things. They carry something of the creative power of their creator, who created them with his manual skills. The cultural significance of the garamut in a society depends on the occasion on which it is played - at initiation ceremonies or to accompany entertainment dances on festive days - and affects women, adult men and young men to different degrees. The appreciation of the garamut also depends on where it is stored. Their sacred status in the cult house (at the Sepik house tambaran ), like that of masks, wooden shields and other ritual objects, can be reduced to the purchase value of a museum object.
Making the slit drums in a secret place is part of the traditional job of the men, who also make canoes, fishing nets, houses, weapons and carvings, while the women are responsible for cooking, fetching water, procuring sago and firewood and fishing. In the past, slit drums were often beaten in headhunting and skull cult ceremonies . In some initiation ceremonies, the signals played on slit drums play an important role, for example in the Monumbo (east of the Ramu estuary in the Madang Province) or the Iatmul on the central Sepik, in which the initiation of boys is associated with scarification rituals . Slotted drums are usually stored in the men's house or leaned against a post in an open meeting house. According to a report from 1888, the cult or haunted houses in Malu ( East Sepik Province ) were richly decorated at the Sago harvest festival. Belief in ghosts is still an essential element in dealing with slit drums.
As a news drum, a garamut reports the death of a (respected) man. There used to be other possibilities for acoustic communication, probably known before the introduction of the slotted drum, including a stylized call language.
Mythical creation of the slit drums
The magical-ritual meaning of the garamuts is introduced through legends of origin. Either a pair of brothers or the cassowary mother appear as the mythical creator . The cassowary is revered as a protective spirit in many regions.
According to a cosmogonic myth, there was once a mother named Irigan who had two sons, Buguti and Bugatai. One day the brothers left their home and wandered into the distance, the older brother carried a hand drum, the younger a snail horn . On the way they lived on the fruits of the forest. When they climbed a tree to harvest more fruit up there, they took up the banana tree that they had as a supply. Meanwhile, they saw a cassowary foraging under the tree and immediately thought of their mother when they saw it. To find out whether the cassowary was actually their mother, they threw down some bananas. When the cassowary ate the bananas, the brothers said to each other: "Yes, he is our mother." Then they lost their fear of the big animal and both climbed down from the tree. The cassowary took one of the descending brothers with his beak and carefully set him down on the ground. When they asked the cassowary if he was their mother, he replied with a nod. The three of them continued on a path ahead of the cassowary until they came to a clearing where they made their camp. When the brothers slept at night, the cassowary created a village around them by his word. The next morning the brothers found themselves in a big, beautiful house and saw their mother in person. On either side of her bed was a large slit drum. One brother should play on this drum, the other on that drum. The mother had also provided plenty of yams and taro to eat. Now they celebrated a big festival and in the days that followed set about cutting down trees and clearing the land. When the mother injured her finger while working in the garden, the droplets of blood oozing out were initially transformed into salt to flavor the food and later the sea was created from the droplets of blood. When the mother saw the masses of water approaching, she turned into a turtle. The older brother Buguti, while sitting on an oar, was drifting west with the tide, while the younger brother Bugatai moved east with the tide. During their voyage they saw new islands emerging from the sea. Each brother ended up on an island where he settled. Later they could visit each other by canoe, exchange gifts and live happily.
After the presentation of the Nekgini speakers in the Rai Coast District, who live between the coast and the Finisterre Mountains in a hilly area up to 500 meters above sea level, the first slit drum appeared in the guise of a freshly initiated youth who was now returning to his village as an adult . The human characteristics attributed to the slit drum are evident in its three-dimensional design with a face and sexual organs. The rag drum enters society in a way that is parallel to humans, it has a (human) voice and a limited life span.
initiation
Initiation symbolizes the transition from a young person to an adult member of the community. The young people spend the initiation time with their age group in a secluded place outside of everyday village life. In the case of the Nor-Papua, the inhabitants of the settlements in the Murik lagoon near Wewak (East Sepik Province), the 10 to 14-year-old initiators were introduced to the brag cult ("clothing"), which no longer exists today, at night kidnapped by men and brought to the cult house ( taáb ). There they were placed as one of several, usually painful, tests on two garamut lying in the middle , where they were beaten with sticks and hands as if they were drums. They then had to lie down on the ground and let sticks or cassowary bones poke them alternately in both sides. The initiation, which lasted two to three months, also included attacks with torches, the fire of which the boys had to blow out, and the appearance of a man with a shield and a lance whose face was smeared with lime and who was supposed to frighten the boys. The boys were painted red during the initiation period. At the end they were decorated (with bracelets, dog and pig teeth ), while men played drums and the brag flute and sang. The ceremony revolved around the spirit brag who was staying in the cult house. Only those who had gone through initiation were allowed to approach the spirit on special occasions.
The special brag spirit could only be seen by the initiated in the form of a mask and its voice could only be heard in the special music of the brag flutes. According to its function, a water spirit ( bragmot ) was distinguished from a rain spirit ( aköm-brag ) and a certain local spirit ( nagobrag ), which together stood out from the simple spirits of the dead ( nabran ). During the initiation, the initiator symbolically went through a phase of cleansing ( catharsis ), in which he was initially devoured by the spirit and then spat out again to give him new life. The monster balum had a similar effect on the uninitiated . It spread fear and terror at the balum initiation on the north coast of Huongolf .
Using the example of the Nekgini speakers, James Leach compares the initiation of the boys with the production of the garamuts . When, at the climax of the ceremony, the adorned and clothed boys are led into the village as objects to be viewed, the spectators take the same magical protective measures against the overwhelming sight as they do when new slit drums arrive. This presupposes the idea that the wood was magically charged in a process of transformation when it was processed into a slotted drum, which is why the drum beats are perceived as the voice of the drum.
Messaging
In the language of the Monumbo, the slit drums were called ongar , as was the spirit house of the Gapun (Taiap) speakers (East Sepik Province), from whom they received the monumbo. Monumbo is a little-known Papuan language , which, along with the cultural tradition of its former speakers, has practically disappeared since Christianization at the beginning of the 20th century. Walter Graf's analysis of the impact sequences during signal transmission is based on the documentation of the explorer Rudolf Pöch , who made sound recordings with the Edison phonograph on phonograph cylinders at Monumbo from 1904–1906 .
The musical possibilities of the log drum were only used to a limited extent in the transmission of messages; in any case, the early field researchers rarely gave information on pitches and in most studies only provided information on the rhythmic structure and volume. According to Graf, according to the notations, different pitches were important in the interplay of several slit drums on the Gazelle Peninsula and among the Kwoma on the upper reaches of the Sepik. The monumbo's call signals ( biaka ) could have been accompanied by soft singing or muttered text recitation. The singing or the words were the starting point for the drum rhythm and were related to strung series of beats according to a certain pattern. For example, five equally spaced strokes could be separated by one or two single strokes or a pause. In addition, there were message signals with the monumbo, which conveyed a concrete content, but which were not based on a rhythmic structure formed by singing or recitation.
With the Nor-Papua each clan ( poang ) had its own drum signal , which bore the name of the mythical ancestor of a certain spirit ( möröb ). The actual möröb signal was preceded by a specific introductory sequence of blows . Other peoples also established the connection to the ancestors with a drum signal characterizing the clan. With the Kwoma, a new individual signal emerged from the signal of the clan level when the signal of the paternal clan of a person was played first, followed by that of the maternal clan. Young adults of the Monumbo received the drum signals from the deceased.
Structurally, the sequence of several short and several long sounds predominates. The common content-emotional equivalents include slow beats for death, short beats for alarm and drum rolls for festive occasions. On the Gazelle Peninsula the signal for death differed from the signal for birth by only three additional slow beats at the beginning. On the Kranket Island near Madang there was the signal “the woman should come home”. If the “death” characterizing element was added after this otherwise unchanged sequence of beats, the drum signal meant “your husband is dead”. An anonymous author noted in Steyler Missionsbote No. 41 from 1913/14 how the contents of an at least half-matured drum language were strung together: “Will the father z. B. summon his son, who is in a village to the east, so he first drums for the east, then the people in the east know that they should listen, and those in the west that it does not apply to them. Then he drums his name, then that of his son and then that he should come quickly. "
On the Gazelle Peninsula, the garamuts were always beaten in the morning and in the evening, in the function of a news drum either to announce a general occasion ( tintiding ) or to convey an individual message to a single person ( kulatiding ). The calls on special occasions, tintiding (from ting , "to inquire"), were made in response to a death, the announcement of a war or an important gathering, and to report a successful hunt. After the funeral of an ordinary villager, the relatives of the deceased distributed some shell money among the mourners, who had to go home and announce death with their garamut that evening and the following morning . The drum signal for this tintiding was called ubugab (“to beat blood”) or but varveai (“to announce beating”). An introductory drum roll was followed by the repeated death announcement, which in turn ended with a roll.
The drum signal after a successful driven hunt was intended to attract interested buyers who could purchase part of the pig cut up in the homestead for shell money. Signals calling for the start of the fight against a neighboring enemy contained encrypted messages that had been discussed beforehand in a village meeting. This also included false signals to mislead the listening enemy. At least 20 days before a big village festival (pidgin sing-sing ) a garamut drew attention to the event every morning . A drum roll was followed by a short pause and then several individual beats at intervals, which in turn ended with a roll.
The individual message ( kulatiding ) was used to call someone into his house who had gone to his field, to the neighboring village or to an unknown location. More important people had their own drum signal, which was known to most of the village members, so that they could send out a targeted recall.
A differentiated drum language of its own still exists in the Yangoru sub-district to this day. A unique rhythmic pattern is available for certain keywords. The basic vocabulary that can be transferred includes “attention” ( akwo ), “end” ( suo ), “place of assembly” ( pili ) and special garamut names of the people. If the message is only to be perceived in a certain direction, it contains a rhythm for this direction, for example "east" ( yembi-jause ). If the message is intended for the entire area, the rhythm patterns of all four cardinal directions are lined up. An individual message contains the name of the person addressed and the direction of their location from the location of the drum.
For example, one message is about a patient who has been bedridden for a long time and who is allegedly infected by an evil spirit. Now it is a matter of calling all people in the area together to discuss which medicine should be used and whether everyone wants the patient to stay alive. The message translated into drum language contains the rhythmic patterns for: 1) "Attention" ( akwo akwo ), 2) "tell" ( aohwie ), 3) introduce the drum player ( arihwi ), 4) proper name, 5) "tell ( what it's about) ”, 6)“ sick person ”( hwahwatuo ), 7)“ tell (what should we do for him?) ”( aohwie ), 8)“ remove the spear ”(we shouldn't allow him to die , yilohwo ), 9) “everyone” ( tuontuo ) and 10) “must come” (to discuss the case, wampili ).
In addition to the welcoming rhythm anjiji for a new log drum in the village, the rhythm sequence rima huasi worn kia is also struck on this occasion . It means "coconut - betel nut - climb up - climb down".
literature
- Father J. Eberlein: The drum language on the Gazelle Peninsula (New Pomerania) . In: Anthropos , Volume 5, Issue 3, 1910, pp. 635-642
- Walter Graf: A few remarks on the slit drum understanding in New Guinea. In: Anthropos, Volume 45, Issue 4./6, July – December 1950, pp. 861–868
- James Leach: Drum and Voice: Aesthetics and Social Process on the Rai Coast of Papua New Guinea. In: Royal Anthropological Institute (NS) 8, 2002, pp. 713-734
- Samuel PW Pongiura: Mie Howie: Garamut Communication of the Yangoru. In: Robert Reigle (Ed.): Occasional Papers in Pacific Ethnomusicology. No. 4 (New Guinea Ethnomusicology Conference Proceedings) Department of Anthropology, University of Auckland, 1995, pp. 110-120
Web links
- Slit Drum (Garamut), Sepik Region, Papua New Guinea, Early 20th Century . National Music Museum, The University of South Dakota
- Kundu and Garamut players in Papua New Guinea. Youtube video (a garamut pushed with a long stickand several kundus at a village festival ( sing-sing ) on the Salamaua peninsula.)
- M'Buke Island Garamut beating. Youtube video ( garamuts beatento theside with short stickson theisland of Mbuke,which belongs to the Admiralty Islands .)
Individual evidence
- ^ Sibyl Marcuse : Musical Instruments: A Comprehensive Dictionary. Doubleday, New York 1964, p. 200
- ↑ Curt Sachs : Real Lexicon of Musical Instruments at the same time a polyglossary for the entire field of instruments. Julius Bard, Berlin 1913, p. 13
- ^ Arnold Burgmann: K. Neuhaus' Dictionary of the Pala Language (New Ireland). (Micro-Bibliotheca Anthropos, Vol. 40). In: Anthropos, Volume 61, Issue 1/2, 1966, p. 299
- ^ Father J. Eberlein, 1910, pp. 635f
- ↑ Don Niles, Richard Scaglion, Vida Chenoweth et al. a .: Mamose Region of Papua New Guinea . In: Adrienne L. Kaeppler, JW Love (Ed.): Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. Volume 9: Australia and the Pacific Islands . Routledge, New York 1998, p. 547
- ^ Mervyn McLean: Music, Dance, and Polynesian Origins: The Evidence from POc and PPn. In: Occasional Papers in Pacific Ethnomusicology No. 8 , 2010, p. 49f
- ^ Karl Holzknecht: The musical instruments of the Azera . In: Zeitschrift für Ethnologie , Volume 81, Issue 1, 1956, pp. 64–69, here pp. 68f
- ↑ Mervyn McLean: Garamut . In: Stanley Sadie (Ed.): The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments . Vol. 2. Macmillan Press, London 1984, p. 24
- ↑ Hubert Kroll: The Iniet. The essence of a Melanesian secret society . In: Zeitschrift für Ethnologie , 69th year, issue 4/5, 1937, pp. 180–220, here p. 191
- ↑ Charles Duvelle: Papua New Guinea. New Ireland. Prophet 21, 2001. CD booklet, p. 15
- ^ Waldemar Stöhr: Art and culture from the South Seas. Collection Clausmeyer Melanesia. Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum für Völkerkunde, Cologne 1987, p. 174
- ↑ Gerald Florian Messner : The friction wood from New Ireland. Manu taga kul kas ... (The "bird" is still singing ...). In: Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, Volume 31, 1980, pp. 221–312
- ^ Father J. Eberlein, 1910, pp. 636f
- ^ John Thornley: Healing, feasting & magical ritual. Songs & Dances from Papua New Guinea. International Music Collection of the British Library National Sound Archive. Topic Records, 2001. CD supplement, p. 9
- ↑ Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald : Language Contact along the Sepik River, Papua New Guinea. In: Anthropological Linguistics , Vol. 50, No. 1, spring 2008, pp. 1–66, here p. 27
- ↑ Don Niles, Richard Scaglion, Vida Chenoweth et al. a .: Mamose Region of Papua New Guinea . In: Adrienne L. Kaeppler, JW Love (Ed.): Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. Volume 9: Australia and the Pacific Islands . Routledge, New York 1998, p. 547
- ↑ Samuel PW Pongiura, 1995, p 111, 117f
- ↑ James Leach, 2002, pp. 721-725
- ^ Mark Busse: The National Cultural Property (Preservation Act). In: Kathy Whimp, Mark Busse (Ed.): Protection of intellectual, biological & cultural property in Papua New Guinea. Asia Pacific Press, Canberra 2013, pp. 81f
- ^ Walter Graf, 1950, pp. 862f
- ↑ P. Andreas Gerstner: A creation myth from New Guinea . In: Anthropos , Volume 28, Issue 3./4, May – August 1933, pp. 487f
- ↑ James Leach, 2002, pp. 713, 718
- ↑ P. Joseph Schmidt: The ethnography of the Nor-Papua (Murik-Kaup-Karau) near Dallmannhafen, New Guinea. (Conclusion) . In: Anthropos, Volume 21, Issue 1./2, January-April 1926, pp. 38–71, here p. 49
- ↑ Hermann Mückler: Introduction to the Ethnology of Oceania . Facultas, Vienna 2009, p. 84
- ↑ James Leach, 2002, p. 715
- ↑ Walter Graf, 1950, pp. 864-867; Steyler Missionsbote No. 41 , 1913/14, p. 155f, quoted from: Walter Graf, 1950, p. 867
- ↑ Pater J. Eberlein, 1910, pp. 638-640
- ↑ Samuel PW Pongiura, 1995, pp 112, 116, 118