Kingdom of the Suebi

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Kingdom of the Suebi (also called the Kingdom of the Suebi , Latin Regnum Gallaecia ) was an empire formation during the Migration Period - one of the first to break away from the Roman Empire . The Regnum was built on the territory of the former Roman provinces of Gallaecia and the northern part of Lusitania . By 410 it was from there carrying warriors Association of Germanic Suebi as a separate dominion established , but only occurred in the course of the 6th century as a kingdom in appearance. It preserved its independence from the Visigoths until 585 . The Kingdom of the Suebi was by the Visigoths conquered and as the sixth province in the Toledo- Visigoth incorporated .

Kingdom of the Suebi

origin

Roman bronze sculpture from the second half of the 1st century with a Germanic, who has a Suebi knot and is wearing a characteristic cloak

Little is known about the Suebian warriors who crossed the Rhine on the night of December 31, 406 and invaded the Roman Empire. It was speculated earlier that it with the Quaden were identical, as in earlier sources in the north of the middle Danube - today's Lower Austria and Western Slovakia - are portrayed resident and an important role in the marcomannic wars played the second century, when it together with the Marcomanni bitterly fought against the Romans under Emperor Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180). The main argument for identifying these Suebi as the Quads is taken from a letter from Jerome to Ageruchia, which lists the invaders who moved to Gaul in 406 - it lists the Quads, but not the Suebi.

This theory is based only on the disappearance of the Suebi and their apparent replacement by the Quad in this source. This is in contrast to the statements of other contemporary authors, such as Orosius , who seems to enumerate the Suebi alongside the Quads among the peoples who crossed the Rhine in 406.

6th century authors identified the Suebi of Galicia as Alemanni or simply as Teutons; while Laterculus Veronensis mentions them in the 4th century some Suebi side 'to side' with Alamanni, Quaden, Marcomanni and other Germanic peoples.

In more recent research, however, the position is increasingly being taken that the lack of mention of the Suebi could mean that they did not form an older independent ethnic group per se, but, like most of the Migration Period associations, were the result of a step-by-step ethnogenesis and originally from many smaller ones Warrior groups existed - among them parts of the Quadi and Marcomanni - who only found each other during the campaign from the Danube Valley to the Iberian Peninsula. Other groups of Suebi are mentioned by Jordanes and other authors as being located in the regions of the Danube in the 5th and 6th centuries.

While there are no clearly documented reasons for the migration of 406, one common theory is that the migration of the diverse Germanic peoples west of the Rhine was due to pressure from the Huns to the west in the late 4th century. The Hun expansion destroyed and threatened the peoples of this region, forcing them to leave their roots behind. Admittedly, this is controversial due to the sources, and other researchers suspect instead a connection with the Roman civil wars of those years.

Whether they gave way to the pressure of the Huns or not, these Suebi crossed the Rhine together with Vandals and Alans on the night of December 31, 406. Their incursion into the Roman Empire came at a time when the Roman West was going through a series of invasions and civil wars. The western regions of the empire saw the invasion of Italy by the Goths under Radagaisus , as well as a steady stream of usurpers. This enabled the invading warriors ("barbarians") to invade Gaul without strong resistance, so that they could cause considerable damage in the northern provinces of Germania Inferior , Belgica Prima and Belgica Secunda before the Western Roman government could react. The usurper Constantine III. (ruled 407–411), however, initially succeeded in tying the mass of Vandals, Alans and Suebi in northern Gaul. But in the spring of 409 Gerontius revolted in Hispania and installed his own Augustus , Maximus . Constantine, recently promoted to Augustus himself , set out for Hispania to put down the rebellion. Gerontius responded by attempting to use the Vandals and Suebi in Gaul as foederati against Constantine and convincing them to mobilize again. The Vandals, Alans and Suebi followed suit in the summer of 409 and began to push south towards Hispania.

Land grabbing and integration

Detail of the Marcus Aurelius Column , which was erected in Rome in 176 during the reign of this emperor to triumph over victories - including over the Suebi Marcomanni and Quadi

The civil war that broke out in the Iberian Peninsula between the Roman supporters of Constantine and Gerontius resulted in the Pyrenees passes being neglected, either intentionally or as a result, leaving southern Gaul and the Iberian Peninsula vulnerable to attack. According to Hydatius , the crossing of the Pyrenees by Vandals, Alans, and Suebi took place on either September 28th or October 12th, 409. Some scientists interpret the two dates as the beginning and the end of crossing the Pyrenees, since thousands of people would be unlikely to cross such a huge barrier in a period of 24 hours. Hydatius writes that the barbarian peoples - and probably the Roman soldiers as well - while invading Hispania spent the two years 409 and 410 in a frenzy of looting food and goods from the cities and from the countryside, which led to a famine. According to Hydatius, this forced the natives to cannibalism: “[driven] by hunger people devoured human flesh; even mothers feasted on the bodies of their own children whom they had killed and cooked with their own hands. "

In the year 411, the various barbaric groups agreed on a peace settlement and distributed the provinces of Hispania among themselves by "lot". Many scholars believe that the tradition regarding the drawing of lots is evidence that the division of the province was based on the model of a Roman federate settlement and was based on a contract (foedus) with Maximus. However, there is no concrete evidence of any treaty between Romans and barbarians: Hydatius does not mention a treaty, but only writes that the peace of 411 was due to the compassion of the Lord (God), while Orosius claims that the kings of the Vandals, The Alans and Suebi themselves had made a pact similar to that of the Visigoths of a later date.

The division of the land between the four warrior groups was as follows: The Silingian Vandals received Hispania Baetica , the Alans were assigned the provinces of Lusitania and Hispania Carthaginensis , and the northwestern province of Gallaecia was divided between the Hasdingian Vandals and the Suebi .

The division of Galicia between the Suebi and the Hasdingian Vandals placed the Suebi in the west of the province - on the coast of the Atlantic , most likely between today's cities of Porto in the south and Pontevedra in the north. Soon Braga was to become their capital, later they expanded to Astorga , the Lugo region and the valley of the Mino River. There is no evidence that the Suebi inhabited other cities in the province before 438. The initial relationship between Roman Galicians and Suebi were arguably not as ominous as sometimes thought, since Hydatius does not mention any conflicts or wars with the natives between 411 and 430. To the contrary, Orosius even affirms that the newcomers "turned their swords into plowshares" when they took possession of their new land.

Based on some toponomic data, it has been suggested that another group accompanied the Germanic Suebi and settled in Galicia, namely the Buri or Boers. These were known in the region between the Cávado and Homem rivers , in the area as Terras de Bouro (Land of the Buri), in the High Middle Ages as "Burio".

The regnum in the 5th century

Hermeric

In 416 the Visigoths appeared on the Iberian Peninsula, which as foederati of Constantius III. had been sent to overthrow the barbarians who had arrived in 409. From the year 418 the Visigoths were led by their rex Wallia . They first attacked the Silingian Vandals and the Alans and defeated them with devastation; while the Hasdinge and Suebi were spared from Wallias campaign and as the two remaining forces remained on the Iberian Peninsula.

After this, the Visigoths received land in Aquitaine , where they settled under Wallia. In 419 there was a conflict between the Vandals under Gunderich and the Suebi, now led by their rex (which at that time still meant "leader" rather than "king") Hermeric . Both armies met in the Nerbasius Mountains, but the intervention of the Roman armed forces under the comes Hispaniarum Asterius changed the situation when the latter attacked the (Hasdingian) vandals and they forced themselves to retreat to the Baetica, today's Andalusia , so that the Suebi remained as the "virtual owner" of the whole province.

When the Vandals were preparing their passage to Africa in 429, a Suebian warlord named Heremigarius went to Lusitania to plunder, but was repulsed by the new Vandal rex Geiseric . Heremigarius drowned in the Guadiana River during the retreat ; this is the first record of armed Suebi action outside Galicia. After the Vandals left Hispania for Africa, the Suebi were the only remaining barbarian force in Hispania.

Hermeric spent the rest of his years consolidating Suebian rule over the entire province of Gallaecia (present-day Galicia ). In 430 he broke the old peace with the locals and sacked central Galicia, although the little Romanized Galicians had rebuilt the old Iron Age ramparts . He succeeded in forcing a new peace, which was sealed with the exchange of prisoners; however, in 431 and 433 new hostilities broke out. In 433 Hermeric sent a local bishop named Synphosius as ambassador; this is the first evidence of the cooperation between Suebi and local people. However, it was not until 438 that a lasting peace that would last twenty years was made in the province.

Rechila

Maps of King Rechila's Conquests (438 to 448)

In 438 Hermeric fell ill. After he had brought the entire former Roman province of Gallaecia under his control, he made a peace with the local Roman population and installed his son Rechila as the new rex of the Suebi. Rechila continued the expansion policy and began to put pressure on other areas of the Iberian Peninsula. He benefited from the weakness of the Western Roman government, which was distracted and weakened as a result of another civil war (430 to 435).

In the same year he carried out a campaign in the Baetica , in which he defeated the Roman dux Andevotus on the banks of the Genil River in open battle and made great booty in the process. A year later (439) the Suebi invaded the Lusitania and conquered its capital, Mérida , which shortly thereafter became the new capital of the Suebian kingdom. Rechila continued to expand and in 440, after a successful siege, forced the handover of the strategically important city of Mértola by the Roman dignitary Censorius. The following year (441) Rechila's troops conquered Seville , the capital of the Baetica . Only a few months after the death of Hermeric , who had ruled his association for more than 30 years, the Suebi apparently succeeded in controlling all of the Baetica and the Carthaginensis . Many scholars believe, however, that the Suebian conquest of the Baetica and the Carthaginensis was limited to raids after which they withdrew; the Suebi presence here actually lasted - if at all - only a historical minute .

In any case, in 446 the Western Roman government sent the magister utriusque militiae Vitus, who was supported by a large number of federated Goths, to the provinces of Baetica and Carthaginensis , where he was supposed to try to subjugate the Suebi and restore imperial control over Hispania. Rechila went against the Romans and put Vitus to flight; thereafter no further imperial attempts were made to retake Hispania until 459. In 448 Rechila died as a heathen and the crown passed to his son Rechiar.

Rechiar

Rechiar , who was a Catholic Christian, succeeded his father in 448 as one of the first Catholic Christian rulers over Germanic warriors and the first to mint coins with his own name. The older research partly assumed that the minting of one's own bronze coins was a sign of Suebi autonomy; the use of coinage in late antiquity was to be interpreted as a display of one's own claim to be independent. Today, however, it is assumed that only the minting of gold coins was an imperial privilege. Rechiar still had the image of the Roman emperor placed on this - but that of Honorius , who had already died in 423.

At first it appeared that Rechiar could continue the successful careers of his father and grandfather as he took a series of bold political moves. The first was his marriage to the daughter of the Goth Theodoric I in 448 to improve relations between the two gentes . He also carried out a number of successful looting campaigns, to Vasconia , Saragossa and Lleida , in the Hispania Tarraconensis , because the northeastern quarter of the peninsula, which stretched from the Mediterranean to the Bay of Biscay, was still under imperial rule. Sometimes he acted in coalition with local Bagauden . In Lleida he also took prisoners who were brought back as serfs to the Suebi lands in Galicia and Lusitania. Westrom repeatedly sent ambassadors to negotiate with the Suebi, but in 455 the Suebi plundered again in the Carthaginensis , while in Italy after the death of Emperor Valentinian III. Chaos had broken out. In response, the new emperor Avitus and the Visigoths sent a joint message in which they reminded that the peace that had been established with Rome would also be granted by the Goths: Avitus had come to the throne with Gothic support. But Rechiar undertook two new campaigns in the Tarraconensis in 455 and 456 , from which he returned to Galicia with a large number of prisoners.

Finally Avitus sent the Visigoth Theodoric II (ruled 453-466) across the Pyrenees to Galicia, who led a large army of foederati , including Burgundians under Gundioc and Hilperic . The Suebi mobilized their people, and the two armies met on October 5, 456 on the Órbigo River near Astorga . Theodoric II's troops defeated the Suebi. Although many Suebi were killed in the battle and many others were captured, not a few managed to escape. Rechiar fled wounded towards the coast, pursued by the Gothic troops who captured and sacked Braga on October 28th. Rechiar was later detained in Porto and is said to have been killed while attempting to embark. The incision was so deep that, according to Hydatius, the Suebian regnum ceased to exist for the time being. After Rechiar's death, Theodoric continued the war against the Suebi for three months, but in April 459 he returned to Gaul. This was probably also because he was alarmed by the political and military actions of the new Emperor Majorian and the magister militum Ricimer , who was a half-sinner - possibly even a relative of Rechiar. Meanwhile his allies and the rest of his Goths plundered their way back to the Pyrenees via Astorga, Palencia and other places.

Competing rulers

When the Visigoths killed Rechiar, Hermeric's royal bloodline had been wiped out with him, and so was the traditional Suebi succession procedure. In 456 Aioulf took over the leadership of the Suebi. The background to Aioulf's takeover is unclear: Hydatius writes that Aioulf was a deserter of the Goths, while Jordanes states that he was a Warne who was appointed by Theodoric to rule Galicia and that he was from the Suebi too had been persuaded into this adventure. No matter, at any rate he was killed in Porto in June 457, but his rebellion against the Visigoths, carried out together with the armed supporters of the Majorian, took some pressure off the Suebi.

For the year 456, the year the Rechiar was killed, Hydatius reports that "the Suebi Maldras had made Maldras their rex ". This statement suggests that the Suebi had a say in choosing a new leader. The election of Maldras was to create a split among the Suebi, as some succeeded another king named Framta , who died just a year later. Both factions sought peace with the local Galicians.

In 458 the Visigoths again sent an army to Hispania, which arrived in Hispania Baetica in July, permanently depriving the Suebi of this province. This field army stayed in Iberia for several years; In 459, Emperor Majorian himself moved to Hispania at the head of an army, where he installed Roman governors and commanders for the last time.

Maldras was killed in 460 after a reign of only four years. During this time he had plundered the Suebi and Romans alike, in Lusitania and in the southern tip of Gallaecia along the valley of the Douro River. Meanwhile, however, the Suebi in the north chose a different leader, Rechimund , who had carried out looting in Galicia in 459 and 460. In the same year he conquered the walled city of Lugo , which had previously been under Roman rule. In response, the Goths sent their army to punish the Suebi who lived in the outskirts of the city and the surrounding regions. However, this project of the Goths was betrayed by some locals, so that it failed. From then on, Lugo became an important center of the Suebi and the capital of Rechimund.

In the south, Frumarius succeeded Maldras and took over his faction, but his death in 464 put an end to the time of internal dissent among the Suebi and the permanent conflict with the local population.

Remismund

Suebian Gallaecia, Visigothic Hispania and Byzantine Spain, around 560 C.E. Z.

In 464 Remismund , an ambassador who had traveled several times between Galicia and Gaul, became the new rex . Remismund managed to unite the factions of the Suebi under his rule and at the same time restore peace. He was also recognized, perhaps even by Theodoric, who sent him gifts and weapons along with a woman. Under the leadership of Remismund, the Suebi were to raid the surrounding lands again, and plunder the areas of Lusitania and the Conventus Asturicense . Meanwhile they fought against Galician tribes, such as the Aunonenses, who refused to submit to Remismund. In 468 they succeeded in destroying part of the walls of Conimbriga , in Lusitania. The city was looted and then largely abandoned as most of the residents fled or were carried north as slaves. The following year, Lisbon was even taken , which was handed over by its leader, Lusidio. The latter later became the Suebi's ambassador to the emperor. The end of the Chronicle of Hydatius for the year 468 leaves us in the dark about the later fate of Remismund.

The Suebi probably remained mostly pagan until the missionary Ajax , who was sent by the Visigoth rex Theodoric II at the request of the Suebi Remismund , who is said to have converted the Suebi to Arianism in 466. In any case, he established a permanent Arian church that dominated the people until they converted to Catholicism in the 560s.

The Arian time

Little is known of the period between 470 and 550. The Germanic regna slowly stabilized during this time , so that one can increasingly speak of real kingdoms since the middle of the 6th century. Isidore of Seville writes in the 7th century that there were many active rulers at this time - they were all Arians. A medieval document called Divisio Wambae mentions a rex named Theodemund who is otherwise unknown. Other less reliable and much later chronicles mention the reigns of several kings under the names Hermeneric II, Rechila II and Rechiar II.

More trustworthy is an inscription that was found in Portugal and proclaims the foundation of a church by a nun in 535 under the rule of a Veremund. This Veremund is addressed as "the quietest rex Veremund". However, this inscription is also attributed to King Bermudo II of León . Also thanks to a letter from Pope Vigilius to the Bishop of Braga Profuturus, sent circa 540, it is known that a certain number of Catholics converted to Arianism and that some Catholic churches were destroyed in the past under unspecified circumstances.

Conversion to Catholicism

Image of Saint Martin of Braga , (between 510 and 580). Chronicle of Albelda

The conversion of the Suebi to Catholicism is presented very differently in the sources. A contemporary record, the minutes of the First Synod of Braga - which took place on May 1, 561 - explicitly states that the synod was held on the orders of a king named Ariamir . While his Catholicism is not doubted, it has been denied that he was supposed to have been the first Catholic monarch of the Suebi since Rechiar; on the grounds that nowhere was it explicitly stated that he was also the first. In any case, he was probably the first to hold a Catholic synod. On the other hand, in the Historia suevorum of Isidore of Seville, it is said that it was Theodemar who initiated the turn of his people from Arianism to Catholicism with the help of the missionary Martin of Braga . And finally, according to the Frankish historian Gregor von Tours , an otherwise unknown sovereign named Chararic is said to have promised after hearing from Martin von Tours that he would accept the faith of the saints if only his son would be cured of leprosy. Through the relics and intercession of St. Martin, the son was naturally healed; Chararic and the entire household then converted to the Nicene Faith . Since the arrival of the relics of St. Martin of Tours and the conversion of Chararic coincide with the arrival of Martin of Braga, around 550, this legend has been interpreted as an allegory of the pastoral work of St. Martin of Braga and his devotion to Saint Martin of Tours.

Most scientists have tried to fuse these stories together. It was claimed that Chararic and Theodemar must have succeeded Ariamir, since Ariamir was the first Suebi ruler to lift the ban on Catholic synods; Isidore therefore reported the chronology incorrectly. Reinhart suggested that Chararic was first converted through the relics of St. Martin and that Theodemar later converted based on the sermons of Martin of Braga.

King Ariamir with Bishops Lucrecio, Andrew, and Martin, during the First Council of Braga. Chronicle of Albelda

Chararic equated Dahn with Theodemar; the latter name would have been the baptismal name of the former. It has also been suggested that Theodemar and Ariamir be viewed as the same person who was Chararic's son. In the opinion of some historians, Chararic is nothing more than a mistake on the part of Gregory of Tours, a person who never existed. If Martin of Braga died around the year 580 and was bishop for around 30 years, as Gregory of Tours states, then the conversion of Chararic must have taken place at around 550 at the latest. Ferreiro believes that the conversion of the Suebi took place progressively and gradually and that Chararic's public conversion was followed by the lifting of the ban on Catholic synods during the reign of his successor, who was Ariamir; while Theodemar would be responsible for starting the persecution of the Arians in his realm.

After all, the chronicler Johannes von Biclaro ascribed the conversion of the Suebi not to a Suebi, but to a Visigoth. He shifts the time of their conversion to that of the Goths under Reccared I , namely between 587 and 589. This corresponds to the period in which the Sueben empire merged into that of the Visigoths. In the end, their turning away - like that of the Visigoths - from the gods to monotheistic heresies should lead to centuries of bondage among other infidels from the East.

The kingdom in the 6th century until annexation

Britons

Map of British settlements in the 6th century

From the late 5th or early 6th century, a group of Romano-Britons , fleeing from the Anglo-Saxons, settled in the north of the Suebian kingdom of Gallaecia . This area would later be named after them, namely " Britonia ". Most of what is known about the settlement comes from church sources. Records from the Second Council of Braga in 572 indicate a diocese known as Britonensis ecclesia (Briton Church) and a sedes Britonarum (Bishopric of the Britons). According to the administrative and ecclesiastical document, usually known as Divisio Theodemiri or Parochiale suevorum , they had their own churches and a monastery called "Maximi", probably identical to the later monastery of "Santa Maria de Bretoña." The bishop who ran this diocese on the Second Council of Braga , had the Brython name Mailoc . The bishopric remained present at several councils until the 7th century.

The kings Ariamir and Theodemar

On May 1, 561, King Ariamir called - in the third year of his reign - the first council of Braga ; Ariamir is referred to in the files as "the most glorious king Ariamir". It was the first Catholic council to be held in this kingdom and its main concern was the condemnation of Priscillianism . However, Arianism was not mentioned . However, clerics who wore ornate clothing and "granos" were reprimanded, which was declared a pagan custom. "Granos" is a Germanic word that denotes either braids, long beards, mustaches or Suebi knots . Of the eight bishops who met, only one had a Germanic name, Bishop "Ilderic."

Later, King Theodemar, probably Ariamir's successor, held a council in Lugo on January 1, 569 , which dealt with the administrative and eclectic organization of the kingdom. At his request, the Kingdom of Galicia was divided into two provinces or synods under the metropolitan Braga and Lugo, and thirteen episcopal seats, some of them new, were designated. New bishops were appointed for the additional episcopal seats. In the north the dioceses of Iria Flavia , Britonia , Astorga , Ourense and Tui were subordinate to the Metropolitan of Lugo ; in the south of Braga the dioceses of Dume , Porto , Viseu , Lamego , Coimbra and Idanha-a-Velha . Each diocese was in turn divided into smaller units, which were called ecclesiae and pagi . The choice of Lugo as the metropolis of the north was due to its central location with regard to the dependent diocesan seats as well as the large number of Suebi resident in the area and their frequent use of this city.

King Miro

King Miro of Galicia and Saint Martin of Braga ; from Martin's Formula Vitae Honestae, manuscript around 1145; Safekeeping: Austrian National Library. Martin's work was originally dedicated to King Miro: "For King Miro, the most glorious and calm, the pious, well known for his Catholic faith."

After Johannes von Biclaro , Miro succeeded Theodemar as king of the Sueven in 570. In his time, the Suebian Kingdom was challenged again by the Visigoths, who under their King Leovigild reconstituted their empire, which had previously been reduced in importance and since their defeat by the Franks in the Battle of Vouillé had mostly been ruled by foreigners.

In 572 Miro ordered the implementation of the Second Council of Braga, presided over by the Pannonian clergyman Martin von Braga as archbishop of the capital, but also Nitigis, Catholic Archbishop of Lugo and Metropolitan of the North, from Suebian blood had a voice in this body. Martin is said to have been a cultured man who was praised by Isidore of Seville , Venantius Fortunatus, and Gregory of Tours for leading the Suebi to Catholicism and promoting the cultural and political renaissance of the empire. Martin postulated the unity and purity of the Catholic faith in Galicia and for the first time Arius was discredited. It is noteworthy that five of the twelve bishops were Suebi, namely Nitigius from Lugo , Wittimer from Ourense , Anila from Tui , Remisol from Viseu , Adoric from Idanha-a-Velha . There was also one Briton, Mailoc .

In the same year Miro led an expedition against the Runcones . This took place at the time when the Visigoth King Leovigild was developing successful military activities in the south. He had recaptured the cities of Córdoba and Medina-Sidonia for the Visigoths and carried out a successful attack on the region around the city of Malaga . From 573 he came closer to the Suebian territory with his military campaigns. First he occupied Sabaria, later the Aregenesian Mountains and Cantabria , where he drove away some adversaries. Finally, in 576, he penetrated Galicia and began to threaten the borders of the Suebian Empire. But Miro sent envoys and temporarily made peace with Leovigild. At this time the Suebi probably also sent envoys to Guntram I , king of the Franks , who were intercepted by his brother King Chilperich I near Poitiers and later imprisoned, writes Gregory of Tours.

In 579, Leovigild's son, Prince Hermenegild, rebelled against his father and declared himself king. While he was residing in Seville , under the influence of his wife, the Frankish Princess Ingundis , and Leanders of Seville, he converted to Catholicism and was thus in open opposition to his father's Arianism. Nevertheless, it was not until 582 that Leovigild gathered his troops to attack his son: first he took Mérida ; then in 583 he marched to Seville. Hermenegild's rebellion received support from the Eastern Roman Empire , which had controlled large parts of the southern coastal regions of the Iberian Peninsula since Emperor Justinian I ; the Suebi also supported him. In the same year Miro, King of the Galicians , marched south with his army; with the intention of breaking the siege. However, he was provided by Leovigild himself and forced to conclude an assistance agreement with him. After exchanging gifts, Miro returned to Galicia, where he was bedridden and died a little later. According to Gregory of Tours, "the bad water of Spain" is said to have caused his death. John of Biclaro and, after him, Isidore of Seville, give a different account of the matter; yet Gregory of Tour's version is considered to be the most credible. Hermenegild uprising ended in 584. After Leovigild had bribed the Byzantines with 30,000 solidi, they refused to support his son.

The last kings

The Suebian Kingdom of Gallaecia, 6th century

After Miro's death, his son Eburic was made king - but apparently not before signs of appreciation and friendship were sent to Leovigild. Within a year, however, Audeca, who would later become his step-brother, seized power. The latter sent Eburic to a monastery and ordered him to become a priest to prevent his eventual return to the throne. Then Audeca married Siseguntia, the dead king Miro's widow, and made himself king. This usurpation and the supposed friendship with Eboric gave Leovigild the pretext to reach for the neighboring kingdom. In 585 Leovigild went to war against the Suebi and marched into Galicia. In the words of Johannes von Biclaro:

“King Leovigild devastated Galicia and robbed Audeca of the whole of the kingdom; the people of the Suebi, their treasures and their fatherland were subjected to his power and turned into a province of the Goths. "

- John Blicarensis : Chrocicon

During the Visigoth campaign, the Franks attacked King Guntrams in Septimania ; possibly this was an attempt at support for the Suebi. At the same time they sent ships to Galicia, but they were brought in by Leovigild's troops, who took away the cargo and either killed or enslaved the crew. After that, the Suebian Empire was incorporated into their empire by the Visigoths as one of their three administrative regions - Gallaecia, Hispania and Galia Narboniensis. Audeca has been captured. His tonsure was cut and given to be a priest. Then he was sent into exile in Beja , in southern Lusitania.

In the same year 585 a man named Malaric rebelled against the Goths and claimed the Suebi throne for himself. But he was eventually defeated and the leaders of the Visigoths captured him and put him in chains before Leovigild.

annexation

After the conquest, Arianism among the Suebi was strengthened again by Leovigild. But that was only a short-lived institution because , after the death of his father Leovigild, Reccared openly advocated the mass conversion of Visigoths and Suebi to Catholicism. Reccared's plans were controversial, however, and were thwarted by a group of Arian conspirators; its leader, Segga, was exiled in Galicia after his hands had been cut off. The conversion plans were enforced at the Third Council of Toledo . On this 72 bishops from Hispania, Gaul and Galicia were counted. Eight of them renounced Arianism - among them were four Suebi: Beccila from Lugo, Gardingus from Tui, Argiovittus from Porto and Sunnila from Viseu. The mass conversion was celebrated by King Reccared: “Not only is the conversion of the Goths among the benefits we have received, but also the infinite number of Suebi whom, with divine help, we have submitted to our kingdom. Although it led to heresy through external errors, with our diligence we have brought it to the origins of the truth. ”In a letter that Pope Gregory the Great sent him, Reccared was shortly afterwards referred to as“ King of the Visigoths and the Suebi ”.

Under the Goths, the administrative apparatus of the Sueben kingdom was initially retained. Many of the Suebi territorial demarcations established during Theodemar's rule have been preserved; as well as mints that continued as Visigoth mints. From the middle years of the seventh century, however, a reform of the administration and the church structure was carried out, which led to the disappearance of most of the aforementioned coins. The coins of the cities of Lugo, Tui and Braga were excluded from this. The northern Lusitan dioceses of Lamego , Viseu , Coimbra and Idanha-a-Velha , which were in areas that had been annexed by Galicia in the fifth century, were now placed under the sovereignty of Mérida again. No noticeable Gothic immigration to Galicia was found during the 6th and 7th centuries.

The last mention of the Suebi as an independent people dates back to the 10th century. At that time they are mentioned in a gloss of a Spanish codex: “hanc arbor romani pruni vocant, spani nixum, uuandali et goti et suebi et celtiberi ceruleum dicunt” (“This tree is called plum tree by the Romans; as nixum by the Spaniards ; the Vandals, the Goths, the Suebi and the Celto-Iberians call it ceruleum ”), but in this context Suebi probably simply means“ Galician ”.

List of Suebi-Galician leaders

Suebi gold coin, struck between 410 and 500.

Sources and Controversy

Paulus Orosius , who was living in Gallaecia when the Suebi took land there, was one of the main chroniclers reporting the rise of the Suebi kingdom. Medieval miniature from the Saint-Epure Codex.

Unlike some other barbaric peoples such as the Vandals, West and Ostrogoths, and the Huns - who played an important role in Rome's loss of the western provinces of the empire - the Suebi seldom posed a threat to Rome and Rome's core interests. They settled in remote areas Gallaecia and Northern Lusitania, far from the important Mediterranean areas of the Mediterranean. The time for which detailed knowledge of their history exists through a greater number of sources is that when they became a challenge to others, as was the case under the reign of Rechila. During the entire period of their existence as an independent people, the Suebi developed important diplomatic activities - especially with Rome, the Vandals, the Visigoths and later with the Franks. During the reign of Miro in the last third of the 6th century, they were again an important player in politics by supporting Hermenegild and acting against Leovigild in a coalition with other Catholic powers - the Franks and the Eastern Romans. Overall, however, the number of sources on the Suebi is limited.

The most important source for the history of the Suebi in the 5th century is the chronicle of the local bishop Hydatius , which was designed as a continuation of the chronicle of St. Jerome . Hydatius was born around 400 in the city of Limici , on the southern borders of present-day Galicia in the Limia valley. He witnessed the Suebi conquest of the Iberian Peninsula and the transformation of Galicia from a Roman province into a barbaric kingdom. He was forced to live much of his life in isolated Roman communities that were constantly threatened by the Suebi and Vandal. However, as we know, he also traveled outside of Hispania on various matters, for example as an envoy or for scholarly purposes. He also corresponded with other bishops. In 460 he was captured by the Suebian warlord Frumarius on charges of treason by other locals. After being held captive for three months while the Suebi devastated the Chaves region , he was released unharmed against the will of the men who accused him. Although Hydatius' Chronicle was actually designed as a universal world chronicle, in the course of its writing it turned more and more into a chronicle of local history. He reports on the barbaric conquests , on the conflicts between the various peoples - for example also on the later frequent conflicts between the Suebi and the local, hardly Romanized Galicians - on the decline of Roman suzerainty in Hispania, on the expansion of the Suebi in the south and east; their defeat against the Visigoths and other Roman federates and the later reconstitution of their empire under Remismund and their accompanying conversion to Arianism. Although he is regarded as a great historian, his descriptions often remain obscure, without giving real motives or deductions for the actions of the Suebi. He only writes what they did, but rarely what they said or what they pretended to mean. So he draws a picture of the Suebi from the Roman-influenced external perspective that shows them merely as marauders and looters. This depiction of the Suebi had an impact on the secondary sources: EA Thomson, an expert who has contributed many articles on the subject, said, “They just blindly went from year to year to places they thought they were going to be could provide them with food, valuable booty or money. "

Another important source for the history of the Suebi during the first phase of settlement is the Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII by Orosius , another local historian. He paints a clearly different picture of the first settlement of the Suebi and Vandals, which is less catastrophic than that of Hydatius. In his portrayal, the Suebi and Vandals, after their violent incursion into Hispania, led a peaceful life as peasants again - they were even joined by many poor locals who were on the run from Roman taxes and other burdens. However, it has also been pointed out that he too was following his own agenda in his presentation. With his work he intended to counter the accusation raised in his time that Christianity was to blame for the decline and decadence of the Roman Empire.

Isidore of Seville (right) and Braulio of Saragossa (left) in an Ottonian illuminated manuscript from the second half of the 10th century

The conflict between the Vandals and the Suebi is also narrated by Gregory of Tours, who wrote in the 6th century about the death of Gunderich under unnamed circumstances and the solution to the conflict through a championship battle after which the defeated Vandals were forced to leave Galicia. A somewhat different version of this story was evidently told among the vandals, as it is passed down to Procopius . He reports their opinion that their king Gunderich was captured and tortured to death by "Teutons" in Spain.

A source for the middle of the fifth century is the 44th chapter of the Getica des Jordanes , in which the defeat of the Suebi king Rechiar against the Roman Federation troops of the Visigoths is reported. It is a short but vivid narrative in which Rechiar and the other protagonists are presented vividly.

The end of the Chronicle of Hydatius, in the year 469, marks the beginning of a period of obscurity about the history of the Sueven, which until the middle of the sixth century - for which we then have a multitude of sources - does not reappear in the light of history. The most notable of these are the works of the Pannonian Martin of Braga , sometimes called the Apostle of the Suebi , and the accounts of Gregory of Tours . In the Miracles of St. Martin, Gregory tells of the conversion of King Chararic to Catholicism, which can be traced back to a miracle of St. Martin of Tours, while in the history of the Franks he devotes several chapters to the relations between the Suebi, Visigoths and Franks represents the end of the independence of the Suebi, 585. In fact, Martin von Braga, a monk who came to Galicia around 550, had a real transformative effect. As founder of monasteries and as bishop and abbot of Dumium , he promoted the conversion of the Suebi. Later as Archbishop of Braga and thus the greatest religious authority of the kingdom, he participated in the reformation of the church and the administration. Several of his works have been preserved; including a formula for a Formulae vitae honestae, dedicated to King Miro, a treatise against the superstition of the rural people and several other smaller writings. He also took part in the Councils of Braga; the second was led by him. The Protocols, along with the Divisio Theodemiri, are among the most valuable sources of the kingdom's domestic political and religious life.

The chronicle of the Visigoth Johannes von Biclaro , around 590, is also of great importance. Although probably partial, his reports are valuable for the last 15 years of independence of the Suebi, as well as for the first years of the Suebi under Visigoth rule.

Finally, the work of Isidore of Seville is also of great interest. He used Hydatius' accounts together with the Chronicle of John of Biclaro to compose an abridged "History of the Suebi" in Hispania. However, there is controversy surrounding Isidore's historiography, revolving around his omissions and additions, which many historians believe are too numerous to simply view them as errors. In Isidor's work, History of the Kings of the Goths, Vandals and Suebi, some details from Hydatius' work have been reproduced in a modified manner. Other scientists attribute these changes to the fact that Isidore may have had other sources that deviated from Hydiatus' representation.

Occasionally, the view has been expressed that the history of the Suebi and the relevance of Suebian Galicia has long been marginalized and obscured within Spain - mainly for political reasons. In any case, it was left to the German scholar Wilhelm Reinhart to write the first coherent history of the Suebi in Galicia.

Cultural legacies

Place name sign at the village of Suevos, A Coruña, Galicia

Since the Suebi apparently quickly adopted the local Vulgar Latin , they have left little evidence of their Germanic tongue in Galician and Portuguese . In addition, it is difficult to distinguish between Gothic and Suebi loanwords, but there are a number of words that are characteristic of Galicia and northern Portugal that are ascribed to the Suebi; or the Goths - although no large immigration from Visigoths to Galicia is known before the 8th century.

These words are regularly rural in nature and refer to animals, agriculture, and country life:

laverca 'Lerche' (from Proto-Germanic * laiwazikōn 'Lerche'), meixengra 'Meise' (corresponds to the Old Norse word meisingr 'Meise', from * maisōn 'Meise'), lobio or Lovio 'grape' (from * Lauban 'Laub') , britar 'break' (from * breutanan 'break'), escá 'bushel' (from * scala 'bowl', from * skēlō 'bowl'), ouva 'elf, spirit' (from * albaz 'elf'), Marco 'Grenzstein' (from Proto- European * markan 'border, mark'), Groba 'gutter' (from * grōbō 'notch'), maga 'entrails of fish' and esmargar 'battered' (from PGm * magōn 'stomach'), bremar 'Longing' (from PGm * bremmanan 'roar'), trousa 'snow slide , avalanche' (from PGm * dreusanan 'fall'), brétema 'fog' (from PGmanic * breþmaz 'breath, steam') gabar 'praise', ornear 'scream' (from PGm * hurnjanan 'blow a horn'), zapa 'lid, cap' (from PGm * tappōn 'cones'), fita ' band ', ' origin '(from PGm * salaz ' hall, home ') and others.

Most notable were her contributions to local toponymy and anthroponymy , such as the Germanic personal names in Galicia which were common in Galicia until the early Middle Ages ; however, East Germanic names were generally the most common among the locals from the High Middle Ages .

A great treasure trove of place names is derived from these names - especially in Galicia and northern Portugal. Several thousand place names can be traced back directly to Germanic personal names; mostly as Germanic or Latin genitive formations:

Sandiás , medieval Sindilanes, Germanic genitive form of the name Sindila; Mondariz from the Latin genitive Munderici, Munderics; Gondomar from Gundemari and Baltar from Baltarii - both in Portugal and Galicia; Guitiriz from Witterici (Witterich).

Another group of place names that indicate old Germanic settlements are the names Sa, Saa and Sas in Galicia, or in Portugal, which are all derived from the Germanic word * sal- "house, hall" and are mostly around Braga and Porto in Portugal and in the valley of the Miño River and around Lugo in Galicia; there are more than a hundred.

In present-day Galicia four parishes as well as six towns and villages still bear names Suevos or Suegos, which go back to the medieval form Suevos , and the aforementioned in turn goes back to the Latin Sueuos, i.e. Suebi, and thus refers to old Suebi settlements.

literature

  • Javier Arce: Bárbaros y romanos en Hispania (400–507 AD) . Marcial Pons Historia, Madrid 2005, ISBN 84-96467-02-3 .
  • Jorge C. Arias: Identity and Interactions: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. University of Virginia, Spring 2007.
  • RW Burgess (Ed.): The Chronicle of Hydatius . Oxford University Press, Oxford, England 1993.
  • Averil Cameron et al. (Ed.): Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 13, Late Antiquity: The Late Empire AD 337-425 . University of Cambridge Press, Cambridge 1998.
  • Averil Cameron et al. (Ed.): Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 14, Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors AD 425-600 . University of Cambridge Press, Cambridge 2001.
  • DCECH = Joan Coromines: Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico. Gredos, Madrid 2012, ISBN 978-84-249-3654-9 .
  • Guido Donini, Gordon B. Ford, Jr. (Translator): Isidore of Seville's History of the Kings of the Goths, Vandals, and Suevi . EJ Brill, Leiden, Netherlands 1966.
  • Alberto Ferreiro: Braga and Tours: Some Observations on Gregory's De virtutibus sancti Martini. In: Journal of Early Christian Studies . 3, 1995, pp. 195-210.
  • Andrew Gillett: Envoys and political communication in the late antique West: 411-533 . 1st edition. Cambridge Univ. Pr., Cambridge 2003, ISBN 0-521-81349-2 ( questia.com [accessed June 27, 2016]).
  • Hans J. Hummer: The fluidity of barbarian identity: the ethnogenesis of Alemanni and Suebi, AD 200-500 . In: Early Medieval Europe . tape 7 , no. 1 , March 1998, pp. 1–27 ( ffzg.unizg.hr [PDF; accessed January 25, 2012]).
  • Dieter Kremer: El elemento germánico y su influencia en la historia lingüística peninsular, in Rafael Cano, Historia de la lengua española. 2004, ISBN 84-344-8261-4 , pp. 133-148.
  • Michael Kulikowski: Late Roman Spain and Its Cities. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD 2004.
  • Lynn F. Pitts: Relations between Rome and the German 'Kings' on the Middle Danube in the First to Fourth Centuries AD In: The Journal of Roman Studies . tape 79 , 1989, pp. 45–58 , doi : 10.2307 / 301180 ( kroraina.com [PDF; accessed January 25, 2012]).
  • Vladimir Orel: A Handbook of Germanic etymology. Brill, Leiden 2003, ISBN 90-04-12875-1 .
  • Georg Sachs: The Germanic place names in Spain and Portugal . Jena, Leipzig 1932.
  • EA Thompson: The Goths in Spain . Clarendon Press, London 1969, ISBN 0-19-814271-4 .
  • EA Thompson: The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism. In: Edward James (Ed.): Visigothic Spain: New Approaches. Oxford University Press, Oxford 1980, ISBN 0-19-822543-1 .
  • EA Thompson: Romans and Barbarians . University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI 1982.
  • Megan Williams: Personal Communication, San Francisco State University History Professor. November 16, 2010.

Web links

Footnotes

  1. ^ Lynn F. Pitts: Relations between Rome and the German 'Kings' on the Middle Danube in the First to Fourth Centuries AD In: The Journal of Roman Studies . tape 79 , 1989, pp. 45–58 , doi : 10.2307 / 301180 ( kroraina.com [PDF; accessed January 25, 2012]).
  2. a b c Thompson: Romans and Barbarians. 152.
  3. "Numerous barbaric and savage tribes, as there are to be mentioned, the Marcomanni, the Quadi, the Vandals, the Sarmatians, the Suebi, in fact the tribes of almost all of Germania are in turmoil. […] Even more, irresistible to other peoples in number and power are those who are now crushing the provinces of Gaul and Spain (namely the Alans, Suebi and Vandals, as well as the Burgundians, who were driven by one and the same movement) […] two Years before the capture of Rome, the peoples who had been stirred up by Stilicho, as I have said, that is, the Alans, Suebi, Vandals and many others with them, they overpowered the Franks, crossed the Rhine, invaded Gaul and extended their onslaught to the Pyrenees ”. Paulus Orosius, History against the pagans, VII. 15, 38 and 40.
  4. ^ "Suebi, id est Alamanni" writes Gregory of Tours: Historia Francorum. II.2; German translation by Wilhelm von Giesebrecht : Ten books of Franconian history by Bishop Gregorius of Tours. Franz Duncker, 1878 Leipzig, p. 47 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive ).
  5. ^ A b Prokop, War History (Histories), III.3;
    "Germans" in the English translation by Henry Bronson Dewing , Book III., The Vandalic War, Chapter III, 1882, margin numbers 29-36 (on gutenberg.org);
    "Germanen" in the German translation by David Coste , Prokop, Vandalenkrieg. Leipzig 1885, 3rd, revised edition 1913, p. 9 (not shown on Google Books ).
  6. ^ A b Hans J. Hummer: The fluidity of barbarian identity: the ethnogenesis of Alemanni and Suebi, AD 200-500 . In: Early Medieval Europe . tape 7 , no. 1 , March 1998, pp. 1–27 ( ffzg.unizg.hr [PDF; accessed January 25, 2012]).
  7. ^ Cambridge Ancient History. Volume 13, Late Antiquity: The Late Empire, ed.Averil Cameron and others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), sv Barbarian Invasions and first Settlements.
  8. Megan Williams, Pers. Comm. San Francisco State University history professor. November 16, 2010.
  9. ^ Henning Börm : Westrom. From Honorius to Justinian. Stuttgart 2013.
  10. Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 13 sv Barbarian Invasions and First Settlements.
  11. Michael Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 156–157.
  12. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 150.
  13. Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities, 156–157.
  14. Javier Arce: Bárbaros y romanos en Hispania (400–507 AD) . Marcial Pons Historia, Madrid 2005, ISBN 84-96467-02-3 , pp. 52-54 .
  15. ^ Burgess, The Chronicle of Hydatius, 81.
  16. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 153.
  17. ^ Burgess, The Chronicle of Hydatius, 83.
  18. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 154.
  19. ^ A b Burgess, The Chronicle of Hydatius, 83.
  20. "Wallia ... to ensure the security of Rome, he risked his own life by taking up the fight against the other tribes that had settled in Spain and subjugating them for the Romans. But the other kings, too, the Alans, the Vandals and the Suebi, had made a deal with us on the same terms, sending this message to Emperor Honorius: «Keep peace with us all and you will receive hostages from all; we fight with each other, we suffer our own loss, but we conquer for you, indeed with lasting benefit for your state, should we both perish. ”“, Orosius, History against the pagans, VII.43.
  21. Calliciam Vandali occupant et Suaevi sitam in extremitate Oceani maris occidua, Hyd. 41.
  22. Jorge L. Quiroga, Mónica R. Lovelle: DE LOS vandalos A LOS Suevos EN GALICIA: Una visión crítica sobre su instalación y organización territorial en el noroeste de la Península Ibérica en el siglo V . In: Studia Historica. Historia Antigua . tape 13-14, 1995-1996 , pp. 421–436 (Spanish, usal.es [PDF; 1.5 MB ; accessed on October 25, 2016]).
  23. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 83.
  24. ^ A b Donini and Ford, Isidore, 40.
  25. ^ A b c Jorge C. Arias: IDENTITY AND INTERACTION: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. 2007, pp. 37–38, from www.scribd.com ( Memento of November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) - accessed on January 25, 2012.
  26. Domingos Maria da Silva, Os Búrios, Terras de Bouro, Câmara Municipal de Terras de Bouro, 2006 (Portuguese).
  27. Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 14, Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, ed.Averil Cameron and others (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2001), sv Spain: The Suevic Kingtom.
  28. ^ Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities, 173.
  29. ^ Hydatius, 92.
  30. ^ Isidoros Hispalensis, Suevorum Historia, 85.
  31. In the words of Hydatius: "Rex Rechila Hispali obtenta Beticam et Carthaginensem prouincias in suam redigit potestatem", Hydatius, 115.
  32. Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities, 180–181.
  33. Cambridge Ancient History, col. 14., sv Spain: The Suevic Kingdom.
  34. Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities, 183-184.
  35. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 168.
  36. ^ Hydatius, 134.
  37. ^ Hydatius, 165.
  38. Jordanes, Getica, XLIV.
  39. ^ Hydatius, 166.
  40. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 168-169.
  41. ^ Burgess, The Chronicles of Hydatius, 111.
  42. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 166.
  43. ^ Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, 167.
  44. ^ Hydatius, 196.
  45. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, pp. 167-168.
  46. ^ Hydatius, 237.
  47. Anselmo López Carreira: Reino medieval de Galicia, published by A nosa terra, 2005 Vigo, ISBN 84-96403-54-8 , pp. 59–60.
  48. Bieito Arias, Camiño Noia (ed.): Historia da Santa Igrexa de Iria. 2011, ISBN 978-84-8158-526-1 , pp. 105-106.
  49. Alberto Ferreiro: VEREMUNDU R (EG) E: REVISITING AN INSCRIPTION FROM SAN SALVADOR DE VAIRÃO (PORTUGAL) . In: Journal of Papyrology and Epigraphy . tape 116 , 1997, pp. 263–272 ( uni-koeln.de [PDF; accessed January 30, 2012]).
  50. ^ Francisco Antonio Gonzalez: Coleccion de Cánones de la Iglesia Española, II . 1850, p. 1018-1023 ( books.google.es [PDF; accessed June 27, 2016]).
  51. a b c d Thompson, 86.
  52. ^ A b Isidore of Seville: Historia (de regibus) Gothorum, Vandalorum, Suevorum. German translation by David Coste : Isidore's story of the Goths, Vandals, Sueven, with excerpts from the church history of Beda Venerabilis. Franz Duncker, Leipzig 1887 (PDF from the MGH Institute ).
  53. Ferreiro, 198 n8.
  54. a b Thompson, 83.
  55. Casimiro Torres Rodríguez: El reino de los suevos . Fundación Pedro Barrie de la Maza, A Coruña 1977, ISBN 84-85319-11-7 , p. 198-202 .
  56. ^ Thompson, 87.
  57. Ferreiro, 199.
  58. ^ Thompson, 88.
  59. Ferreiro, 207.
  60. Simon Young: Britonia: Caminos novos . Toxosoutos, [Noia, A Coruña] 2002, ISBN 84-95622-58-0 .
  61. a b c Koch, John T .: Britonia. In: John T. Koch, Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia . ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara 2006, p. 291.
  62. ^ Francisco Antonio Gonzalez: Coleccion de Cánones de la Iglesia Española, II . 1850, p. 614 ( books.google.es [PDF; accessed June 27, 2016]).
  63. ^ Pierre David: Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal du VIe au XIIe siècle . Livraria Portugália Editora, 1947, p. 19–82 ( books.google.es [accessed June 27, 2016]).
  64. "ad ipsum locum Lucensem grandis erat semper conventio Suevorum", cf. José Miguel Novo Güisán: Lugo en los tiempos oscuroslas menciones literarias de la ciudad entre los siglos V y X (III) . In: Boletín do Museo Provincial de Lugo . tape 8 , no. 2 , 1997, p. 177–194 ( museolugo.org [PDF; accessed January 30, 2012]).
  65. Formula Vitae honestae.
  66. John Biclarensis, Chronicon .
  67. a b Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 14., sv Spain: The Suevic Kingdom.
  68. EA Thompson: Los godos en España . 2nd Edition. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1979, ISBN 84-206-1321-5 , p. 76-109 .
  69. ^ Jorge C. Arias Dentity and Interaction: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. 2007, pp. 27–28, ( scribd.com ( memento of November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive )) - accessed on January 25, 2012.
  70. Jorge C. Arias Dentity AND INTERACTION: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. 2007, pp. 30–31, ( scribd.com ( memento of November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive )) - accessed on January 25, 2012.
  71. ^ Gregory of Tours: Historia Francorum. VI.43; German translation by Wilhelm von Giesebrecht : Ten books of Franconian history by Bishop Gregorius of Tours. Franz Duncker, 1878 Leipzig, p. 280 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive ).
  72. EA Thompson: Los godos en España . 2nd Edition. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1979, ISBN 84-206-1321-5 , p. 82 .
  73. ^ A b c Gregory of Tours: Historia Francorum. VI.43; German translation by Wilhelm von Giesebrecht : Ten books of Franconian history by Bishop Gregorius of Tours. Franz Duncker, 1878 Leipzig, p. 360 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive ).
  74. EA Thompson: Los godos en España . 2nd Edition. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1979, ISBN 84-206-1321-5 , p. 87 .
  75. EA Thompson: Los godos en España . 2nd Edition. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1979, ISBN 84-206-1321-5 , p. 88 .
  76. John Blicarensis, Chrocicon.
  77. EA Thompson: Los godos en España . 2nd Edition. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1979, ISBN 84-206-1321-5 , p. 91 .
  78. ^ Donini and Ford.
  79. Thompson 1979, 105.
  80. ^ A b Alberto Ferreiro: The mission of Saint Martin of Braga in John of Biclaro's Chronica and the third council of Toledo . In: Antigüedad y Cristianismo . tape III , 1986, p. 145–150 ( revistas.um.es [accessed January 31, 2012]).
  81. ^ Francisco Antonio Gonzalez: Coleccion de Cánones de la Iglesia Española, II . 1850, p. 1030 ( books.google.es [accessed June 27, 2016]).
  82. Pablo C.Díaz: Minting and administrative organization in late antique Gallaecia . In: Zephyrvs . tape 57 , 2004, p. 367–375 ( Minting and administrative organization in late antique Gallaecia - reinosuevodegalicia.org ( Memento of November 11, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) [PDF; accessed on February 10, 2012]). Minting and administrative organization in late antique Gallaecia ( Memento of the original from November 11, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / reinosuevodegalicia.org
  83. a b "The smaller owners, on the other hand, were men of predominantly Celtic, Roman and Suebian descent, there were no Visigoths, in the century since Leovigild's conquest of the Suebian Empire, around 585, there was no noticeable Visigoth migration to the northwest.": Charles Julian Bishko: Spanish and Portuguese monastic history, 600-1300 . Variorum Reprints, London 1984, ISBN 0-86078-136-4 , pp. 21 ( libro.uca.edu [accessed June 27, 2016]).
  84. ^ Claudio García Turza: El Códice Emilianense 31 de la Real Academia de la Historia. Presentación de algunas de las voces de interés para el estudio lingüístico del latín medieval y del iberorromance primitivo . In: Aemilianense . tape I , 2004, p. 95-170 [111] ( dialnet.unirioja.es [accessed February 10, 2012]).
  85. cf. Gillett (2003), and Arce (2005) p. 134.
  86. ^ RW Burgess, Trans., The Chronicle of Hydatius (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1993), 3.
  87. ^ Burgess, The Chronicle of Hydatius, 4.
  88. ^ Burgess, The Chronicle if Hydatius, 5.
  89. "To revile the barbarians as untrustworthy was a commonplace [authors of late antiquity]." Gillett (2003) pp. 55–56.
  90. ^ EA Thompson, Romans and Barbarians (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 1.
  91. ^ A b Jorge C. Arias, Identity and Interaction: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. 2007, p. 5 ( scribd.com ( memento of November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive )) - accessed on January 25, 2012.
  92. ^ Gregory of Tours: Historia Francorum. II.2; German translation by Wilhelm von Giesebrecht : Ten books of Franconian history by Bishop Gregorius of Tours. Franz Duncker, 1878 Leipzig, p. 47 ( Textarchiv - Internet Archive ).
  93. Guido Donini, Gordon B. Ford, Jr., Trans .: Isidore of Seville's History of the Kings of the Goths, Vandals, and Suevi. EJ Brill, Leiden, Netherlands 1966, VIII.
  94. ^ Jorge C. Arias Dentity and Interaction: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans. 2007, p. 6, ( scribd.com ( memento of November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive )) - accessed on January 25, 2012.
  95. ^ Thompson: Romans and Barbarians. Pp. 217-218.
  96. ^ Thompson: Romans and Barbarians. P. 219.
  97. For example, this is represented by the author and historian Xoán Bernárdez Vilar , "Varias investigacións recuperan eine memoria do Reino Suevo".
  98. ^ Ricardo Carballo Calero: Gramática elemental del gallego común. 7th edition. Galaxia Verlag, Vigo 1979, ISBN 84-7154-037-1 , p. 58.
  99. a b Dieter Kremer: El elemento germánico y su influencia en la historia lingüística peninsular. In: Rafael Cano: Historia de la lengua española. Ariel Verlag, ISBN 84-344-8261-4 , pp. 133-148.
  100. a b c d e f g h Vladimir Orel: A handbook of Germanic etymology . Brill, Leiden et al. 2003, ISBN 90-04-12875-1 .
  101. DCECH sv laverca.
  102. a b Kremer 2004: 140.
  103. ^ Kremer 2004: 146.
  104. DCECH sv grabar.
  105. DCECH sv amagar; Orel 2003 sv * magōn.
  106. DCECH sv bramar; Orel 2003 sv * brem (m) anan.
  107. DCECH sv trousa; Orel 2003 sv * dreusanan.
  108. DCECH sv brétema.
  109. DCECH sv gabarse.
  110. DCECH sv rebuznar; Orel 2003 sv * hurnjanan.
  111. DCECH sv tapa; Orel 2003 sv * tappon.
  112. DCECH sv veta.
  113. ^ Kremer 2004: 139-140; Orel 2003 sv * saliz.
  114. ^ Ana Isabel Boullón Agrelo: Antroponomia medieval galega (see VIII – XII) . Niemeyer, Tübingen 1999, ISBN 3-484-55512-2 .
  115. ^ Georg Sachs: The Germanic place names in Spain and Portugal . Gronau, Jena / Leipzig 1932.