Raymond FitzGerald

Raymond FitzGerald in an illustration from the 13th century in a manuscript of the Expugnatio Hibernica by Gerald de Barri

Raymond FitzGerald (* 12th century ; † between 1189 and 1200), also called in allusion to his stocky figure Raymond le Gros , was an Englishman of Norman descent born in Wales who , alongside Strongbow, took part in the Anglo- Norman conquest of Ireland in a leading position and Was appointed Constable of Ireland in 1174 . He is considered the most capable commander of the English invasion of Ireland and at the same time one of its most colorful figures.

Life

Family and youth

At Pembroke Castle in southwest Wales , Raymond was part of the Strongbow court. However, the system was a bit simpler in its day; the shape that can still be seen today goes back to the extensions in the 13th century.

Raymond grew up in Wales and was part of the Strongbow court at Pembroke Castle . He was one of the grandsons of Princess Nest ferch Rhys , daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr , the last independent prince of South Wales. Almost all of the leading figures in the later English invasion of Ireland were descendants of Nest and thus closely related to one another. Nest was first taken hostage by Heinrich I and later made his mistress . From this connection the two sons Henry (whose son Miler FitzHenry took part in the invasion) and Robert FitzHenry emerged. She then married Gerald of Windsor and gave birth to William FitzGerald, the father of Raymond, Maurice FitzGerald , David FitzGerald and Angharad. After Gerald de Windsor's death, Nest married Constable Stephen von Cardigan and gave birth to Robert FitzStephen .

One of the Raymond's cousins ​​was Gerald de Barry , whose father William de Barri married Anghared, a daughter from Nest's second marriage. Gerald became a clergyman, traveled to Ireland several times and, under his Latinized name Giraldus, became the most important chronicler of the English invasion. Gerald was very close to Raymond and the other family members, so that his portrayal not only honored their successes in a special way, but was also occasionally partial or tended to exaggerate.

There were two family relationships with Strongbow, which arose through the marriage of the descendants of Raymond's uncle Maurice FitzGerald: William married Alina, one of Strongbow's daughters, and Nest, bearing her grandmother's name, married Hervey de Montmorency, an uncle of Strongbow's who later became one Was to become an opponent of Raymond.

The English invasion of Ireland begins

Dermot MacMurrough , the King of Leinster , who was expelled from his homeland in August 1166 by the then High King Ruaidhrí Ua Conchobair and his ally Tigernán Ua Ruairc , sought support from King Henry II , whom he met in Aquitaine in 1167 after months of searching. He offered his submission in exchange for the assistance necessary to regain his kingdom. Dermot received a warm welcome and received a letter assuring him of support. But in the end he had to return to Wales without any specific commitments. There he managed to win the support of Robert FitzStephen and Maurice FitzGerald to recapture his kingdom. Both landed with thirty knights, sixty horsemen and about 300 archers with three boats in Bannow Bay on the south coast of Wexford on May 1, 1169. The knights also included Meiler FitzHenry and Robert de Barry. Thus no fewer than four relatives of Raymond were involved in leading positions. Thanks to the support of the English troops, Dermot managed to capture the fortified town of Wexford , which was fortified by the Norwegians and Danes, and to regain his empire. But Dermot saw the opportunity to win all of Ireland for himself and at the end of 1169 he offered his daughter and his successor to Strongbow. Strongbow tried to get permission from Henry II for the takeover of Leinster. Heinrich II does not seem to have promised directly, but neither did he contradict it. In any case, Strongbow then began the preparations. Strongbow sent Raymond as vanguard in May 1170, along with ten knights and seventy archers to Ireland.

First campaign to Ireland (1170)

Baginbun Head was an ideal landing place for Raymond in 1170. Located near Waterford , it was still in Dermot territory and was easy to defend.

Remnants of the ring wall of Baginbun Head

In May 1170, Raymond landed with his troops at Baginbun Head, a narrow spit of land with steep cliffs that is a natural fortress . Baginbun Head has around 12 hectares of land that can only be reached via a 200 m close connection. To this day, an approx. 12 m wide trench runs at this narrow point, which is surrounded on both sides by embankments. It is believed that this defensive structure goes back to Raymond. Shortly after landing, Hervey de Montmorency joined Raymond with three knights and a small troop.

The battle at Baginbun Head

Since the group of around 100 men was still too small to undertake anything bigger, Raymond limited himself to robbing cattle in sufficient numbers and preparing the defense of the headland. These activities could not long be hidden from the residents of nearby Waterford. Knowing the fate of the city of Wexford in the previous year, every effort was made to assemble a sufficient force as quickly as possible to drive the English off Baginbun Head. The Waterford received support from the Irish in the area, so that a force of about 3,000 men came together.

When the Scandinavian-Irish forces assembled in front of the fortification of the headland, Raymond decided to make a surprise sortie . However, given the overwhelming odds, they were pushed back. The retreat was so hasty that the opponents were able to pursue immediately and penetrate the fortified area. At that moment Raymond turned back to attack and killed the foremost enemy with a single blow. According to one of the surviving reports, the herded up cattle were so frightened by the fighting that the cattle pushed outside in the form of a stampede and overran or driven away the Scandinavian-Irish fighters there. Raymond and his men pursued and killed or drowned over 500 opponents in the further course of the confrontation.

At the end of the battle, Raymond had about 70 prisoners, all of whom were among the leading citizens of Waterford. About the fate of these prisoners it came to a dispute between Raymond and Hervey of Montmorency, of which Giraldus Cambrensis reported in detail and thereby took the side of Raymond from a moral point of view. Raymond advocated the release of the prisoners, since the battle itself was over and the prisoners had only defended their country in an honorable manner. Hervey emphasized, however, that a country cannot be conquered by pardons and therefore acts of grace can only be followed when the conquest has been completed and accepted by the population. Hervey prevailed with his opinion, so that against Raymond's will all prisoners were killed.

Siege of Waterford

Reginald's tower marked the easternmost point of the fortification triangle formed by three towers in the 12th century. Today this tower is the oldest stone and mortar fortification still standing in Ireland.

For the next three months, Raymond remained at Baginbun Head to await reinforcements. On August 23, 1170, Strongbow landed with numerous troops freshly recruited in South Wales about 10 kilometers east of Waterford at what is now Crooke on Passage Beach . Strongbow's troops included about 200 knights and 1,000 other soldiers. The next day, Raymond and forty of his knights crossed the Suir estuary to greet Strongbow. On the morning of August 25th, the combined troops marched on Waterford.

Waterford was then a fortified city. The city walls formed a triangle that encompassed about 6 hectares of land. After two attempts to take the city failed, Raymond was given command. Raymond noticed a house in the city wall that overhanged a little and was therefore supported by a beam. He then had his men tear out this beam, whereupon the house immediately gave way because of the overhanging weight and tore a larger part of the city wall with it. The attackers were able to penetrate through this gap immediately and took the city on August 25, 1170 in a most bloody way.

Conquest of Dublin

Following Dermot's arrival and Strongbow's marriage to Dermot's daughter Eva in Waterford, a council of war was held involving Strongbow, Dermot, Raymond, Maurice Prendergast, Meiler FitzHenry, and others. The decision for the next destination fell on Dublin . This found the approval of Dermot because he always made claims to Dublin; it was also in the strategic interests of the British because Dublin was the largest Scandinavian branch in Ireland. Since Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair took Dublin in 1166, he has been recognized as the High King . Since he did not hold the city, Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair secured the loyalty of Dublin through high-ranking hostages. When it became known that the English were approaching Dublin, Haskulf, the then King of Dublin, asked Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair for help. The Hochkönig came immediately and camped in Clondalkin, then about 8 kilometers southwest of Dublin, in the hope of being able to intercept the English there. However, under the guidance of Dermot, they managed to avoid the trap and take an alternative mountain path via Glendalough to today's Rathfarnham . The Dubliners, with the fate of the Waterford in mind, immediately sent a negotiating delegation led by Archbishop Laurence O'Toole.

Dermot conducted the negotiations and had his terms and conditions conveyed to the city, in which he u. a. 30 high-ranking hostages challenged in order to secure future loyalty. Since the life or at least the eyesight of such hostages was still highly endangered by glare with otherwise good treatment , the deliberations in the city dragged on for several days. However, the waiting time was too long for Raymond and another young guide, Miles de Cogan, both of whom were posted near the town. In their impatience and without consulting Strongbow or Dermot, on September 21, 1170, they and their men surprisingly pushed forward to the city wall, and against all expectations they succeeded in penetrating the city. Similar to Waterford before, this took place with high casualties in the civilian population, but this time many leading people managed to save their lives by escaping on the River Liffey in boats prepared for this purpose . The Irish troops did not intervene any further because, from their point of view, the alliance was no longer valid because of the preparations for the abandonment of the city and the escape. On October 1, Strongbow handed over command of Dublin to Miles de Cogan and moved with most of his troops to Waterford himself.

The news of the military successes of Strongbow and his followers in Ireland worried King Henry II, fearing that Strongbow was in the process of establishing an independent kingdom in Ireland. In any case, he saw no way to effectively control the English in Ireland, and therefore decreed a blockade of the Irish ports, forbade travel to Ireland and ordered that all English in Ireland must return by Easter 1171 at the latest. This prompted Strongbow to write a letter in which he respectfully reminded his king that he had given his consent to the venture in Ireland, that he had only helped Dermot, who was one of his subjects, and that of course all the possessions he had acquired were his . Since Henry II was still traveling in Aquitaine, Strongbow handed his letter to Raymond with the request that he deliver it.

Second trip to Ireland (1171–1172)

Siege of Dublin

After Raymond had delivered the letter to Henry II in Argentan in Aquitaine in July 1171 , he traveled back to Ireland, where he arrived in Dublin that summer and met Strongbow there. However, an answer that the king brought with him is not recorded. A lot had changed here. Dermot had died in Ferns in the spring of 1171 , whereupon Strongbow had tried to succeed him. With very few exceptions, however, there was an open rebellion by the Irish in Leinster against Strongbow, as the Irish legal system did not allow a son-in-law to be succeeded. The leadership took over Dermot's nephew, Murtough MacMurrough, who sought and found the support of the Hochkönig. Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair contacted Gottred, the King of the Isle of Man , and some Scandinavians to block Dublin's access to the sea. On the land side, Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair himself took over the siege.

Even if the Irish could not take the city with the support on the seaside, with a few exceptions the blockade was effective, so that after about two months in August the supplies became scarce. In this desperate situation Strongbow sent the Irish High King an offer that he would submit to him if he could keep Leinster under him. Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair promptly replied that he would only give Strongbow the cities of Waterford, Dublin and Wexford, but none of the rest of the land. Thereupon a council of war was held in which Maurice FitzGerald and Raymond pleaded to venture a sortie in spite of the overwhelming odds, because they would be on their own anyway, since the Irish saw them as English, while in England they are already considered Irish would. The troops participating in the sortie were divided into three groups of about 200 men each, including 30 to 40 knights on horseback, 60 archers and about 100 foot soldiers. One group was led by Raymond, the others by Miles de Cogan and Strongbow. The English left Dublin on the north side via Finglas and approached the Irish siege army at Castleknock on the Liffey from the north. The surprising attack from this side hit the numerically far superior siege army of the Hochkönig completely unprepared, so that about 1,500 of the Irish troops were killed and the rest of them fled.

Raymond as a close follower of Heinrich II.

Raymond then followed Strongbow to Waterford, where Hervey de Montmorency had just arrived. Hervey recommended Strongbow to visit Henry II immediately. The meeting then took place in either Pembroke or Newnham, Gloucestershire . On October 17, 1171, Henry II landed in Crooke with a total of 4,000 men, including 500 knights, and then chose Waterford as his residence. There he took Raymond and a few other leaders such as Miles de Cogan into his close followers to strengthen his position against Strongbow. On April 17, 1172, Henry II left Ireland after all his goals were achieved.

Robert de Quency, who served Strongbow as constable for Leinster, was fatally injured in a robbery. Raymond then applied to Strongbow to succeed Robert de Quency and at the same time asked for the hand of Basilia, Strongbow's sister. Strongbow refused both. Raymond, deeply hurt and disappointed, left Ireland immediately and sailed back to Wales to his father's castle at Carew . Robert de Quency's successor was instead Hervey de Montmorency.

Third stay in Ireland as Strongbow's deputy (1173)

After his stay in Wales, Raymond supported his King Henry II in Normandy . Strongbow and some of his knights were also called up. Thankful for his help, Henry II released Strongbow back to Ireland in August 1173 in Rouen and gave him Raymond as his deputy. Henry II also gave the town of Wexford and Wicklow Castle to Strongbow . In exchange for this, Strongbow had to send some of his knights stationed in the coastal cities to Normandy.

When Strongbow arrived in Ireland and was clearly weakened because of the not a few withdrawn knights, not only did some of the Irish leaders in Leinster rebelled, but Strongbow's troops also became restless. The situation was exacerbated because no payment was made and looting under Constable Hervey de Montmorency was not tolerated. In the hope of greater success, Strongbow's troops asked for Raymond as their leader. They threatened to return to England or even desert to the enemy if their wish was not granted. Strongbow relented and appointed Raymond to command his remaining knights and soldiers. Raymond then immediately went with the troops under him on a very successful raid in the northeast of what is now County Kildare , in which abundant booty, horses and weapons were captured.

While the raid near Kildare still took place in Leinster, which belongs to Strongbow, and a certain justification could be derived from the fact that the resident Uí Faeláin rebelled against Strongbow, such a justification for the subsequent raid in the city of Lismore and the surrounding area was missing . The local King Melaghlin O'Phelan and Dermot MacCarthy, King of Munster , had both submitted to Henry II in Waterford as early as 1172. This raid was also the first British military intervention outside of Leinster and Meath . Even the Raymond well-meaning Giraldus could not justify it in his work. The captured cattle were driven along the coastal route to Waterford. The remaining booty was so extensive that 13 ships, some of which were only requisitioned in the river port of Lismore, were needed to carry the load.

While the booty ships were waiting for a favorable wind at the Blackwater estuary near the port city of Youghal , a surprising sea battle broke out when 32 ships full of troops suddenly came from Cork under the command of Gilbert MacTurger, a Scandinavian . The Scandinavians fought with slingshots and battle axes, while the English defended themselves with bows and crossbows . After a long argument, the English were able to prevail after Gilbert fell. The enemy fleet captured in this way complemented the triumphant return to Waterford.

Raymond himself was not involved in the naval battle. But when he heard of it, he hurried over by the country road. Raymond came across Dermot MacCarthy, who wanted to help the Scandinavians from Cork, and drove him to flight. On this occasion he managed to capture even more cattle, bringing a total of 4,000 cattle to Waterford. These attacks and raids at Lismore subsequently led to Domnall Ua Briain, King of Thomond , becoming a staunch opponent of Strongbow. A short time later, Domnall Ua Briain stormed and looted a castle built by Strongbow in Kilkenny , so that the unit stationed there had to retreat to Waterford. Raymond himself returned shortly afterwards to Wales for his father's funeral.

The Return to Strongbow and the Battles for Limerick (1174–1176)

Strongbow is defeated and Raymond returns

During Raymond's absence, a new expedition to Munster took place in early 1174 under the direction of Hervey de Montmorency, which was planned in retaliation for the attack on Kilkenny. The troops involved were mainly composed of Scandinavians from Dublin who were led by English knights. The Ua Briains from Thomond won the support of the Hochkönig Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair in time. The Irish succeeded in a surprise attack near Thurles , which led to high losses in Strongbow's troops. As a result, Strongbow had no choice but to return to Waterford. This was the English's first major defeat in Ireland. Although it did not result in a rebellion in Leinster, it led to disillusionment among the Scandinavians in the English-occupied cities of Dublin, Wexford and Waterford. And because of his success, the Irish Hochkönig managed to win Ulster and Connacht for the fight against the English.

In this threatening situation, Strongbow put his hope in Raymond. He sent word to Wales that, as he had previously requested, he would offer him his sister Basilia for marriage and the office of Constable of Leinster, if he would immediately come to his aid with strong forces. Raymond immediately gathered 30 knights, 100 mounted soldiers and 300 archers in Wales and crossed over to Wexford with 15 ships. He arrived just in time to put down a Scandinavian uprising in Wexford.

Raymond met Strongbow on what is now called Little Island in the river Suir near Waterford. Strongbow was not allowed into the town of Waterford, which was rehearsing the uprising, nor did Strongbow feel safe enough to travel to Wexford alone. Raymond therefore escorted Strongbow with his men to Wexford. The city governor Fretellus, who wanted to follow Strongbow to Wexford, was murdered by his own compatriots, who then hunted down the Englishmen who remained in the city in Waterford. Only the English troops in Reginald's tower were able to hold out against the riot. The teams from Reginald's Tower also later managed to bring the city back under English control.

A man-made mound of moth built by Hugh de Lacy in 1177 can still be found at Clonard in Meath today .

When Strongbow and Raymond returned to Wexford, the wedding of Raymond and Basilia was solemnly celebrated. On the occasion of the wedding, Raymond received several lands from Strongbow in what is now Counties Carlow (Fothairt Fea and Uí Dróna) and Wexford (Glascarrig). On the day after the wedding, Raymond and Strongbow moved to Meath to assist Hugh de Lacy , whose area was just being ravaged by a larger army from the High King Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair. When they reached Trim the English had already fled; the Irish had destroyed the abandoned moth and had moved on as well. With no more lodging in Trim for the night, Raymond and Strongbow followed in the footsteps of the Irish and caught up with them. The English were only able to inflict few losses on the Irish, however, as the poorly armed Irish fled immediately in all directions. After that, Strongbow and Raymond retired to Dublin.

Conquest of Limerick

In October 1175, on orders from Strongbow, Raymond organized a new campaign against Domnall Ua Briain, King of Thomond. In contrast to the defeat of Strongbow a year earlier in Munster, the circumstances were much more favorable this time, as none other than the high king Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair was available as an ally. This was made possible by the simultaneous signing of the Windsor Treaty . Raymond's troops included 120 knights, 300 mounted archers and 400 foot soldiers, who gathered at Ossory and from where Donnel Mac Gillapatrick led them to Limerick , where they arrived without incident. Limerick was not easy to take, as the city was well protected by the Shannon , a city wall and moats. Regardless of the current, David of Wales, a nephew of Raymond, first crossed the Shannon and reached the other bank unscathed. Though some of those who followed were swept away by the current, they all followed suit when Raymond gave the command. Notwithstanding the projectiles coming down from the castle wall, it was possible to climb the city wall shortly afterwards and take the city.

Although Hervey de Montmorency was part of the Geraldine family by marrying a cousin of Raymond, he remained his rival. In a message to Henry II, Hervey warned that Raymond was in the process of securing not only Limerick but all of Ireland for himself and his family. Henry II therefore sent four authorized representatives at the beginning of 1176, two of whom were to accompany Raymond to him. At the same time, however, Raymond received the call for help from the English troops in Limerick that Domnall Ua Briain was besieging Limerick with extensive forces and that the besieged would need help immediately because of the now running out supplies. Since the English troops did not want to leave without Raymond, Heinrich's agents approved Raymond's second campaign to Limerick.

Relief from Limerick

In addition to his 80 knights, 200 henchmen and 300 archers, Raymond was accompanied by Murtough Mac Murrough from Okinselagh and Donnell Mac Gillapatrick. On the way to Cashel Raymond learned that the Thomonder had given up the siege in order to intercept him directly at the Pass of Cashel. The pass itself was prepared by the opponents by cutting trees, digging trenches and building a barricade. When Raymond reached the entrance to the pass on April 3, 1176, he divided his troops into three units. Meiler FitzHenry, who commanded the first unit, managed to tear down the barricade together with his men despite high resistance and fight their way through the enemy. Only a few days later, on April 6, 1176, Raymond moved into Limerick with his troops.

View of Killaloe on the southern foothills of Lough Derg .

For a short time Raymond stayed in Limerick to help rebuild the city after the siege. Shortly thereafter, he met both with the Hochkönig Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair and with his opponent Domnall Ua Briain. Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair had a fleet on Lough Derg at the time and anchored one of his ships at the southern end of the lake near Killaloe . Domnall Ua Briain camped at the same time on the western bank of the Shannon at Killaloe. Raymond negotiated with both sides on the basis of the Windsor Treaty, apparently with the authorization of Henry's agent. In doing so, Raymond succeeded in reaching a peace treaty, as part of which Domnall Ua Briain handed over some relatives as hostages to Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair.

Strongbow's death and Limerick's abandonment

As soon as he returned to Dublin, Raymond was asked by followers of Dermot MacCarthy for help against his eldest son, Cormac Liathanach, who had usurped his kingdom. Raymond moved to Cork and managed to retake Munster for Dermot. While in Munster, Raymond received news of Strongbow's death from his wife Basilia, who had died on April 20, 1176. Raymond then immediately went to Limerick, where he briefed the garrison commanders there of Strongbow's death. In view of the many surrounding enemies, the long distance of all support and the urgently needed reinforcement of the eastern cities in Ireland, it was decided against the will of Raymond to abandon Limerick and place it in the hands of Domnall Ua Briain. Regardless of this, the city of Limerick was destroyed by the Thomondi immediately after the retreat of the English. Henry II later commented: The conquest of Limerick was a brave undertaking, the relief of the city even more, but wisdom was shown only in the abandonment of this place. As soon as Raymond returned to Dublin, Strongbow was buried in Christ Church Cathedral .

After Strongbow's death, Heinrich's agents no longer insisted Raymonds travel to Heinrich and instead appointed him as the acting successor of Strongbow and returned to Heinrich. However, Henry II had too little faith in Raymond's integrity or in his abilities to consider him as Strongbow's successor. He therefore appointed his Seneschal William FitzAudelin as Strongbow's successor and gave him John de Courcy , Robert FitzStephen and Miles de Cogan, each with 10 knights. Everyone had campaigned for Heinrich in Aquitaine. They therefore enjoyed his trust and saw their calling in Ireland as a reward. William FitzAudelin in particular would prove to be an outspoken opponent of Raymond and his family. Raymond lost not only his offices, but also lands near Dublin and Wexford. The same happened to other members of his family, such as the sons and heirs of Maurice FitzGerald and Raymond's uncle Robert FitzStephen.

Late activities

Raymond stayed in the background during this time. It was not until 1178, when Miles de Cogan and Ralph, the son of Robert FitzStephen, were murdered during a prearranged meeting in Lismore and the opportunity was subsequently seized for a revolt against the English, that Raymond rushed to the aid of his uncle Robert FitzStephen. Raymond embarked at Waterford with twenty knights and a hundred partially mounted archers and came along the coast to Cork, where he could put down the rebellion.

In the last years of his life, Raymond seems to have occupied himself with his property. In 1181 a castle was built in Fothairt Fea, which is now known as Castlemore Mote at Tallow . His uncle Robert FitzStephen died around 1186 and Raymond bequeathed all of his possessions in Munster. In 1190 , a priory of the Benedictine Reformed Order of Tiron was established on Glascarrig, his property at Wexford, starting from St. Dogmells Abbey in Llandudoch , Pembrokeshire . Whether this establishment was still supported by Raymond remains unclear because of his uncertain death date.

Raymond's death and estate

Lost grave slab with a relief by Raymond in Molana Monastery . This ink drawing was made by Daniel Grose (1766–1838) and is the only evidence of this grave slab. Based on the drawing, Roger Stalley's grave slab was dated between 1250 and 1350.

It is unclear exactly when Raymond passed away. The last known documentary mention of Raymond was in 1185. He is mentioned as a witness in a document in which Johann , Heinrich's youngest son, confirmed the possessions of the Cistercian Abbey in Dublin . Likewise, it can be assumed that a death before 1189 would have been recorded by Gerald in his work. Basilia married Geoffrey FitzRobert between 1198 and 1201, so Raymond must have died before that.

It also remains unclear where Raymond was buried. In 1184 he and his wife ordered that they were to be buried in the Augustinian Canons of St. Thomas in Dublin. On the other hand, there is also the well-founded tradition that he was buried in the Molana monastery . It is conceivable that Raymond got to know the monastery in 1173. It remains unclear whether the reformation of the monastery into an Augustinian canon monastery at around the same time was his initiative. In the following tradition he was considered the patron of the monastery.

The Smyth family, who have owned the monastery island of Molana since the end of the 18th century, erected a memorial plaque in the refectory of the former monastery at the beginning of the 19th century with the inscription Here are the bones of Raymond le Gros, who died in 1186. However, the year of death is unoccupied and the burial place in the refectory is very unlikely.

In the document of 1185 two sons of Raymond with the names Walter and Richard are mentioned, who probably did not come from his marriage to Basilia. Because his marriage to Basilia did not result in any children, his land was passed on to his nephews: Fothairt Fea and the castle built in 1181 went to William de Carew and his property in Glascarrig was inherited to another nephew from the Cantitune line. Raymond's son Richard de Carew took over Raymond's claims in Munster, which because of their remote location were of no interest to others. Richard and his descendants belonged to Fermoy until they were replaced by David Roche in 1300.

Raymond from a contemporary perspective

Memorial stone for Raymond, erected by the Smyth family in the former refectory of Molana Monastery.

We owe the most detailed account of Raymond to Giraldus, who knew Raymond personally and probably visited him around 1185 in Fothairt Fea, so that he could experience Raymond's view of events firsthand. In addition, during the years of preparation for his book, he obtained other information and tried to provide exact information, including a. about the composition of the troops deployed and the travel distances, which he determined with astonishing accuracy. Despite the largely correct presentation of many facts, Giraldus clearly takes sides for the members of his family throughout the text. The opponents of Raymond or other family members, such as Hervey de Montmorency or William FitzAudelin, on the other hand, are portrayed extremely negatively. Part of the motivation for writing this work may also have been the bitterness Giraldus felt after the FitzGeralds were disadvantaged in the distribution of lands and offices, even though they had largely carried the invasion.

Of all his family members, Raymond is Giraldus' favorite hero. In his detailed characterization of Raymond he describes him as a corpulent man of slightly above average height, who is very lively despite his high overweight. Concerned for his troops, Giraldus went on to say that Raymond spent sleepless and restless nights wandering around and constantly monitoring everything. Dangerous situations never occurred under his command through carelessness or hasty actions. He is undemanding, he can withstand adverse circumstances such as heat or cold, danger or hardship. He acted calmly, deliberately, trying to help his subordinates rather than command them, almost as if he were more their servant than their commander. Giraldus concluded by highlighting Raymond's great courage, his superior weapon handling, his judgment and his military foresight. For this, according to Giraldus, Raymond also enjoyed recognition.

Nevertheless, Raymond was not without criticism. This becomes quite clear in the portrayal of Giraldus in the conflicts between Raymond and Hervey de Montmorency. Proof of this is Hervey's complaint to Henry II, in which he accuses Raymond of arbitrarily securing the whole of Ireland for himself and his family. Even if the charge of treason was exaggerated, the point of the Limerick campaign must be questioned. This was probably also the view of Heinrich, who admired the military actions, but saw wisdom only in Limerick's task, which ultimately took place against Raymond's will.

The perspective of the author of the song La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande is significantly different . The identity of the author is not clear. Based on the reference in the first few lines to Maurice Regan, who was in the service of Dermot MacMurroughs as an interpreter, it is assumed that the author was in contact with him. While the description was similar to Giraldus from the point of view of the English, the song lacks any preference for individual heroes or one of the families involved. The song was characterized by Dominica Legge as a text without a hero that tells the story of a campaign. Raymond is therefore only mentioned in this song as one of the four or five leading commanders of the invasion. While Giraldus gives his hero Raymond a special role in many cases, there are no corresponding references in the song. An example of this is the siege of Waterford, in which, in Giraldus' portrayal, Raymond succeeds in tearing down the city wall.

Nevertheless, Raymond doesn't miss out on the song. It is noteworthy that the song contains an extensive hymn of praise that stylizes him as a hero:

Dirrai vus de un chevaler,
Reymund le Gros l'oï nomer.
Barun esteit icil vaillant,
Vassal hardi e conquerant.
Asez ert riches e manant
E de ses pers le plus puissant.
Conestable est Reymun
De Leynestere la regïun.
Chevalers retint e bone gent
Par le cunte commandement.
Chevalers tint e souders,
Archers, serjanz e poigners,
Pur mettre a hunte ea bellei
De Yrlande les enemis le rei.

Translated: I'm going to tell you about a knight named Raymond le Gros. He was a brave baron, a brave and victorious follower. He was very rich and powerful, and counted the most powerful among his peers. Raymond is Constable of the Leinster Region. He keeps the knights and the good men under the command of the count. He recruited knights and soldiers, archers, mercenaries and infantry to hunt down and shame the king's enemies in Ireland.

swell

• Giraldus Cambrensis : Expugnatio Hibernica , 1189. A critical edition, including an English translation and extensive historical notes, is available from A. Brian Scott and FX Martin, Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, 1978, ISBN 0-901714-11-9 .
• La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , written after 1187 at the end of the 12th century with minor changes around 1230. A critical edition of the text, including an English translation and historical notes, is available from Evelyn Mullally: The Deeds of the Normans in Ireland . Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2002, ISBN 1-85182-643-2 .
• Mac Carthaighs Book with the entries MCB1167.8, MCB1167.9 and MCB1176.6.
• The annals of Tigernach with the entries T1170.8, T1170.10, T1171.2, T1172.2 and T1175.16.
• The annals of the four masters with the entries M1170.11, M1170.13, M1171.18, M1171.20 and T1176.2.
• The annals of Inisfallen with the entry AI1176.6.

Secondary literature

• Goddard Henry Orpen: Ireland under the Normans . Four volumes originally published in 1911 and 1920. A new 2005 integrated edition is available from Four Courts, Dublin, ISBN 1-85182-715-3 .
• Edmund Curtis: A History of Mediaeval Ireland from 1110 to 1513 . Maunsel & Roberts, Dublin 1923.
• Richard Roche: The Norman Invasion of Ireland . Anvil Books, 1995, ISBN 0-947962-81-6 .
• SJ Connolly (Ed.): The Oxford Companion to Irish History . Oxford University Press, 1998, ISBN 0-19-211695-9 . (On page 473 is the entry for Raymond Fitz William, called le Gros .)
• Nicholas Furlong: Diarmait, King of Leinster . Mercier Press, Cork 2006, ISBN 1-85635-505-5 .

Web links

Commons : Raymond FitzGerald  - Collection of Images, Videos and Audio Files

Remarks

1. ↑ See Michael Richter: Ireland in the Middle Ages . Verlag CH Beck, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-406-40481-2 , p. 135: As Michael Richter explains, at the time of the invasion of Ireland the nobility to which Raymond belonged had long understood themselves to be English and also communicated in English Language. The Angli and Engleis are also mentioned in the primary sources . That is why Michael Richter recommends that the terminology be adapted to historical facts in a departure from earlier traditions: We will pick up on his usage, even if we disregard long-standing traditions of historiographical terminology and since 1169 by the English or Anglo-Welsh, not the Normans in Ireland act.
2. ↑ The name Strongbow is mentioned for the first time in 1223 in a document for Tintern Abbey . In the primary sources mentioned he is listed under his name Richard FitzGilbert or simply referred to as quens or comes with his title.
3. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 168: [..] Raymond, the most brilliant commander and the most picturesque figure in the army of the invaders, [..] .
4. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 181-182.
5. ↑ See Roche, pp. 106-107.
6. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxi, xxiii.
7. ↑ Cf. Furlong, p. 108. The search lasted from the autumn of 1166 until the beginning of 1167. At this time Heinrich was in conflict with the King of France, Louis VII. And frequently changed his location.
8. ^ Cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 260–295; Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 24-26; Furlong, p. 109.
9. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 145–146.
10. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 181.
11. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 182; Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 13; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , line 1404.
12. ↑ Michael J. Moore: Archaeological Inventory of County Wexford . Stationary Office, Dublin 1996, ISBN 0-7076-2326-X , pp. 94 .
13. ↑ See Roche, p. 145.
14. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 184. The information in feet and acre has been transferred to the metric system.
15. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 184 and Roche p. 151.
16. ↑ This information has been confirmed by both the Irish and the English side: MCB1167.9; Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 13; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , line 1424. See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 186.
17. ↑ The two non-Irish sources agree on this: La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , from line 1444 and Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 13.
18. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 13; MCB1167.9. The entry in the Irish annals reports that the opponent's skull was split open with a sword blow.
19. ^ Cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1448–1459; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 187.
20. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, Chapter 13; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , from line 1468. The song estimates the number at over 1,000.
21. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 13; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , line 1472.
22. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, Book 1, 14th and 15th chapters: Giraldus Cambrensis tried to reconstruct both speeches and positions.
23. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 15; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande from line 1478: The descriptions differ in the type of killing. According to Giraldus, the prisoners had their bones broken before being thrown over the cliffs into the sea. The song describes how an Irish girl was forced to behead all prisoners.
24. ↑ Martin: p. 301, note 84.
25. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, beginning of the 16th chapter; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1494-1499; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 188.
26. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 16; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , line 1503. The song gives a total of 1,500.
27. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 193: The information for the area is 15 statute acres (see Acre ), which can be converted into hectares with a factor of approximately 0.405.
28. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, Chapter 16; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 196; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1508–1515. The song treats this comparatively briefly and does not mention the special role of Raymond.
29. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 16. From an Irish perspective, the events are dealt with very briefly in T1170.8 and in more detail in M1170.11. In the latter entry, the number of victims is estimated at 700. For the date cf. Curtis, p. 53.
30. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 202.
31. ↑ Cf. Curtis, p. 56, 2nd footnote: It is pointed out here that entry T1170.10 does not name Clondalkin, but faichthi Atha Cliath , which translates as the green of Dublin . This area extended from Kilmainham to the city limits. In any case, according to Curtis, the Irish units were probably stationed widely.
32. ↑ On the position of the Irish troops cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1570–1583. There is also a hint that Dermot chose a different path based on the findings of his spies. The possible route and the deposit of the English were taken from the analysis of Orpen. See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 209, Furlong, p. 154.
33. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 210-211. It was not uncommon in Ireland at the time to blind or gouge one's eyes to punish or hold someone responsible. For example, Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair blinded his own son Murchadh in 1177, who rebelled against him, led Miles Cogan on a devastating campaign through Connacht and ultimately fell into the hands of his father. See Curtis, p. 89. This was consistent with written Irish law of the early Middle Ages that provided no other mutilating penalties. See pp. 173, 221 in Fergus Kelly: A Guide to Early Irish Law . Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin 1988, ISBN 0-901282-95-2 .
34. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, 17th chapter; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1674–1687; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 211. The account in Giraldus is the most detailed. In comparison, Miles de Cogan is assigned the lead role in the song and Raymond is not further mentioned. Orpen thinks it plausible that treason was involved.
35. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 212; M1170.13. Orpen's analysis is based in particular on the entry in the Irish annals.
36. ↑ La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1718–1727.
37. ↑ See Giraldus, Chapter 19. Giraldus does not quote the letter literally, only in essence.
38. ↑ Cf. Martin, p. 309, note 133: The time and place are not derived from the text by Giraldus, but, according to Martin, from the note in the Chronica of Robert von Torigny, p. 252 in that of R. Howlett Version published in 1889.
39. ↑ Cf. Roche, p. 177: Roche assumes that Henry II deliberately did not give an answer in order to first wait for the success of Strongbow.
40. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 22; Roche, p. 179: Roche assumes that the siege extended over July and August 1171.
41. ↑ La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1831–1874. Giraldus does not mention these negotiations.
42. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 23; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 228; Martin, p. 307, note 122. Giraldus quotes a speech by Maurice FitzGerald and mentions Raymond's support. Orpen assumes that the speech handed down by Giraldus correctly characterized the mood, but did not necessarily come from the mouth of his uncle Maurice FitzGerald. Martin points out that Maurice FitzGerald is unlikely to quote Virgil . But both Orpen and Martin consider the portrayal of the identity conflict between Irish and English affiliation to be authentic.
43. ^ Cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1883–1904; Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 24. Both describe this division into three groups and roughly agree in the information on the strength of the team, although the song is more detailed. While Giraldus assigns the first leading troop to Raymond in his description, the song names Miles de Cogan here. The Irish annals mention Miles de Cogan and Strongbow by name in T1171.2, but not Raymond. See Martin, p. 307, note 123.
44. ↑ See La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 1915–1964.
45. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 29. From this it is clear that Raymond Strongbow followed and therefore stayed in Waterford afterwards.
46. ↑ See Orpen, pp. 248-249.
47. ↑ See Giraldus, end of Chapter 36.
48. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 282.
49. ^ Cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 2815–2858; T1172.2; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 323.
50. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 1, Chapter 44; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 2892-2915; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 326.
51. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, Book 2, 1st chapter; Martin, p. 321, notes 217 and 217; Orpen, Vol. 1, pp. 328-329.
52. ↑ See Martin, p. 321, note 218.
53. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, Book 2, 1st chapter and 33rd chapter; Martin, p. 321; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 330. Martin and Orpen point out that Giraldus condemns the forays, with Strongbow and not Raymond being blamed.
54. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, 2nd book, 1st chapter; Orpen, Volume 1, 330-331.
55. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 331; Curtis, pp. 74-75.
56. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 332–333.
57. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, 2nd book, 3rd chapter; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 2992–3001; Orpen, Vol. 1, pp. 334-335. The song only mentions three ships that Raymond used to arrive at Wexford. It is possible that Giraldus exaggerated here.
58. ↑ See Curtis, p. 75.
59. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 2, Chapter 3, La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 3008–3029; Orpen, Vol. 1, pp. 335-336. The murder and rebellion in Waterford are only portrayed by Giraldus.
60. ↑ See La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 3060–3067; Evelyn Mullally, p. 157, note on 954, p. 161, note on 3058-3125; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 387. Mullally's notes indicate that Fothairt Fea corresponds to the Forth Barony and that Glascarrig is on the east coast near Cahore Point.
61. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 336.
62. ^ Cf. La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 3236–3335; Orpen, Volume 1, p. 339.
63. ↑ See MCB1176.6; T1175.16; Giraldus, 2nd book, 7th chapter; La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande , lines 3368–3457; Martin, pp. 323–324, note 241. The representations by Giraldus must be relativized in accordance with Martin's statements. Here Martin also deviates from the representation of Orpen, who, following Giraldus, assumed that Raymond took the initiative for this campaign of his own accord, albeit with the consent of Strongbow.
64. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, 2nd book, chapters 10 and 11; Orpen, Vol. 1, pp. 352-353.
65. ↑ This does not mean the famous Rock of Cashel in County Tipperary , but a pass in the area of ​​today's County Laois , on today's R427 between Stradbally and a small settlement called Cashel. See grid square S 48 92 on map sheet 54 of the Discovery Series , ISBN 1-901496-60-0 . The pass is also called the Pass of the Plumes .
66. ↑ Cf. Giraldus, 2nd book, chapters 12 and 13; Orpen, Vol. 1, pp. 353-354.
67. ↑ See T1176.2; Giraldus, 2nd book, 13th chapter; Martin, p. 327, note 268; Orpen, Volume 1, pp. 354-356.
68. ↑ At the time of death cf. Martin, p. 328, note 274.
69. ↑ See AI1176.6; Giraldus, 2nd book, 14th chapter.
70. ↑ See Giraldus, Book 2, Chapter 14.
71. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 2, p. 1.
72. ↑ See Giraldus, end of the 17th chapter.
73. ↑ See Giraldus, 2nd book, 20th chapter; Orpen, Volume 2, pp. 39-41.
74. ↑ Cf. Martin, p. 339, note 361. Several publications are cited here that prove that the remains of the castle that still exist go back to Raymond.
75. ↑ See Roche, p. 200; Curtis, p. 93; Orpen, p. 169. Curtis assumes 1183, the Oxford Companion of Irish History in the entry on Robert FitzStephen from sometime after 1185.
76. ↑ See David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock: Medieval Religious Houses: England and Wales , Longman, 2nd edition, London 1971, ISBN 0-582-112303 , p. 107; Aubrey Gwynn and R. Neville Hadcock: Medieval Religious Houses Ireland , Longman, London 1970, ISBN 0-582-11229-X , pp. 112-113, entry on the Glascarrig Priory.
77. ↑ See p. 11 in Daniel Grose: The Antiquities of Ireland: A Supplement to Francis Grose . Edited by Roger Stalley, Irish Architectural Archive, Dublin 1991, ISBN 0-9515536-5-8 .
78. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 2, p. 25, footnote.
79. ↑ Cf. Curtis, p. 99. Curtis nevertheless assumes a death of Raymond in the period from 1186 to 1188, but without giving further evidence or discussing Orpen's arguments.
80. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 2, p. 25, further footnote.
81. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 2, p. 167.
82. ^ See Aubrey Gwynn and R. Neville Hadcock: Medieval Religious Houses Ireland , Longman, London 1970, ISBN 0-582-11229-X , p. 187; Lord Killanin and Michael Duignan: The Shell Guide to Ireland , Ebury Press, 2nd edition, London 1967, p. 465.
83. ↑ See pp. 150–151 from the essay by Patrick Power: The Abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford . From: The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Volume 62, Volume 1932, pp. 142–152.
84. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 3, pp. 150–151.
85. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 1, p. 387.
86. ↑ See Orpen, Volume 3, pp. 150-151; Curtis, p. 93.
87. ↑ See Roche, p. 23; Scott, S. xiv. According to Scott, the second journey from Giraldus extended from April 24, 1185 to between Easter and Pentecost 1186.
88. ↑ See Scott, p. Xix.
89. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxi.
90. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxii.
91. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxv.
92. ↑ See Scott, p. xxii; Roche, p. 23.
93. ↑ See Giraldus, Volume 2, Chapter 8.
94. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxiii-xxiv.
95. ↑ See Mullally, pp. 27-28.
96. ↑ See Mullally, p. 32.
97. ↑ See Mullally, p. 37. Mullally quotes Legge and refers to MD Legge: Anglo-Norman literature and its background . Oxford 1963, 303-304.
98. ↑ See Scott, pp. Xxiii.
99. ↑ See Martin, p. 300, note 67.
100. ↑ lines 3352-3367

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