Election campaign in Japan
Election campaigns take place comparatively often in Japan , since half of the upper house is elected every three years and the lower house is usually elected every four years . The Prime Minister also has the right to dissolve the House of Commons, which the Japanese heads of government regularly made use of in the post-war period, so that the 1976 election was the only one that was not preceded by an early dissolution. Prefectural and local parliaments , governors and mayors are also elected every four years . The election cycles of the two chambers of parliament and those of parliaments and governors / mayors at sub-national level are not necessarily synchronized.
The most important choice in Japanese politics is the general election, as the new lower house majority elects the prime minister.
Money and support
Voting is done in Japan by the voter writing the name of his or her preferred candidate on the ballot paper; there is no list of candidates to tick. It is therefore crucial for the success of Japanese politicians that voters remember him and his name on election night. The LDP , in particular , traditionally runs an election campaign in which programs or ideologies are not decisive, but rather personal sympathy for the candidate. MPs have support organizations (so-called Kōenkai ) in their districts , which ensure contact with voters. At weddings or funerals, it is common for the local MP to deliver a gift of money in person or through his or her support organization. In the event of problems with the authorities, the local MP is the first point of contact, who in turn can get the wheels rolling for his (financial) supporters. Only since 1994 has there been a second vote for a party, according to which list candidates move into parliament in 10 regions.
Through this system of personal relationships between government institutions, members of parliament, personal support organizations and local companies, there is a lot of money in Japanese politics and especially in election campaigns, which has repeatedly led to corruption scandals . Numerous reforms have attempted to reduce the dependency of Japanese MPs on money, but despite their success, only the largest excesses have been removed. There has been public funding for parties since the early 1990s. As early as 1975, an upper limit for donations from business was introduced, which has since been circumvented in "fundraising parties" according to the American model.
Other parties benefit from strong organizations and groups in the background. The Social Democratic Party of Japan is traditionally an arm of the trade unions, the Kōmeitō benefits from the fact that many of its members are organized in the Sōka Gakkai at the same time (although a connection between the two to the outside world is denied). The communist party draws its financial basis from a high number of party members (proportional to the electorate) and the operating profit of its party newspaper Akahata (Red Flag).
Campaign tactics
The actual election campaign time is very short in Japan, the hot phase only begins two weeks before the election. The election campaign is bureaucratically regulated down to the last detail, from the shape of the party sign on the door to the size and shape of the posters. The most important tool in the election campaign is the loudspeaker van with which supporters drive through the electoral district and sound the residents with slogans. If the candidate drives, the car stops at important places, where the candidate climbs onto the roof and gives a speech. Shaking hands is also very important, you can see the candidates approaching potential voters aggressively during election campaigns and grabbing their hands (shaking hands is otherwise rather unusual in Japan, traditional greeting is a bow). Some other forms of campaigning have been banned, including no longer allowing candidates to make home visits.
See also
Web links
literature
- Ray Christensen: The effect of electoral reforms on campaign practices in Japan: Putting new wine into old bottles. Asian Survey, Vol. 38, No. October 10, 1998.
- Kenneth Mori McElwain: Manipulating Electoral Rules to Manufacture Single-Party Dominance. American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 52, Issue 1, January 2008, pp. 32-47.
- Axel Klein : The Puzzle of Ineffective Election Campaigning in Japan. Japanese Journal of Political Science, Vol. 12, Issue 1, April 2011, pp. 57-74.