Adolf Würth (medical doctor)

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Adolf Würth (in the background) with a skull measurement on the head of a young Sinto

Adolf Ludwig Würth (born May 16, 1905 in Bonndorf ; † 1997 ) was an anthropologist , tsiganologist ("Gypsy researcher") and National Socialist racial theorist at the Racial Hygiene Research Center (RHF). His work led to breed reports, which were the basis of the Porajmos in the Third Reich . He also examined deportations . After 1945 he worked at the Baden-Württemberg State Statistical Office .

Youth and start of studies

Adolf Würth came from a family of merchants that was based in Bonndorf in the Black Forest . He passed his Abitur in March 1925 at the Berthold-Gymnasium Freiburg . He then studied medicine , anthropology , ethnology and biology , first five semesters at the Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg , then four semesters at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Berlin . Due to the death of his parents in 1926 and 1930, he had to interrupt his studies.

Assistant to Eugen Fischer and doctorate

Eugen Fischer (center) during a rally at Berlin University in 1934.

From 1931 Würth worked as a doctoral student and assistant to the physician, anthropologist and hereditary biologist Eugen Fischer . He lived in Fischer's private house as a kind of night watchman. In a working group, Würth researched the problems of heredity and the formation of hand lines and fingertip patterns at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics in Berlin-Dahlem . This research had practical relevance for twin diagnostics, race and paternity reports. For his dissertation, he examined human embryos from the point of view of the development of the flexion furrows in the human palm . The first corrector of his dissertation was Paul Degener.

In his 1937 doctoral examination, he was also examined by Fischer on "Jewish legislation", "sterilization legislation" and the biological justification of the Führer principle . The examiners certified that he could represent and defend the National Socialist worldview on his own terms.

Path to knights and the "gypsy research"

Adolf Würth with Eva Justin measuring (picture by RHF)
"Gypsy genealogy" of the Racial Hygiene Research Center (picture of the RHF)

As early as 1931 or 1932, Würth must have dealt with " Gypsies " for the first time . After a conversation with the racial theorist Robert Ritter and Hans Reiter , the head of the Reich Health Office , he went to Ritter in Tübingen to work in August 1936.

In 1936 the Racial Hygiene Research Center moved to Berlin because the Reich Health Office did not want to have branch offices. Würth was working at that time already at the Württemberg "gypsy files" of the criminal police in Stuttgart , which had very "useful material". These files could also be analyzed genealogically, since the registry offices and church offices in Württemberg had kept family registers for non-residents.

Mail was sent to him from Berlin via the criminal investigation department, so that he also received his doctoral certificate in this way. Würth now became a member of the government .

"Comments on the Gypsy Question and Gypsy Research" (1937)

Only one relevant presentation by Würth on the “Gypsy question” at a scientific conference is known. At a meeting of the German Society for Race Research in September 1937, he declared:

“For us today, the gypsy question is primarily a race question. Just as the National Socialist state solved the Jewish question , it will also have to regulate the Gypsy question in principle. The beginning has already been made. In the implementing ordinances of the Nuremberg Laws for the Protection of German Blood, the gypsies are equated with the Jews with regard to the prohibition of marriage . ”Würth asked the question whether“ what we call gypsies is just a collective term for everything wandering about, begging, neglected, anti-social and criminal Rabble, "adding:" There are two ways of answering this question. One tries genealogically and historically to provide proof of ancestry for every so-called gypsy living today and 2. to analyze the race components by using anthropometric methods and gypsies living in the Palatinate to set up ancestral tables, from which we can see whether we are dealing with predominantly pure gypsies or with mixed-race gypsies of various degrees and combinations. "Würth ended:" Racial biology gypsy research is the absolute prerequisite for a final solution to the Gypsy question. The solution serves the great goal of protecting the blood of the German people from the ingress of foreign genetic material and preventing the widespread mongrel population from multiplying ever stronger. "

In the second printed source on the 1937 lecture, Würth became even clearer: The aim was to "reduce the mongrel population [...], indeed make it disappear completely".

In terms of content, Würth mainly presented the Ritters model. He was less of a theoretician of “gypsy research” and “bastard biology” than more of a recording practitioner.

Würth's registration of "Gypsies" (1936–1938)

In the preserved files of the Racial Hygiene Research Center there are lists with the date and the person responsible for individual locations. The lists for Würth show, as compiled in the table, an intensive recording work of approx. 900 people in the period from September 1936 to September 1938, especially in the south-west of Germany.

Würth's first recording work in a prison in September 1936 took place before the establishment of the Racial Hygiene and Forensic Biological Research Center of the Reich Health Office in November 1936.

Ravensburg , memorial to the memory of the 29 Sinti from Ravensburg who were murdered in Auschwitz
date place Number of people
September 26, 1936 jail 2
February 1937 Because i. Sch. 8th
March 1937 Herbertingen 2
March 1937 Steinhofen 13
March 1937 Lomersheim 6th
March 1937 Magstadt 8th
March 1937 Markgröningen 3
March 1937 Mergentheim 10
March 1937 Benningen 4th
March 1937 Buchau 5
March 1937 Sindelfingen 7th
March 3, 1937 Renningen 4th
April 1937 Ravensburg 40
July 1937 Freiburg 15th
December 13, 1937 Berlin (research center) 1
January / February 1938 Heidelberg 17th
January 1938 Mannheim 45
March 1938 Stuttgart 89
March 1938 Tübingen 10
March 1938 Reutlingen 20th
March 1938 Gmuend 2
March / April 1938 Gotteszell 5
April 1938 Karlsruhe 80
May 19, 1938 Berlin (research center) 1
June 1938 Heilbronn 10
June 1938 Schorndorf 10
June 1938 Renningen 8th
June 18, 1938 Nagold 3
June 20, 1938 Möhringen 2
June 22, 1938 Tübingen 4th
June / July 1938 Prisons ( Horb , Rottweil , Schwäbisch Hall , Eßlingen am Neckar , Tettnang ) 17th
June / July 1938 Magstadt 9
July 1938 To sing 11
July 1938 Ravensburg 35
July 1938 Welzheim 9
July 1, 1938 Because i. Sch. 5
July 18, 1938 Narrow 1
June 30, 1938 Sindelfingen 1
July 1938 Friedrichshafen Column Stone 13
July – August 1938 "Landstrasse" in Upper Swabia and North Baden 247
August 1938 Herbolzheim 9
August 1938 Freiburg 13
August 13, 1938 Rastatt 8th
August 14, 1938 Muggensturm 10
August 16, 1938 Karlsruhe 71
August 25, 1938 Nendingen 1
September 9, 1938 Berlin (research center) 2

The Mergentheimer 'investigation' in March 1937 is demonstrably linked to the “ Aktion Arbeitsscheu Reich ” in mid-June 1938, during which “at least 200 male employable persons (anti-social)” were to be arrested per criminal investigation center and imprisoned in a concentration camp. This "action" also included "Gypsies" and "Gypsy-style people" as a target group. It did overlap with Würth's surveys; however, there were almost 15 months between the investigation of a Mergentheimer Sinto in March 1937 and his abduction in June 1938. Later this time gap would narrow.

One of the people arrested in Württemberg in June 1938 and deported to the Dachau concentration camp had demonstrably been 'examined' by Würth in Bad Mergentheim the year before, on March 21, 1937 . The "Württemberg Landjägerkorps " in Mergentheim had already reported him to Stuttgart on January 20, 1937 - after the Stuttgart Criminal Police Headquarters asked to "report Gypsy families". A few weeks after the investigation of Mergentheimer Sinto in March 1937 by Würth, the Mergentheimer City Police also reported him to Stuttgart on June 2, 1937, this time due to the request of the Stuttgart Criminal Police Control Center to “report Yenish clans”; however, in this second report he is referred to as a "gypsy". Only more than a year later, on June 17, 1938, the Mergentheimer Sinto was arrested by the city police. It was entered in the access book of the Dachau concentration camp on June 27, 1938, under the number 17635.

So if the time gap between the 'investigation' of Mergentheimer Sinto by Würth in March 1937 and the police " Aktion Arbeitsscheu Reich " in June 1938 was rather large, it closed in the summer of 1938 during the so-called "chain deportation" of Sinti from North Baden towards Bavaria. On August 6, 1938, Würth 'examined' Sinti who were working in Treschklingen in northern Baden, and barely a week later: on August 10, the police carried the Sinti away to Bavaria. Behind the entry “Landstrasse” from July to August 1938 in Würth's “work reports” is the recording of 247 named persons in numerous small towns, especially in Upper Swabia and North Baden. Particularly for the northern Baden towns of Babstadt, Daisbach, Rappenau, Treschklingen and Zimmerhof, a close temporal connection between the 'investigation' by Würth and the police 'chain deportation' can be demonstrated. In North Baden, Würth apparently not only accompanied police raids, but he probably knew about the imminent "chain deportation" and 'investigated' the date. Did he use the associated police surveillance of the Sinti for his 'investigations', or did he even name the Sinti who were to be deported on the basis of his 'investigations' as "Gypsies" or "Gypsy hybrids"?

The places on the "Landstrasse" are or were: Asch , Babstadt , Daisbach , Dettlingen , Güglingen , Hattingen , Kirchheim, Markgröningen , "Markund", Nendingen , Neuenheim near Heidelberg, Oberndorf , Rappenau , Rippoldsau , Treschklingen , Trossingen-Tuningen , Tuttlingen , Villingendorf , "Vollingen", Wildes Ried (on the Federsee or near Winterstettendorf), "Wutzach" (probably: Bad Wurzach ) and Zimmerhof (between Bad Rappenau and Heinsheim).

Another example of the fate of those recorded by Würth are members of a Sinti family, which he recorded genealogically and racially on April 12 and 13, 1938 in Karlsruhe. They were deported from Mainz on May 16, 1940, again examined by him in the " assembly camp " and deported by the police to the Generalgouvernement . The two great-grandparents died in 1942 in the Dachau and Ravensbrück concentration camps . In May 1943, three grandchildren were admitted to the “Gypsy family camp” in Auschwitz , where two were victims of genocide.

Resistance against Würth in Schorndorf

When Würth arrived in Schorndorf on April 2, 1938 , Anton Guttenberger resolutely opposed the planned examinations of his family. In a message to the mayor of Schorndorf it says:

"Guttenberger refuses to allow himself to be examined on the following grounds: 'He and his family are not gypsies, even if they were gypsies, they would not allow themselves to be examined racially, as there is no law for this' ... Dr. Würth explains that his further investigations in Württemberg are called into question by Guttenberger's refusal, since other gypsies in other places will also refer to Guttenberger's example. "

Würth appeared again in Schorndorf in July 1938 and recorded 9 members of the family; Anton Guttenberger was not among them. In 1939, the family members had to sign a declaration: “Today I was informed that I am not allowed to leave my place of residence or my respective place of residence without permission, otherwise I will be banned for violating no. 1 of the ordinance of the Reich Security Main Office dated October 17, 1939. Committed to a concentration camp. “Anton Guttenberger's refusal could not prevent the deportation. Classified as a “Gypsy mix”, he and his family were deported to Auschwitz in March 1943, where most of the relatives were murdered. Stolpersteine ​​in front of the former house have been remembering the family since October 2008 .

The appraisal of the Hitler bomber Georg Elser (1939)

Georg Elser was examined by Würth on behalf of Arthur Nebes

Ritter worked closely with Arthur Nebe as early as 1936 , and Würth was often present at meetings. Nebe had been the head of the Reich Criminal Police Office since 1937 (Office V of the Reich Security Main Office ). Nebe needed Ritter’s criminal biology competence and Nebes’s National Socialist protection. On behalf of Nebes, Würth examined Georg Elser , who had carried out an assassination attempt on Adolf Hitler on November 8, 1939 . According to Würth, Nebe suspected that Elser was a "gypsy". Together with Eva Justin, Würth personally brought the news that Elser was not a gypsy.

Würth's preparation for and participation in the maiden deportation in 1940

Deportation May 1940, Sinti under police surveillance in the Hohenasperg Fortress (picture by RHF)
Deportation May 1940, Sinti are led through the village towards the train station by the police (picture by RHF)
Deportation May 1940, train to the Generalgouvernement (picture of the RHF)

After the attack on Poland , a leadership conference of the RSHA on future race policy took place in Berlin on September 21, 1939 . At this or other meetings in autumn 1939 at the RSHA, u. a. Würth involved as a representative of the RHF. At the suggestion of the RHF, the deportation was postponed to spring 1940 for practical reasons.

From October 1939, the Reich Criminal Police Office issued a "Gypsy registration", i.e. H. Lists compiled to enable deportation. The reason and pretext for the deportation of approx. 2500 Sinti and Roma from the western border, which began on May 16, 1940, was provided by racist ideas. a. suspicion of espionage. The invasion of France began on May 10, 1940. On the night of 15th to May 16th, 1940 about 500 Gypsies were arrested by the police in Rheinhessen, Hesse and the Palatinate and on the assembly camp Hohenasperg the General Government deported.

Würth examined the families with children, newborns and very old old people in one of the three “collection camps” of the maiden deportation across the Reich on the basis of the files of the Racial Hygiene Research Center. According to the police report, Würth's appearance at Hohenasperg detention center on May 18 was necessary because the police control center in Frankfurt did not have the local police lists and the border zone to be evacuated had been expanded at short notice. The Reich Criminal Police Office in Berlin was informed through an urgent state talk and asked for an expert. Würth agreed to come. "According to Dr. Wirth (sic!) The local police lists are still in Berlin. He was not at all aware of the fact that the Frankfurt a. M. Gypsies were considered for resettlement. ”He“ immediately went to the assessment of the gypsies brought in by the Darmstadt detective station. For this purpose he had brought his file for the Darmstadt criminal investigation department. ”The Darmstadt criminal investigation department was superordinate to Frankfurt and Mainz.

Only 22 people were classified as “non-Gypsies” by Würth and sent home. After the police report on the deportation, he had “initially complained about other people”, but since “Adam Müller is married to a Z. and he is by no means able to prove his German-blooded ancestry, he was also named a ZM labeled and evacuated. "

According to its own statements in an interview in the 1980s, Würth was also able to "improve" organizational details of the deportation, such as allowing the deportees to stay in the courtyard instead of in cells, or the order in which "loading" (Würth) had to be done on the train. In the deportation report of the police, such improvements, which should enable a smooth process, were discussed in detail. In the 80s, Würth stated that a police officer accompanying the deportation told him after 1945 that the Sinti had to get off the road in the general government and were therefore not sent to the concentration camp. The "Gypsies" had to sign at Hohenasperg that they would not return to Germany. Of course, according to Würth, individual Sinti later appeared in the Reich territory. It is true that around 490 people were initially abandoned at Jedrzejew , then pressed into forced labor in stone quarries, in road construction and in the armaments industry, and finally interned in the Radom ghetto , where a typhus epidemic raged in 1942, to which many fell victim. The close networking of the “Gypsy experts” from the Reich Health Office with the police and the RSHA proves that Würth was able to find out about individual "Gypsies" who were apprehended in the Reich. Rosa Wiegand, who was deported from Worms via Hohenasberg in May 1940, fled to Poland, was arrested again in Wiesbaden in 1941 and sent to the Ravensbrück concentration camp .

After being drafted into the Wehrmacht

Würth said he was drafted and used as a driver and typist for the Armistice Commission in Bourges , France . He stayed in France until almost the end of the war.

In 1941 all "Gypsies" were to be released from the Wehrmacht. Würth found the regulation inadequate and tried to find a better solution with the competent authority while on vacation. According to Würth, those affected should originally volunteer. He then informed the Supreme Army Command that suspicious persons should be reported to the Reich Health Office via the Reich Criminal Police Office, where “we” (= research center) have all the material about “Gypsies”.

According to Würth's information, a request by Ritter failed him in the UK, i.e. H. indispensable to provide. Ritter made the mistake of asking an SS leader to give a positive assessment of the application, and the Wehrmacht reacted with a sniffy: "The SS should do the Gypsy research itself".

According to its own statements, Würth was the last time in 1942 at the Racial Hygiene Research Center, which at that time was discussing a relocation to Mecklenburg. Würth proposed the establishment in Winnenden , Württemberg .

post war period

After the war, Würth worked as a civil servant at the Baden-Württemberg State Statistical Office until he retired . His contact with Ritter is documented at least until 1947. The first criminal case against him and Sophie Ehrhardt for murder was opened by the Cologne Public Prosecutor in 1961 and closed in 1963. The second criminal case against Würth and Ehrhardt was discontinued in 1986. Around 1983 he gave the geneticist Benno Müller-Hill , who worked on the history of science , a lengthy interview in his private apartment, which he published in the book Tödliche Wissenschaft . In it, Würth commented on his work for the Racial Hygiene Research Center, but denied the connection between registration work and admissions to concentration camps.

In the literature about Nazi Gypsy research from around 1990, Würth's contribution to the genocide of Sinti and Roma is presented just as critically as in local history works on the persecution of Sinti and Roma.

In the analysis prepared for the German Bundestag on “Antiziganism and Porajmos” (2009), he is also expressly named as one of the people responsible for the Nazi persecution of gypsies, who made decisions about life and death.

Publications (selection)

  • The development of the flexion furrows in the human palm. Medical dissertation Berlin 1937; also in: Zeitschrift für Morphologie und Anthropologie. Volume 36, 1937, No. 2, pp. 187-214.
  • Comments on the Gypsy Question and Gypsy Research in Germany. In: Anthropologischer Anzeiger, Stuttgart. August 1938.
  • The Gypsy and Gypsy Mixed Race Question in Germany. In: Public Health Service. Part A 1939/40. P. 36.

literature

  • Joachim S. Hohmann : Robert Ritter and the heirs of criminal biology. "Gypsy Research" in National Socialism . Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 978-3-631-43984-5
  • Arno Huth: Persecution of the Sinti, Roma and Yeniche in the rural areas of the Kraichgau, the Neckar Valley, the Elz Valley and the building land. A documentation . Published by the Neckarelz Concentration Camp Memorial e. V. Own print. Mosbach-Neckarelz 2009
  • Martin Luchterhandt: The way to Birkenau. Origin and course of the National Socialist persecution of the 'Gypsies' . Lübeck 2000 (= series of publications by the German Society for Police History, Vol. 4)
  • Benno Müller-Hill : Deadly Science . Reinbek 1988 (therein: minutes of the conversation between Müller-Hill and Würth, pp. 152–157)
  • Ernst Klee : The dictionary of persons on the Third Reich: Who was what before and after 1945. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2007, ISBN 978-3-596-16048-8
  • Romani Rose , Walter Weiss: Sinti and Roma in the "Third Reich" . Göttingen 1991
  • Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist extermination policy against Sinti and Roma. Hamburg 1996

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Hohmann 1991, p. 275.
  2. ↑ a b Hohmann 1991, p. 276
  3. ↑ a b c Hohmann 1991, p. 276.
  4. ↑ a b c d e Müller-Hill, p. 152.
  5. ^ Reinhard Rürup, Wolfgang Schieder, Doris Kaufmann, Susanne Heim (2006): History of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society in National Socialism. Wallstein Verlag, 2006 p. 206.
  6. ↑ Binut Massin: Race as a Profession. In: Hans-Walter Schmuhl: Rassenforschung at Kaiser Wilhelm Institutes before and after 1933. 2003 p. 209.
  7. ↑ Title of the dissertation: The emergence of flexion furrows in the human palm.
  8. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 277.
  9. ^ Ernst Klee : German Medicine in the Third Reich. Careers before and after 1945. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-10-039310-4 , p. 128.
  10. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 279.
  11. ↑ Würth 1937: Comments on the Gypsy Question and Gypsy Research in Germany. After Hohmann 1991 pp. 277-279.
  12. ↑ See Adolf Würth in Anthropologischer Anzeiger from August 1938.
  13. ↑ The Gypsy and Gypsy Hybrid Question in Germany. In: Public Health Service Part A 1939/40 p. 36. According to Hohmann 1991 p. 277–279.
  14. ↑ Evaluation by Hohmann 1991, p. 277
  15. ↑ Federal archive collection 165/38 R
  16. ^ Founding date see Arnulf Scriba: Exclusion and persecution of Sinti and Roma. Retrieved April 27, 2015 .
  17. ↑ Wolfgang Ayaß : "A requirement of the national work discipline". The "Arbeitsschaf Reich" campaign. In: Contributions to National Socialist Health and Social Policy, Vol. 6, Berlin 1988, pp. 43–74. PDF Ayass' representation is unfortunately without information on Württemberg in the regional part.
  18. ↑ The report was probably made on the basis of the "announcement" in the news bulletin of the Stuttgart criminal police headquarters of January 18, 1937 No. 858, see BArch Berlin R 165/112 sheets 19 and 20.
  19. ↑ This second report was apparently based on the "announcement" in the news bulletin of the Stuttgart Criminal Police Headquarters of May 14 (or 19 (?)) May 1937 No. 902, s. BArch Berlin R 165/112 sheets 4, 5 and 7.
  20. ↑ The basis of the arrest was most likely the decree of the Reich Criminal Police Office in Berlin of June 1, 1938, Az. RKPA No. 6001/295/38 "Preventive fight against crime by the police".
  21. ^ Information from the holdings of the International Tracing Service in Bad Arolsen. The files of the compensation proceedings from the State Office for Restitution in Stuttgart, which are preserved in the State Archives in Ludwigsburg, contain further documents with statements by the survivor and other participants.
  22. ↑ On the "chain deportations" from the western border of the Reich territory in August 1938 see Martin Luchterhandt: Der Weg nach Birkenau. Origin and course of the National Socialist persecution of the 'Gypsies'. Lübeck 2000. (= series of publications by the German Society for Police History, Vol. 4)
  23. ↑ See Arno Huth 2009, p. 41f.
  24. ^ Compilation of the Würth work list, the Mainz deportation list and the Auschwitz books of the dead. See also Krausnick: Exit Karlsruhe. Note: Z5377, Z5376, Z5942.
  25. ↑ a b Uwe Jens change: The Schorndorf family Guttenberger. In: Heimatblätter. Yearbook for Schorndorf and the surrounding area. Vol. 7, 1989. ( studienkreis- resistance-1933-45.de ( Memento from January 7, 2004 in the Internet Archive )
  26. ↑ Federal Archives holdings R 165/38 Würth's work list
  27. ↑ Certificate of opening. (PDF) Accessed April 27, 2015 (English).
  28. ^ A Memorial for a Sinti Family. Learning from History, accessed April 27, 2015 .
  29. ↑ The deportation of the Guttenberger family began on March 15, 1943 from Schorndorf to Stuttgart. a. evidenced by a cost statement from the police. Online (PDF; 23 kB) in English translation.
  30. ↑ Stumbling blocks against oblivion. In front of the house at Römmelgasse 8: names recall atrocities committed by the Nazis - an action by NaturFreunde. In: Aufstieg, magazine of NaturFreunde Württemberg 4/2008.
  31. ↑ a b c Müller-Hill, p. 153.
  32. ↑ Rose 2003, p. 90; Zimmermann 1996, p. 169
  33. ↑ Interview Würth with Müller-Hill 1988, p. 153 .; Hans-Joachim Döhring (1959): The motifs of the gypsy deportation from May 1940. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 1959/4 (PDF 5.5MB) p. 428 Uncritically reproduces a protective claim of Ritter from the criminal proceedings against Ritter (STA Frankfurt / M. 55/3 Js 5582/48). Ritter claims "... he was never informed about measures relating to gypsies, admissions to concentration camps, etc., but heard of the order to relocate the gypsies to Poland in the winter of 1939/40 and opposed this plan, which was' not without success 'The portrayal of his employee Würth not only contradicted his former boss, but also spoke of a direct personal involvement in the planning with an influence on the time of the deportation. By Heydrich specified in the minutes of the meeting of 30,000 "gypsies" in the Reich also speaks to participate, the same number is published by Ritter until 1,941th Döhring ibid. P. 426.
  34. ^ Hans-Joachim Döring (1962): The Gypsies in the National Socialist State . This also includes the guidelines for the resettlement of gypsies (first transport from the western and north-western border zones) of April 27, 1940 . Online at home.balcab.ch.
  35. ↑ Döhring 1959 discusses the individual reasons.
  36. ^ A b Hedwig Brüchert: National Socialist Rassenwahn. (PDF) Retrieved April 27, 2015 .
  37. ↑ a b Police report on the deportation. HHStA Dept. 407/863 according to Hartmut Bohrer: The deportation of the Lehmann family. (PDF) Retrieved April 27, 2015 .
  38. ↑ Zimmermann 1996, p. 45 also explains Würth's work in the “collection camp”.
  39. ↑ Müller-Hill, pp. 153f.
  40. ↑ a b c d Müller-Hill, p. 154.
  41. ↑ Based on a compilation of the Racial Hygiene Research Center from mid-1940, the number is composed as follows: Baden: 150, Saarpfalz: 160, Hesse: 180. At the same time, Cologne became 600, Düsseldorf: 330, Hanover / Braunschweig: 130, Weser: 30 , north of Hanover: 750, so altogether 2330 Sinti and Roma deported. Document is reproduced in Arnold: The Nazi Gypsy Persecution. Your interpretation and exploitation. P. 32.
  42. ↑ Sauer 2004, p. 304.
  43. ↑ Police reports from individuals also reached the Racial Hygiene Research Center, the holdings of the Federal Archives R 165/205 is an example of this.
  44. ↑ Rose / Weiss 1991, p. 49.
  45. ↑ Müller-Hill, p. 154. Attention: Check location!
  46. ↑ Müller-Hill, p. 155. This is important insofar as the files and the collection of the research center were actually relocated to Württemberg.
  47. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 280
  48. ↑ Müller-Hill, p. 156.
  49. ^ Building blocks: Sinti and Roma
  50. ^ Arnold: The Nazi Gypsy Persecution. Your interpretation and exploitation. P. 95f.
  51. ↑ Müller-Hill, pp. 152–157.
  52. ↑ Scientific service of the Bundestag, ed. (2009): Antiziganismus und Porajmos. PDF ( Memento from September 16, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
personal data
SURNAME Würth, Adolf
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Würth, Adolf Ludwig
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German anthropologist and tsiganologist
DATE OF BIRTH May 16, 1905
PLACE OF BIRTH Bonndorf
DATE OF DEATH 20th century or 21st century