Babulo (Uato-Lari)
| Babulo | |||
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| Data | |||
| surface | 70.52 km² | ||
| population | 2,187 (2015) | ||
| Chefe de Suco | Mario Trindade (election 2016) |
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| Aldeias | Population (2015) | ||
| Abadere | 245 | ||
| Aha B Uu | 276 | ||
| Asa Muta | 213 | ||
| Beli | 384 | ||
| Cota Nisi | 154 | ||
| Daralari | 305 | ||
| Lia Sidi | 446 | ||
| Roma | 164 | ||
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Babulo (Babolu) is an East Timorese place and Suco in the administrative office of Uato-Lari ( municipality of Viqueque ). The Suco is one of the centers of the Naueti ethnic group , but also has a larger minority of Makasae . The various groups and clans are linked to one another in a tight network of social structures that still has an impact on society today.
The name “Babulo” is the name of an empire in Tetum Terik .
geography
| Babulo | ||
| places | position | height |
| Afaloicai | 8 ° 47 ' S , 126 ° 34' E | 578 m |
| Aha B Uu | 8 ° 46 ' S , 126 ° 35' E | 312 m |
| Aliambata | 8 ° 48 ′ S , 126 ° 35 ′ E | 71 m |
| Babulo | 8 ° 47 ' S , 126 ° 34' E | 578 m |
| Borolalo | 8 ° 48 ' S , 126 ° 34' E | 252 m |
| Borulaisoba | 8 ° 46 ' S , 126 ° 35' E | 398 m |
| Cucodere | 8 ° 47 ' S , 126 ° 37' E | 157 m |
| Daralari | 8 ° 48 ′ S , 126 ° 35 ′ E | 9 m |
| Kampung Baru | 8 ° 48 ' S , 126 ° 34' E | 33 m |
| Nahasaka | 8 ° 46 ' S , 126 ° 35' E | 428 m |
| Uato-Lari | 8 ° 46 ' S , 126 ° 35' E | 502 m |
| Uatosoba | 8 ° 46 ' S , 126 ° 34' E | 373 m |
| Uai Cai | 8 ° 43 ' S , 126 ° 35' E | 498 m |
The Suco is located in the east of the Uato-Lari administrative office. In the south, Babulo extends to the Timor Sea , in the west and north-west the Bebui and its tributary Roliu border the Suco to its neighbors Uaitame , Afaloicai and Matahoi . To the north, Babulo is bordered by another territory of Afaloicai and to the east by Vessoru . The Metauai river rises in the border area of the Sucos in the northeast and later flows into the Timor Sea as Oiqui in Vessoru. The Borouai , which rises in Babulo, forms the border river to Vessoru further south to its mouth.
Before the 2015 regional reform, Babulo had an area of 79.71 km². Now it is 70.52 km². Areas north of the place Uai Cai were given up to the Suco Afaloicai and the border in the north to the east Suco Vessoru moved further east to the course of the river Metauai . A river island in the Bebui went to Afaloicai, for which the entire Uaitame estuary delta was given to Babulo.
The place Babulo is located in the southwest of the Sucos, at an altitude of 578 m . It forms a closed settlement with the place Afaloicai (Aflocai) . The primary school Escola Primaria No. is located here . 7 Afalocai . There is also a medical station here.
At Borolalo (Burlalu) , the southern coastal road, one of the most important traffic routes in East Timor, crosses the Bebui via a bridge. From here the road leads along the coast until it leaves the Suco via the Borouai to the east. Daralari (Daralare) is located on the road in the southwest . The villages of Aliambata and Kampung Baru are also located here . In the southeast is the village of Cucodere , in the center of the place Uato-Lari ( Uato-Lari Leten , "Ober" -Uato-Lari ) and in the north Uai Cai . To the north of Aliambata, in the east of Sucos, there is a grotto in Mount Didimera with a view of the sea. In it there is an altar with a statue of Jesus and other Christian figures of saints. Two kilometers from Didimera, the southern coastal road runs through the Suco. There are “Eternal Flames” at Aliambata , which are fed by natural gas that escapes naturally .
The Babulo ( 265 m ) is an elevation south of the town of the same name. To the northeast of Babulo lies the Baha Liurai , the sacred mountain of Sucos. On its western flank is the settlement of Uatosoba with the holiest house of Sucos. It belongs to the Aldeia Daralari . To the northeast of the Baha Liurai is the settlement of Aha B Uu , to the east of Borulaisoba and to the southeast of the animist burial site Nahasaka .
In the Suco there are the eight Aldeias Abadere , Aha B Uu ( Ahabu′u , Aha Bu′u ), Asa Muta (Asamuta) , Beli , Cota Nisi ( Kotanisi , sometimes Kaidu ), Daralari (Darlari) , Lia Sidi (Liasidi, Lia Cide) and Roma .
Residents and culture
overview
The anthropologist Susana Barnes studied the culture and traditions of the people of Babulu for several years and documented the interaction of the various clans and their respective ceremonial tasks. The following presentation is based primarily on her publication Origins, Precedence and Social Order in the Domain of Ina Ama Beli Darlari .
2187 inhabitants (2015) live in Suco Babulo, of which 1113 are men and 1074 women. The population density is 31.0 inhabitants / km². There are 455 households in the Suco. Almost 97% of the population name Naueti as their mother tongue. Almost 2% speak Makasae , individual residents speak Tetum Prasa , Tetum Terik, Makalero , Fataluku and Waimaha . Before the 2015 territorial reform, the proportion of Makasae speakers was almost 24%. 88.32% of all residents between the ages of 15 and 24 can read and write. It is both above the national average and above the average in the municipality of Viqueque. The value is worse if you look at all persons over the age of 15. Then only 57.2% are not illiterate, which is still better than the average for the municipality of Viqueque (55.9%). 40.83% of Babulo's residents are under 15 years old (national average: 39.09%), 15.09% are 60 years and older (8.19%).
The origin of the association of the Aldeias to the Suco Babulo is unclear. The Aldeias are still made up of clans whose members are widely related to one another. Neither immigration in the late colonial period nor the Indonesian forced relocations have destroyed these structures. The center of every Aldeia is a holy house ( Uma Luli ) . They used to be the core of the baha (Naueti for "settlement" or "mountain"). It was in these highland settlements that the people of Babulu lived before the Indonesian invasion. Traditionally, men who were related to each other on the father's side lived there together with the married women and children. Each of the cult houses had an assigned task within the ritual and social organization of the clan.
The clans in turn are divided into lineages and sub-lineages (Uma kain) , each of which has its own cult house. Within the lineage, the relationship between the individual members is described as “older” (kaka) and “younger” (wari) . The "older" houses are more closely related to the ancestor and therefore have a higher rank than the "younger" ones. The oldest man of the "oldest" house of each lineage is called Na'i (Tetum for "Master") or Bu Dato (Grandfather-Lord). They are considered direct descendants of the ancestor. The Aldeia bosses traditionally come from the “oldest” houses of the clans. Usually they are sons or nephews of one of the elders. Marriages, alliances and relatives bind the lineages in the Aldeia to the leading house. You should always marry outside your own lineage in order to create close relationships between the bride and groom (uma ana) and the bride and groom (oa sae) . In reality, however, marriages occur within the same line or sub-line even when it is deprecated. In addition, the Naueti population is divided into Liurai (nobles, also the highest ruler is called Liurai ), Reinu and Ata ( slaves ). The Ata descend from former slaves and prisoners of war. Traditionally, no marriage may be concluded between the three classes.
The resettlements during the Indonesian occupation resulted in around half of the population of Babulu having their roots in the neighboring Suco Afaloicai. They form their own Aldeias and are also not subordinate to the traditional resident Liurai. Culturally, they still have a bond with their home country, which they clearly distinguish from their current place of residence. Afaloicai and Babulo have a long history of social relationships, such as alliance marriages. Even so, Afaloicai residents are often still seen as immigrants with fewer claims to land and other natural resources.
Many traditional leaders complain that the ancient rites intended to ensure the fertility of the land are no longer practiced by many of the Sucos, including members of the leading clans. Also, only a few people would know the mythical story of sucos or the evocations of the ancestors. Immigrants bring their own traditions and ancestors with them that are revered. Babulo's elders speak of a “chaotic” situation that has caused problems and worries since the Portuguese left.
Traditional belief
The majority of Babulo's residents are officially Catholic, as in all of East Timor. In the entire municipality of Viqueque, only 52 residents profess the traditional faith , in which natural spirits and ancestors are venerated.
Nevertheless, the traditional religion still has a lot of influence, whereby it is emphasized that even before the arrival of the Catholic missionaries, not simply “rock and tree” (uato no kai) were worshiped, but the creation deity Wula ′ Lara ( German moon sun , also Ulu Lara ). This created the world according to faith and put certain people on earth to control (ei) and tame (masi) the land . Before these chosen ones arrived, people lived without rules and regulations (ikutame, garteme) . Only after the elect had taken control were norms of behavior and practices established for a social and moral order. It is up to the heirs of the elect, the Daralari clan, to maintain this through the continuation of the sacred (luli) norms and practices. These influence the interaction of the clans and houses and determine the rituals and social life.
Most sacred are the rules associated with the Founding Fathers. With the occupation of the land, they were responsible for naming the hills, rocks, rivers, springs, forests and fields and began using nature and its resources. This laid the foundations of interrelationship with the bu′u , the original owners of the land, or guardians, who inhabited the earth. Belief in the invisible world inhabited by bu′u in different forms is still widespread today. The most powerful of them are believed to be the independent and untamed "owners" (of land and natural resources) who can take animal or human form. They rule over the processes in nature and can influence the relationship between man and land. If one does not respect the luli order and prohibitions, it can have negative consequences according to the imagination of many residents. Illnesses and deaths are reported. In order to avoid these, one needs the help of the elders in order to appease the bu′u again. That is why one “follows in the footsteps” of the ancestors with special rituals, incantations and offerings in order to please the bu′u and to gain access to natural resources. According to belief, the spirits of the ancestors also entered nature. Places that are believed to congregate here are considered sacred. Several ancestors have entered local legends because of their deeds. Sometimes these were connected with great sacrifices up to and including death. Deeds include the first harvest, protecting the borders and saving the land from natural disasters. There is a mutual relationship between the living and the ancestors. Over the year rituals are spread throughout the entire community and the individual clans with incantations and offerings for the ancestors.
Shortly before the harvest, the ceremony masi eka rae rea ena ( German for “washing the corncob leaves” ) is carried out in small groups in the fields . With it, the owner of the field (rea bu′u) should be asked for protection for the harvest. The ritual changes the corn from ba′ina (forbidden and sour) to masi (tamed, approved for consumption and sweet). According to belief, the rea bu′u can take the form of mice, insects, plant parasites and diseases and thus destroy the harvest. Other bu′u who first worked the land as ancestors are also involved in the ceremony . Eggs, rice and some meat are sacrificed. Some of the food is distributed on the borders of the fields and in their center. The rest will be divided among those present. Occasionally, items of clothing or tais , East Timor's woven fabrics, are also sacrificed because spirits and ancestors have the same needs as living people.
Beli and Daralari
The highest spiritual and ritual authority rests with the Daralari elders . According to them, the Daralari also had worldly power in their hands in the past, but this was voluntarily given to the other clans in order to "retreat into the darkness". It is said that the decision was made to take this step in order to keep the secrets of their country from "outsiders". What are meant are the colonial authorities and the Catholic Church. In addition, secondary lines and immigrant groups have been integrated into the structures and possible rebellions against the abundance of power have been prevented. By withdrawing to spiritual power one is now "above things" and as an authority above worldly power.
The elders of the Daralari know all of the spiritual secrets. They know the story of the arrival of the ancestors and the first settlement, the establishment of the local houses and the arrival of the groups that arrive later. They know the old conflicts, alliances, contracts and oaths (juramento) , in the Suco and with the neighbors. They are also familiar with the old land use rights and the boundaries between territories. Your most important knowledge, however, are the names of the various spirits and guardian ancestors who control access to forests, fields and water. Access to this knowledge is strictly regulated and limited to a few.
The “oldest” houses of Beli and Daralari trace their origins back to two brothers, whose direct descent is derived from the mythical founder of the old empire of Bubulu . According to the stories of the inhabitants of Daralari, the mythical ancestors came from the sea and took possession of "the entire land over which the sun ruled". The original names of the lineages of the two Aldeias are considered sacred and must therefore not be pronounced. They are derived from the origin of the houses and are kept secret from outsiders. In everyday life and at local ceremonies, they use the names of today's Aldeias. The leading houses of Daralari are also called Uma Buti (white house) and Uma Ita (black house). The associated shrine houses were rebuilt in 2000 after the end of the Indonesian occupation. Even though the Uma Buti shrine is owned by the Daralari , it belongs to the entire community in Suco. The lower-ranking Uma Ita shrine is known as the ruling house in which traditional symbols of political power (rotan) were kept by the Daralari , which were distributed to subordinate houses. In both houses there are sacred looms that are said to have belonged to the legendary ancestors. It is believed that the essence of the ancestors lives on in them and that they live in certain areas of the holy houses. In ceremonies, food, water, betel nuts (bua) , betel pepper leaves (malu) and other offerings are placed in these sacred areas and then distributed again in the community. The nuts and leaves are said to have special protective powers. In community ceremonies, they serve as identifiers for group members and as protection for visitors from outside during healing rituals. Beli has only one main house which is simply referred to as Um Luli (holy house). According to local legend (Naueti: tete bo'ona , literally "oldest story"), the brothers are said to have lived near the Baha Liurai (hill of the ruler). But there was a dispute between the brothers because the older Beli is said to have neglected his duties, to the detriment of the younger Daralari . The elder lost his privilege and had to leave the holy land. Daralari received the status as the leading lineage of the ancestors.
The leading houses of the Aldeias still refer to each other as "older" (kaka) and "younger" (wari) and see themselves as brothers, while other residents of the "land of the ancestors" who joined the Aldeias through marriages and alliances, commonly referred to as Ina Ama Beli Daralari (mother father Beli Daralari). In recognition of their senior position, the leading line bears the title rea bu′u (master / owner of the land). Further terms in the formal, ritual language are “Lenker des Landes” and “Fels des Landes”. The "Lord of the Land" is personified today by the Bu Dato , the leader of the Daralari clan . He is supported by two other elders from Daralari . He “sits and watches” over the ancestral sanctuaries in the main cult houses of the Daralari , the white and black houses.
The "lord of the land" is the chief servant of the land of the ancestors. The elders of Daralari emphasize that the original boundaries of their territory extended much further beyond those of the sucos. It was not until the colonial era that the area was reduced in size in favor of Portugal's allies . The original territory includes the Daralari in the north and northeast regions, whose inhabitants they call ki butana (people of the white children) and ki itana (people of the black children). These groups can be roughly equated with the leading lineages of the Aldeias Lia Sidi (ki itana) and Balabasiba in Suco Vessoru (ki butana) . They are linked to Daralari through marriages . The kingdom of Builo (today an Aldeia in Ossorua ) in the north-west is mentioned in tradition as an opponent of Babulus. Daralari once fought against this in a fierce battle to draw the line between the two powers. In the mid-1910s, the Portuguese colonial rulers appointed Tomás dos Reis Amaral, a descendant of Luca's empire , as the superior ruler of Uaitame and Vessoru to mediate between the two opponents. The regions along the coastal plains to the west and east of the Daralari and Beli area are therefore now dominated by descendants of immigrants from Luca. In the south-west, Daralari's claims extend as far as the Lugassa River , although people are reluctant to make public demands that could endanger peace. The Naueti speakers in Beaco (Suco Maluru ) are said to come from there, according to information from Babulo. Their ancestors were brought to the coast as prisoners of war to be exchanged for firearms.
Today's land of the Daralari is divided into five main houses. Rivers, hills and rocks mark the boundaries. But they are not contiguous territories, they reflect traditional shifting cultivation . You get access because of your descent from the founding ancestors. For further use, the members of the houses must fulfill their ritual and social obligations towards the higher-level houses and their ancestors. Otherwise the ancestors' anger threatens in the form of misfortune, illness or death.
During the “retreat into the darkness”, the Daralari transferred the task of monitoring the use of land and natural resources ( lai bosa, lai wai - German guard the field, guard the water ) to a subordinate house (um kain) of Daralari , the Uma kabo . Later a Kabo Rai , the main representative of the Uma kabo , asked the Bu Dato for a symbol for his office. That's why he was given a Makaer Luli as an expert in rituals. In addition to monitoring the use of land and water, the Kabo Rai also monitors seasonal harvest bans on certain products, collects tributes for community ceremonies, and imposes penalties for disregarding rules. In the practical implementation of the tasks he receives support from the representatives of two other lower houses of Daralari : Asu Rati Reino (probably from Portuguese ajudante ) and Asu Rati Liurai . The Makaer Luli accompanies the work spiritually. He leads the community rituals , acts as a mediator with the spirit world and watches over the sacred objects that are kept in the holy house, the Uma luli , of Borolalo . The ancestors are said to have settled here for the first time when they arrived from the sea.
Aha B Uu and Cota Nisi
The secular leader Babulos (Liurai) traditionally comes from either the Aldeias Aha B Uu (from the ancestor Mau Gai) or Cota Nisi (from the ancestor Kai Du). They represent two different lineages of the same ancestry called Burmeta . The progenitor of Burmeta is said to have been a man named Boru Buti . The name Burmeta is probably derived from the name of Matebian in Makasae, where the mountain is also called Bere Meta , the "big black one". According to the Daralari tradition , the Burmeta are descended from warriors (asuwain) from the region east of the Matebian who came to Babulo about eight generations ago, but this is controversial. Some sources say they were banished from their ancestral lands. Due to their military strength and strategic marriages, the Burmeta are said to have achieved their current leadership in the area.
According to the Daralari , the Burmeta are said to have camped at Baha Liurai when they were on their way west to become vassals of Luca's kingdom . In order to forestall this alliance with their strong neighbors, the Daralari reportedly offered the Burmeta land to settle in, for which they were supposed to defend the borders ( lai reinu, lai rea , German "protect the people, protect the land" ) . The Daralari gave them the title ana bo′ona, ana tadana ( German "the oldest and wisest son" ). According to the task, another name became common: ita mata, kai hene ( German “door and gate” ), “the gatekeepers”. The Burmeta derive their claim to leadership ( tetum ukun for "rule / rule") from a staff (rota) that they received from the ruler of Viqueque. The main holy house of the Aha B Uu is in Borulaisoba . A Makaer Luli ( German "Guardian of the Holy" ) watches over the house . This is where the ruler's insignia and other sacred objects are kept. When Babulo submitted to the Portuguese, the leader of the Burmeta as ruler of the area was given the military rank of lieutenant colonel ( Portuguese tenente colonel ). Since then, the village chiefs (Chefe de Suco) have mostly come from the ranks of the Burmeta . Under the Portuguese colonial administration, this was the connection to the local population. He was responsible for local disputes, collecting taxes and recruiting for the labor service. Nowadays the Chefe de Suco is an elected office.
Roma
The Aldeia Roma is often referred to by others as the "Aldeia without a land". It was only founded after East Timor's independence and is mainly formed by Makasae. Most of their relatives (Laka Roma) are said to be descendants of slaves (Ata) who come from Quelicai and who spoke Makasae. Meanwhile, the Laka Roma speak Naueti themselves, as they mingled with the local population. According to legend, the Laka Roma were originally servants of a Liurai of the Burmeta who lived in exile in Quelicai. When his family called him back home and made him ruler, he brought his followers with them, who clung to him like "seeds of long grass". This is the meaning of laka roma in Makasae. They used to serve the ruling families of Aha B Uu , Cota Nisi, and Daralari . For example, they tended their masters' water buffalo. Later they began to cultivate land that was close to the buffalo pastures.
Immigrants from Afaloicai
The youngest immigrant group comes from neighboring Afaloicai, who came to Babulo in three waves. The oldest group came from the Aldeias Buibela and Lena and came to Suco in the 1930s in search of land. Presumably they were refugees from the conflict over the collapse of the Afaloicai empire . According to local lore, Liurai reached Gregorio from Lena Babulo shortly before the arrival of the Japanese (1942, see Battle of Timor ). Accordingly, he and his people moved into Babulo with fanfares, drums and flutes and set up camp on holy land (rea luli) near the Baha Liurai. Shortly thereafter, illness broke out among the newcomers, which was attributed to this taboo. Gregorio therefore asked the elders of the Daralari for permission to settle in the Suco. The new alliance was cemented with a marriage and Gregorio was allowed to go as a son-in-law to a place called Tua Rae Laleo ( German "shelter of palm vine leaves " ). In the vicinity of Uato-Lari Leten and Kampung Baru he received land for his people to cultivate. As oa sae (bride-to-be) the Gregorios family undertook to provide goods and services to the Daralaris. The Daralari emphasize, however, that the Gregorios family only have usage rights to the land and that the actual control over it still lies with the "Lord of the Land".
After World War II , Portugal pursued an agricultural development policy in the colony. The village chiefs were instructed to set up working groups for field work by the colonial government. In the 1950s and 1960s, another group of immigrants from Afaloicai and the area around the Matebians followed, who initially only worked as seasonal workers on the rice fields that arose in the coastal plain of Uato-Lari. Later they also settled firmly in the region. Many of them benefited from the family ties that existed with the previous immigrants who were already resident.
The third group after Babulo was forcibly resettled by the Indonesians after many civilians submitted to the invaders after the fall of the resistance base at Matebian in 1979. In contrast to Burmeta and Laka Roma , these immigrants are not integrated into traditional social structures. Instead, they stayed in their own clans and hierarchies. For the long-time residents, they are often still seen as temporary residents and in ceremonies and rituals they are referred to as "the people who use the land for agriculture and horticulture".
Relationship with Luca
Members of the leading houses of the Aha B Uu and Daralari are related to the ruling family of Luca through marriage, although it is no longer known how long this connection with the Amarals dates back. Two houses in Beli also have connections with Luca. Uma Timor (Mou Kai, Uani Kai) "received" representatives from Luca, who came to Babulo to collect tributes, and Uma Malae's house (Kai Bira, Kar (a) Soru) was the kusu selu ( German saddle house ) and resting place for the representatives Lucas.
Barnes was also told that the red and black tais of the women of the high-ranking core groups of Babulos were a symbol of the relationship with Luca. These substances are called krabi wa'e mae . “Wa'e” means to hold something protectively in your arms, like a baby. “Mae” means “red” and symbolizes blood and fertility. The fabrics would thus represent the comprehensive and protective nature of the relationship between Luca and Babulo.
Baha Liurai Festival
Every seven to fifteen years, the Baha Liurai festival of the Naueti takes place in Babulo , where a festival is celebrated on the region's “holy mountain” of the same name. It was not celebrated after 1974 because such animistic ceremonies were forbidden under the Indonesian occupation (1975-1999). The first Baha Liurai after the occupation took place in November 2003. Another followed in 2015. The next festival is planned for 2025.
history
The Portuguese did not have a permanent presence in the region until the 20th century and this mostly only through administrative officials with mixed Timorese-Portuguese origins . The reports suggest that the Suco Babulo emerged relatively late from an alliance of local groups and that of the colonial power, even if historical traditions suggest that there was an empire of Babulo as vassal Vessorus as early as the 17th century. In the lists of the Boletim de Timor , however, Babulo did not appear until 1934 as the Suco of the Uato-Lari post. Previously there was mostly talk of the Suco Lia Sidi of the Vessoru Empire. In the May 1910 edition it is reported that the Suco boss of Lia Sidi was deposed by the Portuguese for disobedience and replaced by Mau Gai (Mau Ga'e, `Mau Gai), the ancestor of the House of Aha B Uu .
The complicated alliance system of the clans repeatedly led to the fact that in supraregional conflicts the front ran right between the clans in Suco and the entire administrative office of Uato-Lari. This is how the descendants of Burmeta see the ruling family of Afaloicai, the Buibela / Lena , their "younger brothers". For example, some members of the ruling house benefited from the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), during which they made political and economic careers at the local and national level. Some of them were already involved in the Viqueque Rebellion . Uato-Lari has the reputation of a trouble spot due to the internal conflicts that flare up again and again.
In 1959 the last major uprising against the Portuguese colonial power broke out. The rulers of Burmeta were also involved. After the crackdown, many Naueti lost land and livestock. The Portuguese gave it to loyal Timorese, mostly Makasaes.
Also UDT -Unterstützer that the civil war in August 1975, the FRETILIN documents, were found later among the collaborators with the Indonesians and so their chance for revenge.
After the beginning of their invasion in 1975, the Indonesians entered Uato-Lari via Beaco in late 1976 . Large parts of the population fled their homes and sought protection from the air raids. Some stayed away for only a few days, others fled for several months, building makeshift shelters and even planting fields. Among other places, they found refuge in the resistance base at Matebian until it fell in November 1978. At the end of November 1979 the population slowly returned to the Suco. The Indonesians forcibly relocated most of the locals for better control. Uato-Lari (Leten) had been the administrative seat of the administrative office from the first half of the 20th century until it was relocated to Uato-Lari in Suco Matahoi under the Indonesians . A resettlement camp was set up in Afaloicai near Uato-Lari Leten . People from all six sucos Uato-Laris and from the then sub-districts Baguia and Quelicai were interned here. In the first few months they were guarded by the Indonesian military and their East Timorese helpers and were not allowed to leave a certain area without guarding. There was limited accommodation and food, and there was limited access to the fields and gardens. In the early 1980s resettlement began along the main roads, in Uato-Lari Leten / Afaloicai and the new settlement of Kampung Baru . Since there were still restrictions on where to live in the 1980s and early 1990s, fields and gardens could not be cultivated further away. In some cases, people refrained from working voluntarily because they were afraid of the FALINTIL rebels or did not want to be suspected of working with them. The lack of land meant that every area was used for cultivation, regardless of traditional rules. The destruction of the clan structures and the restrictions on movement prevented the ritual conversation with the ancestors. Ceremonies were banned, so that the social system in Suco collapsed in parts. Part of the structure was only able to be preserved because Aldeias largely came to common settlements during the resettlement. The Beli and Daralari , for example, came to the place Aliambata , which is near several holy places, such as the "Eternal Flames". The Chefe de Suco from Aldeia Aha B Uu also came here with his family. The Daralari elders continued to conduct Thanksgiving ceremonies in a simplified form. Since independence, there has been a trend, especially among the older part of the population, to repopulate the old villages, while the young people stay in the Indonesian settlements because they usually have better access to education and health care. Many also live in temporary accommodation near the fields during the planting and harvesting season.
After the parliamentary elections in East Timor in 2007 and Xanana Gusmão's assumption of office as the new Prime Minister, unrest broke out, triggered by supporters of the defeated FRETILIN. An unknown number of people fled their homes to Mount Babulo. Over 900 residents of Uato-Lari fled to Uatucarbau , others to the city of Viqueque .
In early July 2010, 95 houses in the village of Aliambata were destroyed by flooding. The Chefe de Suco, Costodio Silveiro Fernandes, called on the government to ensure that those affected are resettled.
politics
In the local elections of 2004/2005 , Mario Lisboa was elected Chefe de Suco. He came from the Aldeia Cota Nisi . As in other parts of the country, only representatives of the “ruling line” were allowed to run as Chefe de Suco and Chefe de Aldeia in these elections.
Costodio Silveiro Fernandes won the local elections in 2009 . He did not belong to the traditional ruling family. In 2016 , Mario Trindade from Aldeia Aha B Uu was elected Chefe de Suco.
Economy, infrastructure and living conditions
2.70% of the population are unemployed in 2015, another 45.02% are registered as inactive, for example because they are retired or only farm for their own needs.
43.1% of households only farm for their own use, 56.2% also sell a smaller part, and only 0.7% primarily produce agricultural products for trade. Manioc, corn, sweet potatoes, beans and other vegetables and roots are grown. Wet rice is cultivated on the Bebui, and dry rice on the higher plains. There are also coconut and light nut plantations , which secure a cash income for many families. There is also fishing and (forbidden) hunting. 3800 chickens, 1300 pigs, 950 sheep, 770 goats, 275 horses, 940 cattle and 480 water buffalo are kept in the Suco. 14.07% of households have equipment to make tais.
There is a primary school each in Uai Cai and Aliambata. There is also a medical station in Uai Cai.
Most of the residential buildings in Suco are still simple huts. Only 19.6% have solid outer walls, 58.5% have a roof made of modern materials. 26.6% of households have access to sanitary facilities, 35.4% to a clean water source and 51.9% have access to electricity. 90.11% use wood as an energy source for cooking, 7.91% use electricity. The living conditions for residents in these areas have improved since 2010.
79.56% of the households in Babulu have a telephone, 19.56% a television, 9.01% a radio, 13.19% a motorcycle, 0.44% a car and 1.98% a computer with internet access.
literature
- Susana Barnes: Customary renewal and the pursuit of power and prosperity in post-occupation East Timor: a case-study from Babulo, Uato Lari. Monash University, 2017.
Web links
- Results of the 2010 census for the Suco Babulo ( tetum ; PDF; 8.4 MB)
- Results of the 2015 census for the Suco Babulo (tetum; PDF; 8.7 MB)
- Seeds of Life: Suco information sheets Uato-Lari (tetum)
supporting documents
- Susana Barnes: Origins, Precedence and Social Order in the Domain of Ina Ama Beli Darlari . In: Land and life in Timor-Leste. Pp. 23-46.
- Susana Barnes, Hans Hägerdal, Lisa Palmer: An East Timorese Domain - Luca from Central and Peripheral Perspectives , 2017, DOI: 10.1163 / 22134379-17302020 .
Individual evidence
- ↑ a b c d e Direcção-Geral de Estatística : Results of the 2015 census , accessed on November 23, 2016.
- ↑ a b c Barnes, Hägerdal, Palmer p. 342.
- ↑ Fallingrain.com: Directory of Cities, Towns, and Regions in East Timor
- ↑ a b Ministry of State Administration and Territorial Management: Uato-Laris map ( memento of February 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ), accessed on January 25, 2017.
- ↑ a b c Timor-Leste GIS-Portal ( Memento from June 30, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Direcção Nacional de Estatística: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas Volume 2 English ( Memento from January 5, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) (Census 2010; PDF; 22.6 MB)
- ↑ List of polling stations for the parliamentary elections in East Timor 2007 (PDF file; 118 kB)
- ↑ a b c UNMIT: Timor-Leste District Atlas version 02, August 2008 ( Memento from December 3, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 509 kB)
- ↑ Yr.no : Gunung Babulo (Timor-Leste)
- ↑ a b c Barnes, p. 31.
- ↑ Jornal da Républica with the Diploma Ministerial n. 199/09 ( Memento of February 3, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) (Portuguese; PDF; 323 kB)
- ↑ a b c d e f g h Results of the 2015 census for the Suco Babulo (tetum; PDF)
- ↑ a b Results of the 2010 census for the Suco Babulo ( tetum ; PDF; 8.4 MB)
- ↑ a b c d e f Barnes, pp. 23-27.
- ↑ a b Barnes, p. 40.
- ↑ Barnes, p. 38.
- ↑ Barnes, p. 39.
- ↑ Barnes, pp. 39 & 40.
- ↑ a b Barnes, p. 30.
- ↑ a b c d e f Barnes, p. 32.
- ↑ Barnes, pp. 37 & 38.
- ↑ a b Barnes, pp. 27-28.
- ^ Barnes, p. 41.
- ↑ Barnes, pp. 27-28. Note: The detailed reproduction of the legend can be found here.
- ↑ a b Barnes, p. 29.
- ↑ a b c Barnes, Hägerdal, Palmer p. 340.
- ^ Barnes, p. 26.
- ↑ a b c d e Barnes; P. 33.
- ↑ a b c Barnes; P. 34.
- ↑ a b c Barnes; P. 35.
- ↑ Susana Barnes: Customary renewal anhe pursuit of power and prosperity in post-occupation East Timor: a case-study from Babulo, Uato Lari, Monash University, 2017. (The date is given several times incorrectly with 2004).
- ↑ Josh Trindade on Facebook: Baha Liurai (Sacred Hill) Ceremony , November 4, 2015 , accessed on November 5, 2015.
- ↑ Josh Trindade on Facebook: Baha Liurai (Sacred Hill) , March 14, 2009 , accessed on January 22, 2017.
- ↑ Barnes, Hägerdal, Palmer p. 341.
- ↑ a b c Barnes, p. 36.
- ↑ a b c Barnes, p. 37.
- ↑ Fundaisaun Mahein: The Everlasting Trouble in Uatulari , April 24, 2012
- ^ Ernest Chamberlain: The 1959 Rebellion in East Timor: Unresolved Tensions and an Unwritten History , accessed September 7, 2013.
- ↑ "Chapter 7.3 Forced Displacement and Famine" (PDF; 1.3 MB) from the "Chega!" Report of the CAVR (English)
- ↑ Internal Displacement Monitoring Center ( Memento of September 24, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 464 kB)
- ↑ Televizaun Timor-Leste: Ninety five houses destroyed by flood , July 6, 2010.
- ↑ Secretariado Técnico de Administração Eleitoral STAE: Eleições para Liderança Comunitária 2004/2005 - Resultados ( Memento of August 4, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Secretariado Técnico de Administração Eleitoral STAE: Eleições para Liderança Comunitária 2009 - Resultados ( Memento of August 4, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
Map with all coordinates: 