Edmond-Charles Genet

Edmond-Charles Genet

Edmond-Charles Édouard Genêt [ ʒə'nɛ ] (also Genet , rarely written Genest ; born January 8, 1763 in Versailles , France ; died July 14, 1834 in East Greenbush , New York , USA ) was a French diplomat. As French ambassador to the United States at the time of the French Revolution , he triggered a diplomatic and political crisis in 1793 when he tried to influence the United States' neutrality policy in favor of France. Following the customs of the French revolutionaries, he was always addressed only as a “citizen” and has thus entered history as Citizen Genêt (English) or Citoyen Genêt (French).

After his arrival in the US undermined Genêt American neutrality policy in the War of the First Coalition and began in American ports privateers equip them for attacks on British merchant ships. He also tried unsuccessfully to recruit American volunteers for military expeditions against the Spanish and British colonies in North America. These actions amounted to a violation of the American proclamation of neutrality and met with the strong rejection of President George Washington . Due to his unyielding and impulsive demeanor, the American government was finally induced to suggest that Paris should recall Genêt. Genêt's return to France at the time of the Jacobin reign of terror would, however, have led to his execution, which is why Washington granted him political asylum. Genêt lived as a farmer in New York State until his death in 1834 and never returned to France.

If Genêt's mission is usually only noted as a footnote in descriptions of the French Revolution, it set in motion momentous developments in the political system of the United States. The “Citizen Genêt” debate was lively discussed in a broad political public and led to a clear polarization in the political spectrum. A little later, the first modern political parties in the USA, the Democratic-Republicans under Thomas Jefferson and the Federalists under John Adams , emerged from the pro- French egalitarian and pro-British conservative camps that emerged from this debate .

Life

Diplomatic career until 1792

Genêt was born on January 8, 1763 in Versailles into a well-off middle-class family. His father Edmé Jacques Genêt had worked his way up in the bureaucracy of the Paris court and in 1762 took over the management of the translation service of the French Foreign Ministry, which was newly created during the Seven Years' War . He specialized in relations with Great Britain. His department was also responsible for intelligence activities such as compiling dossiers on the foreign policy situation. During the American Revolution , in the course of which France again waged war against Great Britain, the American envoys - first Benjamin Franklin , then John Adams - came and went. Franklin and Edmé Genêt also contributed some articles to the ministry's in-house propaganda leaflet during those years, the Affaires d'Angleterre et de l'Amerique. He prepared his son Edmond-Charles for the diplomatic service from an early age. At the age of thirteen he had already mastered four foreign languages ​​and translated Olof Celsius ' Konung Erik XIV: s historia from Swedish into French. The work was published and earned him a gold medal from the Swedish King.

Genêt's eldest sister Henriette, Marie Antoinette's maid.
Oil painting by Joseph Boze , 1786

A year later, Edmond-Charles Genêt began his career in the Foreign Ministry in his father's office. However, the diplomatic service has traditionally been the domain of the nobility. The fact that Genêt managed to rise to high positions in the next few years was due more to the personal patronage of Queen Marie Antoinette than to his father's position . His sister Henriette Genêt was royal chambermaid from 1770 and was also very close to her personally. In 1780 Genêt was sent on a grand tour of Europe to prepare for further career , with the Queen personally ensuring that he was accommodated, looked after and also instructed in the French embassies in the European capitals. He spent a few months in Frankfurt , tried his hand at the university with little enthusiasm and continued his tour through Berlin and Vienna until he had to return to Paris in 1781 because of the death of his father. He had little left of the inheritance, as he had to finance the dowry for his four sisters, but with his considerable salary in the ministry he was able to enable his family to live comfortably. There, like his father, he specialized in British and American affairs and was sent to England on intelligence missions in 1783 and 1784.

With the administrative reforms implemented by Jacques Necker , the Foreign Ministry's translation office was dissolved in 1787. Through the influence of the queen Genêt was appointed secretary of the French embassy in the Russian capital St. Petersburg . In the summer of 1789, shortly after the beginning of the French Revolution , the ambassador went Louis-Philippe de Segur to Paris to be elected to the National Assembly and had Genêt as chargé (fr. Chargé d'affaires ) back. For the next three years, Genêt headed the French legation in Russia. During these years, not only the revolution in France radicalized, but also the political sentiments of Genêt, who enthusiastically welcomed the revolution despite his good relations with the court. In his numerous dispatches, he warned the ministry, which was soon to be headed by revolutionaries, of conspiracies by French aristocratic emigrants who had fled to St. Petersburg and other European metropolises and wanted to induce foreign monarchies to intervene militarily against the revolution. Tsarina Katharina did not join the first coalition , but from August 1791 she refused Genêt access to the court and finally expelled him in July 1792.

Genêt reached Paris in September 1792 , when the National Assembly, now dominated by the Girondins , had decided to abolish the monarchy. He was received with open arms by the leaders of the Gironde. Brissot praised him as the only French diplomat who had dared to “act like a free man” and as a contributor to the revolution abroad, and Madame Roland soon invited him to her salon. Genêt was appointed French ambassador in The Hague as early as October , but with the advance of the French revolutionary army on the northern front it became apparent that the Netherlands would soon be conquered anyway, so this post was unnecessary. On November 19, the National Assembly appointed him to succeed Jean Baptiste de Ternant as the new ambassador to the United States. However, his departure was delayed by a few weeks due to the Tribunal Dumouriez, who had now been appointed against the deposed king : the former foreign minister and now one of the military leaders of the revolutionary army, like many Girondists at first, refused a foreseeable death sentence and instead forged a plan for the royal family exiled in American exile in the wake of Ambassador Genêt. Only after Brissot had voted for the king's execution out of fear of the growing Jacobins did he abandon this project, for which Thomas Paine , who had previously been elected to the National Assembly , had campaigned. Genêt left Paris on January 21, 1793, the day Louis XVI. died under the guillotine . The frigate Embuscade was waiting for him in Rochefort and was supposed to take him to America, but the departure was delayed until February 20, 1793 due to unfavorable winds.

1793: "Citizen Genêt"

Genêt's diplomatic mission only lasted a few months - in late summer the American government felt compelled to ask Paris to call back the ambassador. As the historians Elkins and McKittrick note in their standard work on the 1790s, every account of the ambassador's affair closes "with a certain astonishment at the perfection of the failure of this man and his mission." Genêt's impulsive and undiplomatic demeanor is not insignificant contributed to this diplomatic disaster , but the deeper reasons for its failure are to be found in the incompatibility of French and American foreign policy at the time.

The French American policy

In November and December, a committee of the French Foreign Ministry drafted the guidelines that Genêt's diplomatic mission would follow. They clearly bore the signature of a handful of Girondins who in previous years had dealt extensively with the United States as the first modern republican society. One of these américanistes was Brissot, who had spent some time in America in 1788/89. Brissot believed that the United States would be fundamentally well-disposed towards the French Revolution because it was bound to America by common, universal republican values. The fact that knowledge of American politics barely went beyond the utopian notion of a “universal republic” shows that Genêt's accreditation was not, as necessary, addressed to the American president, but to Congress. The misunderstanding that with sovereignty , foreign policy competence, as in the young French republic, rested exclusively on the people and consequently on the people's assembly, shaped Genet's mission from its beginning to its end. With a comparably unrealistic optimism, the Girondists and Genêt believed that they did not have to pursue their goals in the traditional forms of diplomatic etiquette, but rather through an open-hearted “new diplomacy” that, in the common republican spirit, would automatically lead to quick agreements. Specifically, Genêt was supposed to get the United States to recognize the plight in which its sister republic found itself and to repay the American debts to the French state from the time of the War of Independence quickly and before the deadline. With this money, Genêt was supposed to finance supplies to France (which would benefit American trade) and to equip military expeditions against the Spanish colonies of Louisiana and Florida and against British Canada . By exporting the revolution , financed by France and starting from American soil, the colonies of the war opponent Spain should be "liberated", Canada and Florida possibly annexed to the United States. To achieve its goals, Genêt should negotiate a new trade and assistance agreement. If this did not happen, he should insist on the French reading of the provisions of the treaties that the two nations had concluded in 1778 during the American War of Independence . These treaties, a friendship and trade treaty and a mutual assistance treaty, made the United States an ally of France on paper; in it the United States had committed itself to protecting the French colonies in the New World. Should either country find itself at war, it should allow its war and pirate ships to anchor unmolested in the ports of its ally. Contrary to what is occasionally read in historical literature, it was by no means Genêt's mandate or intention to induce the United States, as an ally of France, to enter the war, but Washington feared that the mere passive observance of these treaties would induce Great Britain to declare war.

American policy on France

Thomas Jefferson

Alexander Hamilton

The main features of the American position in the coalition war were sealed by a proclamation of neutrality on April 22, 1793, when Genêt was already on American soil but had not yet reached the then capital, Philadelphia . The proclamation was preceded by a bitter argument in Washington's cabinet, in which the ideological differences between Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson and Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton had become clear. While both agreed with President Washington that the United States must be kept out of the war in any case, Hamilton tried to shape American foreign policy into a de facto pro-British neutrality, while Jefferson steered a pro-French course. This conflict was based on a fundamental ideological contradiction. If Hamilton and Jefferson had previously been hostile to each other in the debate and the ratification of the constitution , the ideological contradictions of the two crystallized in their different assessments of the French Revolution. This became clear for the first time in 1791 in the debate about the publication of Thomas Paines The Rights of Man , with the radicalization of the revolution, especially after the execution of the French king, the conflict intensified again. Hamilton's ideal of society was elitist and clearly oriented towards the system of the English aristocracy, which led Jefferson again and again to claim that Hamilton was planning to betray the revolution and re-establish the monarchy in America. If this assessment was exaggerated, Hamilton's foreign policy sympathies were evident; in fact, he regularly briefed the British Ambassador George Hammond on what was going on in the Cabinet. Jefferson and his like-minded people, on the other hand, expressly welcomed the French Revolution, saw its radicalization as an affirmation of American republicanism and hoped that its success would also serve an ever-reaching democratization of American society; and James Monroe saw the fate of the two revolutions and republics intimately linked. At first, public opinion was dominated by enthusiasm for the revolution: the news of the Valmy cannonade was celebrated with fireworks in many American cities, and in many places republican clubs based on the French model were founded. The federalists saw in this development the danger of mob rule: years later, John Adams claimed in a letter to Jefferson that in 1793 ten thousand people showed up on the streets of Philadelphia every day “to drag Washington out of his house and so either bring about a revolution in government, or force it to declare war on England in favor of the French Revolution. "

Washington initially welcomed the revolution thoroughly - the key to the Bastille , which his friend and former brother in arms, the Marquis de La Fayette , had given him, hung in his study . Ever since the Marquis was forced into exile by the Jacobins in the autumn of 1792, however, he was increasingly opposed to the radicalization of the revolution. If Washington tried otherwise to balance the differences in his cabinet, he probably paid more attention to Hamilton than Jefferson on this question. In the dispute over the proclamation of neutrality, for example, Hamilton worked to undermine the legitimacy of the new French ambassador, i.e. the French Republic, and only wanted to see him received with reservations. Jefferson, with Washington's consent, had already instructed the American ambassador in Paris, Governor Morris , to negotiate with the new leadership in Paris and thus de facto recognize the republic. Finally, Washington instructed Jefferson to receive Genêt as the new ambassador without reservations, but "without too much warmth or cordiality."

Genêt and the Washington Cabinet

The Embuscade reached Charleston on April 8, 1793. Genêt was greeted by cheering crowds here and on his other stops on the way to the capital Philadelphia. Shortly after his arrival, Genêt began to distribute letters of lading to American shipowners who were supposed to raise British ships on the high seas. In ten days that he was in Charleston, he drove the equipment of four ships - obviously baptized with the names Républicain, Sans culotte, Anti-George and Patriote Genêt - and was actively supported by William Moultrie , the governor of South Carolina . Such participation in the acts of war by foreign powers, however, was expressly prohibited by the government's proclamation of neutrality under threat of punishment, which was announced two weeks later. Genêt only arrived in Philadelphia in mid-May. The Congress had adjourned in March of that year to December, so that the following diplomatic entanglements were initially only reflected in the four-ministerial cabinet of Washington. Genêt, who believed that foreign policy competence rested in the people's assembly, as in France, was very sorry about this termination, especially since it became clear within a few weeks that he would fail with all his concerns at the cabinet. As Treasury Secretary, Hamilton, for example, refused to want the United States to repay its debts with France ahead of schedule, on the grounds that such an arrangement would represent a direct benefit to a warring party and thus a violation of American neutrality. With this rejection, Genêt's plans to equip expeditions against Louisiana, Florida or Canada were also dashed, as he had been instructed to finance them from the aforementioned repayment installments. Although he provided the botanist André Michaux, who was in the USA, with mercenary letters and sent him to the American West with an order to hire a volunteer army in Kentucky to attack Louisiana, this project ultimately remained as fruitless as the efforts of the French consul in Charleston, Michel Ange Bernard de Mangourit , to lead a force against Florida.

One of the most momentous complications was the dispute over the legitimacy of the privateers that Genêt had fitted out in American ports. When the first captured British ship, the Grange , sailed under a French flag in Charleston, the British ambassador Hammond protested to Jefferson, who had the ship set free. Genêt initially accepted this first decision, but insisted in the following weeks - with good reason under international law - that the assistance treaty of 1778 allowed pirates to be equipped in American ports. Jefferson initially showed understanding for Genêt's reading of the treaty provisions, but was nonetheless convinced that the United States, in exercising its territorial sovereignty, could again deny France the right to equip pirates in American ports, as had happened with the de facto proclamation of neutrality . When Genêt, after expressly declaring it, failed to inform the French consuls of the American port cities about the ban, Jefferson sent out a corresponding circular. Further complications arose when, towards the end of May, the first Americans who had been hired on the pirate trips were arrested - Genêt then unsuccessfully demanded an immediate release. In further letters to Jefferson's Ministry, Genêt, in his displeasure with the government's intransigence, turned into increasingly harsh protests; A particularly furious protest note on June 22 led Hamilton to remark that never in the history of diplomacy had an ambassador insulted his host country so, and Jefferson soon gave up hope of being able to bring Genet to his senses. Instead of following the instructions of the government, Genêt unwaveringly had a hijacked British schooner, the Little Sarah , upgraded in the port of Philadelphia into a French privateer - renamed the Petite Democrate . To keep the ship from leaving, Hamilton and Secretary of War Henry Knox had an artillery battery relocated to the lower reaches of the Delaware River, but before the unit arrived, the Petite Democrate sailed out to sea. This episode at the latest convinced Jefferson that Genêt's appearance, if it were to become public, would not only discredit the American-French relationship, but also the cause of the republican-minded Americans. Hamilton, meanwhile, worked to the fact that Washington should demand an immediate recall of Genêt from Paris. In order not to dup France and the Republican clubs in America, Jefferson managed, after weeks of heated discussions in the cabinet, that the recall would only be suggested to Paris. In a long letter to the French Foreign Office, he once again described the incompatibility of the American and French versions of the 1778 Treaties, and enclosed copies of Genet's letters in the hope that the tone would speak for itself.

“Citizen Genêt” and American party politics

During these months of 1793, Genêt, paradoxically, felt encouraged in his positions by the American people themselves. In Philadelphia, as at the previous stops on his journey, he was received by cheering crowds, and subsequently invited to numerous receptions and dinners in which republican-minded Americans toasted the welfare of France with him. He was pleased to note that in June the National Gazette published a number of essays, drawn with the pseudonym “Veritas,” which sharply criticized Washington's proclamation of neutrality. So he came to the wrong conclusion that its author was Jefferson himself (in fact it was probably Philip Freneau ) and that his concern was secretly approved in republican government circles, but blocked by the "monarchical" elements like Hamilton. However, his misjudgment of the strength of the executive, i.e. the president and the federal government, in the US political system was particularly fatal. On the one hand, it induced him to make very disrespectful statements against Washington's person and, on the other hand, to believe that he would be able to present his concerns directly to the parliament with the session of the Congress beginning in December. This implicit threat not only to disregard the instructions of the government of his host country, but to openly agitate against its decisions, contained some political explosives which the federalists around Hamilton, John Jay and Rufus King began to exploit, which resulted in the affair of “Citizen Genêt ”turned into a bitter domestic political controversy.

Hamilton had intervened under the pseudonym "Pacificus" on the part of the Gazette of the United States from June 29th in the spring war over the French policy and in four essays attacked the demands made in the "Veritas" letters for the abandonment of neutrality. Under the pseudonym "No Jacobin" he intensified his attacks on the pro-French republican clubs in further essays from July 13th. In the first of these essays, he alleged that Genêt had threatened to appeal directly to the American people over the head of Washington - which would ultimately amount to a call to overthrow the government. With this assertion, Hamilton tried, building on the unreserved admiration that Americans of all political camps showed President George Washington, to induce the pro-French Republican camp to rethink or to discredit it, and thus to silence criticism of its own pro-British foreign policy. Madison answered the challenge for the republican camp as "Helvidius" and admitted to his loyalty to Washington and the proclamation of neutrality, but at the same time defended the French Republic against "monarchical" accusations. Hamilton's activities unfolded the greater effect: throughout the country from Boston to Richmond, including in many smaller cities, he organized public assemblies that passed resolutions against the activities of the French ambassador. The Republicans responded with a series of similar events, albeit limited to Virginia, given that a yellow fever epidemic broke out in Philadelphia in September and mass events were avoided elsewhere. Nonetheless, the most lasting effect of the dispute over Genêt was the emergence of the first party system - within a year the federalist party developed from the Hamilton camps' meetings , and the Democratic-Republican Party from the sympathizers of Jefferson and the democratic clubs . Although many ideological differences between the two groups went back to the time of the constitutional dispute between 1787 and 1789, it was not until the Genêt affair that they were consolidated as political parties with civil participation in local sub-associations.

Genêt in New York

Naval battle between the Embuscade and HMS Boston off Sandy Hook.
Painting by Jean Antoine Théodore de Gudin , 1839.

The fact that the debate about himself continued to heat up and that wider circles of the political public took part continued to lead Genêt to fatefully overconfident. In fact, he had become little more than a plaything in party political intrigue , which he never wanted to admit. This was particularly evident when he arrived in New York in early August , where Hamilton's supporters and the Republican-minded supporters of Governor George Clinton had long been in particularly bitter political competition. Here, too, foreign policy positioning had become a party-political issue of sentiment. This was particularly evident when the crews of the Embuscade , the French frigate that Genêt had brought to America, fought with the crew of the British HMS Boston in the harbor docks of New York and a sea duel was then agreed. The battle of the two ships took place within sight of Manhattan and was watched by thousands of New Yorkers, with significantly more cheering for the ultimately victorious Embuscade than the British ship. A few days after the duel, Genêt arrived in New York and was celebrated by a larger crowd. Hamilton's henchmen tried to disrupt the reception by deliberately spreading the message that Genêt would now implement his appeal to the people to oppose Washington's policies, thus alienating at least some Republicans from their camp. Leading Republicans such as Aaron Burr and the family clan around Robert R. Livingston hosted receptions and banquets in honor of Genêt over the next few days, so that his concerns and demeanor were confirmed - but in fact, his recall was initiated during these days.

The reason for Genet's trip to New York was the arrival of a large French fleet that was supposed to bring around 2500 soldiers and refugees from the colony of Saint-Domingue (today's Haiti ), which had been shaken by a slave revolt . The discipline of the ship's crews was shattered by conflicts of loyalty and command, and the governor of the colony, Thomas François Galbaud, accused of treason, was held hostage on the flagship of the fleet. Genêt took on the military title of Adjutant General for these tasks and actually managed, with his authority, to successfully reorganize the fleet. He transferred sailors to other ships to break the cohesion of mutiny among suspicious groups and got rid of those who defied his authority with an assurance of free departure. He also invested around $ 100,000 in the repair and armament of the fleet, which he expanded to include some ships, including the Embuscade and the Cornelia (the former Petite Democrate , now renamed after George Clinton's daughter). With this naval power, he believed that his plans to attack Canada and the Spanish colonies could still be put into practice, but no sooner had the fleet lifted anchor with these orders on October 5th when the newly appointed ship commanders decided to accept Genêt's orders ignore and instead headed for motherland France. On September 15, Genêt learned of the American government's request to recall him, and news of the overthrow of the Girondi government in America had just arrived. Genêt reacted to these decisions with fickleness, sometimes with resignation, sometimes with helpless outbursts of anger, but he finally had to realize that his mission had failed. The opening of the 3rd Congress, which he had longed for, began with a government address by Washington, in which the recall of Genêt was publicly announced in clear words and without any protest.

After 1793: in exile

In France, meanwhile, in late summer the Jacobins ousted the Girondins from power and arrested and guillotined their leaders, including Brissot, in October . The Jacobins also went to court with the Genêt appointed by the Gironde government: in a Jacobean pamphlet he was accused of conspiracy and of deliberately alienating the United States from the French Republic and driving into the camp of the coalition. Robespierre made similar allegations on November 17 in a speech in the National Convention against Genêt. Shortly thereafter, Genêt's welfare committee decided to remove him and at the same time issued an arrest warrant against him. Genêt's successor in the diplomatic service, Jean Fauchet, arrived in Philadelphia on February 21, 1794. Washington, however, refused to accept the new envoy's request that Genêt be detained and instead granted Genêt political asylum - given the course of the reign of terror, it seemed only too likely that Genêt would be guillotined would be handed over to the Jacobins.

Genêt never returned to France. He now devoted himself all the more intensely to his courtship for Cornelia Clinton, the twenty-year-old daughter of New York Governor George Clinton . The couple married on November 6, 1794. The marriage had six children. First Genêt bought a farm on Long Island for his family , until he moved to a larger property near Albany in the Hudson Valley in 1802 . Meanwhile, his siblings were working towards his rehabilitation in France. His sister, who had been in hiding during the reign of terror, founded an elite girls' school after the fall of the Jacobins , which was attended by many daughters of influential families. Through these contacts she finally achieved in 1799 that Genêt's name would be removed from the list of counterrevolutionary emigrants and his confiscated property released again, but on condition that he had to be in France within six months. Genêt decided not to return and in 1804 took American citizenship. In 1814, four years after the death of his first wife, he married Martha Osgood, a daughter of Samuel Osgood . Through his first marriage he remained closely connected to the Clinton clan, which dominated New York politics for decades. With the rage attached to his name, he did not want to run for public office again. Occasionally he took part in the usual party-political feather wars under various pseudonyms on the part of DeWitt Clinton and the New York Democrats. In 1831 Alexis de Tocqueville visited him when he was doing research for his now classic work On Democracy in America . The two talked animatedly until sunset, but not a word from this conversation found its way into Tocqueville's book. Genêt died on July 14, 1834 on his farm in Greenbush.

Memberships

From 1782 he was a corresponding member of the Académie des sciences .

literature

• Harry Ammon: The Genet Mission. WW Norton, New York NY 1973, ISBN 0-393-05475-6 .
• Alexander DeConde: Entangling Alliance: Politics & Diplomacy under George Washington . Duke University Press, Durham NC 1958.
• Stanley Elkins, Eric McKitrick: The Age of Federalism. Oxford University Press, New York NY u. a. 1993, ISBN 0-19-506890-4 .
• Jean Jules Jusserand : La jeunesse du Citoyen Genet, d'apres des documents inédits. In: Revue d'histoire diplomatique. Vol. 44, No. 3, 1930, ISSN  0035-2365 , pp. 237-268.
• Claude Moisy : Le citoyen Genet. La Révolution française à l'assaut de l'Amérique. Private, Toulouse 2007, ISBN 978-2-7089-5003-0 .
• Eugene R. Sheridan: The Recall of Edmond Charles Genet: A Study in Transatlantic Politics and Diplomacy. In: Diplomatic History. Vol. 18, No. 4, 1994, ISSN  0145-2096 , pp. 463-488, doi : 10.1111 / j.1467-7709.1994.tb00560.x .
• Marco Sioli: Citizen Genêt and the Political Struggle in the Early American Republic. In: Revue française d'études américaines. Vol. 17, No. 64 = Crise et Crises , 1995, ISSN  0397-7870 , pp. 259-267.
• Gordon S. Wood: Empire of Liberty. A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815. Oxford University Press, Oxford u. a. 2009, ISBN 978-0-19-503914-6 .

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 10-19.
2. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 29-31.
3. ↑ Elkins, McKitrick: The Age of Federalism. 1993, p. 341.
4. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 25-29.
5. ↑ Deconde: Entangling Alliance. 1958, pp. 191-197.
6. ↑ Elkins, McKitrick: The Age of Federalism. 1993, pp. 311-329.
7. ↑ Wood: Empire of Liberty. 2009, pp. 185-186.
8. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 32-43.
9. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, p. 71.
10. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, p. 75.
11. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, p. 69.
12. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, p. 74.
13. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 80-81, 86-91.
14. ↑ Wood: Empire of Liberty. 2009, p. 187.
15. ↑ Elkins, McKitrick: The Age of Federalism. 1993, pp. 354-365.
16. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 111-119.
17. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 121-125.
18. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 157-161.
19. ↑ Ammon: The Genet Mission. 1973, pp. 172-179.
20. ↑ Elkins, McKitrick: The Age of Federalism. 1993, p. 373.
21. ^ List of members since 1666: Letter G. Académie des sciences, accessed on November 18, 2019 (French). 

This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on January 4, 2010 .