Vittoria Colonna

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Vittoria Colonna. Painting by Cristofano dell'Altissimo in the Uffizi Gallery , Florence

Vittoria Colonna (* 1492 in the castle of Marino near Rome , † February 25, 1547 in Rome) was an Italian poet who found extraordinary admiration among her educated contemporaries. She was one of the most famous personalities in the cultural life of the High Renaissance and is considered the most important Italian poet of her time.

For her numerous admirers, Vittoria was an exemplary ideal figure who was placed next to the great female figures of antiquity. She came from the ancient Roman noble family of Colonna , who were already powerful in the Middle Ages , and one of the most influential families in the Papal States . Through her marriage to Fernando Francesco d'Avalos di Pescara , the Marquis of Pescara , she became a margravine. After his death as a result of being wounded in battle, she remained a widow and childless and devoted herself to cultural and religious tasks.

Vittoria was on friendly terms with important humanistic writers and poets as well as with high-ranking church dignitaries. She maintained an intensive exchange with Michelangelo , who adored her. Her partly erotic, partly spiritual poetry was printed without her consent and achieved a strong response. One of the main themes of the poems is the continuing deep mourning for the deceased husband.

The religious turmoil of the beginning Reformation as well as political and military conflicts presented Vittoria with great challenges. She tried to reach an understanding, but could not prevent a crushing defeat of the Colonna family, and the efforts of her circle of friends to renew religious life failed. Since Vittoria's convictions and the ideas of those around her were partly similar to the ideas of the reformers , she came under suspicion in the Catholic Church of representing beliefs contrary to faith. The increasingly intolerant climate of the beginning Counter-Reformation darkened the last years of her life.

Life

Origin and youth

Vittoria was not born in 1490, as was mistakenly believed earlier, but only in 1492. Her father Fabrizio Colonna was a condottiere , a successful mercenary leader, whose family in southern Italy and the Papal States over fiefs possessed and therefore deeply this region was involved in the conflict-ridden political situation. Her mother, Agnese of Montefeltro, came from the family of the Dukes of Urbino . Vittoria's maternal grandfather was the famous Condottiere and Duke Federico da Montefeltro , who had made his capital, Urbino , an important center of humanistic culture. Since Agnese was known for her love of literature and the fine arts, and Fabrizio had cultural and scientific interests, it can be assumed that Vittoria grew up in a spiritually stimulating atmosphere.

In 1494, the French King Charles VIII began an invasion of Italy, with which he asserted the historical claim of his family to the Kingdom of Naples . Italy thus became the scene of long-lasting military conflicts between foreign powers. Vittoria's father entered the service of the French. After Charles entered Rome and Naples was taken by the French troops, Fabrizio Colonna received a few fiefs in return for the services he had provided. The French were soon forced to retreat by a strong opposing alliance, and the French governor neglected paying the wages of Fabrizio's troops. Therefore Fabrizio broke with the French. He entered the service of the opposing party, the Spanish house of Aragón , which had ruled Naples before the French invaded. The Colonna family contributed significantly to the fact that King Ferdinand II of Naples, who came from this family and whom Charles had driven out, was able to quickly recapture his empire. In order to consolidate the new alliance between Colonna and Aragón, a political marriage was agreed: Fabrizio's three-year-old daughter Vittoria was betrothed to the Spanish nobleman Fernando Francesco d'Avalos , who was about five years old . Fernando Francesco's father, Margrave of Pescara Alfonso d'Avalos, was a devoted supporter of the House of Aragón.

Fernando Francesco d'Avalos

At that time Vittoria lived with her mother Agnese in Marino , a village in the Alban Hills, not far from Rome, ruled by the Colonna . When the French again in 1501 in the Papal States invaded, Marino was burned. Agnese barely escaped with her children and fled to the island of Ischia , where Costanza d'Avalos, the aunt of Vittora's fiancé, took her in. Fabrizio was captured but was ransomed. On Ischia Vittoria met her future husband. She probably stayed there for a few years. The Colonna's military partner was now the Spanish general Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba y Aguilar , known as the Gran Capitán . He was the commander of the army sent by the Catholic Kings of Spain, which fought on the side of the Aragonese royal house of Naples against the French. He managed to decisively beat the French; In 1503 he took Naples. Fabrizio Colonna, who was able to expand his position of power, also reaped the fruits of this victory. He now settled with his family in Naples, where his palace became a meeting place for scholars, artists and diplomats. In June 1507 the contract for the marriage of Vittoria with Fernando (Italian: Ferrante) Francesco d'Avalos was signed by the father of the bride and groom, whereby Fabrizio Colonna undertook to provide his daughter with a dowry of 14,000 ducats . The wedding did not take place until December 27, 1509. With this Vittoria acquired the title of Margravine of Pescara, with which she signed all her letters and documents.

Years of Marriage (1509-1525)

The young couple spent the first years of their marriage in Naples. Although Fernando Francesco d'Avalos grew up in Italy and was married to an Italian woman, he always considered himself Spanish, refused to speak Italian, and despised Italians. Clear evidence shows that he viewed his marriage as purely political and that his attitude towards his wife was sober. Vittoria, who loved him passionately from the beginning, was deeply disappointed. While she was a loyal wife to him, he felt that he was not bound to conjugal loyalty. He wooed the Viceroy of Naples' wife, Isabella de Requesens, and presented her with a pearl necklace that belonged to his wife. Isabella sent it back to Vittoria and advised her to make sure that it was not stolen from her again. Though the margravine admired her husband, she vigorously asserted her dissenting opinion whenever she felt it necessary.

Portrait of Vittorias by Sebastiano del Piombo in the Museu Nacional d'Art de Catalunya , Barcelona. The painting was probably made at the time of their marriage, probably in the first half of the 1520s.

In 1511, Pope Julius II allied with Emperor Maximilian I , Spain and the Republic of Venice in the Holy League against France. Fabrizio Colonna and Fernando Francesco d'Avalos went into battle on the side of the Allies. When the league was defeated in the Battle of Ravenna , both were captured by the French. Vittoria's husband was released after negotiations and went to Mantua . There he met the lady-in-waiting Delia, who became his long-time lover. The relationship is attested by letters that d'Avalos sent to a relative.

In the following years the Margrave of Pescara took part in the fighting again. He was known for his boldness and bravery, but the cruelty of his approach was conspicuous and offensive, even by the standards of the time. His duties required long absence from home; after 1517 Vittoria only saw her husband for a short time. The marriage remained childless. In the Battle of Pavia in February 1525, d'Avalos commanded the troops of Emperor Charles V , Maximilian's successor. He won a great victory over the French armed forces, but was badly wounded. When he realized that his death was near, he had Vittoria come from Ischia. He died in Milan on December 3, 1525 . Vittoria no longer found him; she received the news of her death en route in Viterbo and suffered a severe shock. This began the time of her mourning for her husband, which lasted until her death.

Political and military entanglements

Heavily shaken by the loss of her husband, Vittoria intended to enter a monastery, but Pope Clement VII prevented this step. In the following years she moved between Rome, Marino, Naples and Ischia. She showed a particular fondness for Ischia.

After the death of the childless Marquis of Pescara, his orphaned twenty-three-year-old cousin Alfonso d'Avalos del Vasto came into the inheritance. He had grown up on Ischia in the vicinity of Vittoria, and now she turned to him more. She regarded him as a son and hoped that as a worthy successor to her late husband he would do great things. In fact, Alfonso became an important military leader of Charles V and gained great fame. However, like Fernando Francesco d'Avalos, he did not return the margravine's violent emotional affection, but rather withdrew from her and kept his distance.

Politically, Vittoria was in a difficult position. By her marriage she belonged to the Spanish house d'Avalos. Accordingly, like her late husband, she was firmly on the imperial and Spanish sides in the difficult struggle between the imperial-Spanish camp and the papal-French alliance. On the other hand, she wanted and needed a good relationship with the Pope and was friends with Italian patriots, who resented belonging to the hated Spanish power elite. Vittoria, whose father had died in 1520, got into an acute dilemma due to the tough crackdown by her family of origin against the Pope, who was allied with France. The Colonna invaded Rome in September 1526 by military force, wreaked havoc there and forced Clement VII to flee to Castel Sant'Angelo . Vittoria's brother Ascanio and her cousin, Cardinal Pompeo Colonna , who was an old rival of Clement VII, were instrumental in this. The Pope retaliated by letting his troops devastate the Colonna's estates. In May 1527, imperial troops took Rome, whereupon the city was sacked in the Sacco di Roma . The Colonna actively participated on the imperial side, which earned them the contempt of the educated. Vittoria tried to alleviate the misery and bring those at risk to safety. When the war broke out in Naples, she again found refuge in Ischia, where she contributed to the defense of the island. In January 1534 Charles V granted her an annual pension of a thousand ducats in recognition of the merits of her late husband and her help in the defense of Ischia.

Once again, Vittoria got into a power struggle after her brother Ascanio refused to accept that of Pope Paul III. from 1537 required new salt tax to be paid. At first Ascanio seemed willing to give in to papal pressure. But when some of his followers, who stubbornly opposed the tax, were arrested for this, he prepared for a war against the Papal State, which was now ruled by the Farnese , the clan of the Pope. The attitude of Paul III. was harsh and threatening. The margravine, frightened by this, took up intensive diplomatic activity. From March 1, 1541 she negotiated with representatives of the emperor, in whose assistance she hoped, since the Colonna were among his loyal followers. Their efforts were disappointing, however, because Charles V, to whom a good relationship with the Curia was important at the time, disapproved of Ascanio's insubordination as an undesirable disruption of his politics. He urged Vittoria to persuade her brother to give in. But she did not grant him this wish, because she considered the papal demands to be excessively excessive. Although she advised Ascanio to be conciliatory and to strive for a diplomatic solution, she was of the opinion that he should protect his rights and not surrender, because the Pope is only interested in attacking and destroying him under a pretext. If necessary, he should defend himself. In their opinion, however, this was only promising with the support of the emperor. Vittoria's assessment of Paul III's intentions. was realistic, because the Farnese Pope had long pursued the goal of breaking the power of the Colonna.

Finally, the Pope decided, as he could not negotiate his far-reaching demands through negotiations, to open the fighting. Under these circumstances, Vittoria had to leave Rome. She found refuge in a monastery in Orvieto on March 17, 1541 . In the “salt war” (guerra del sale) , which lasted two months, Ascanio suffered a crushing defeat. Superior papal forces conquered the Colonna fortresses; the sex lost its possessions and its power base was destroyed. Ascanio was forced to go into exile in the Kingdom of Naples. Vittoria addressed to Paul III. two sonnets in which she criticized his violent actions and attributed questionable personal motives to him.

Cultural activities

A circle of literary lovers and authors formed around Vittoria, who glorified her in poetry, including Girolamo Britonio, Pietro Gravina, Scipione Capece, Marcantonio Minturno and Galeazzo di Tarsia. Together with Costanza d'Avalos, Vittoria created a cultural center on Ischia; their literary circle became an important meeting place. Her circle there included the historian Paolo Giovio , who, at her suggestion, wrote his dialogue on the men and women flourishing in our time (Dialogus de viris et foeminis aetate nostra florentibus) , focusing on the peculiarities of the female sex and the position of women received in public. The most prominent among the poets who became friends with her were Jacopo Sannazaro and Francesco Berni . Giovanni Berardino Fuscano praised her as the most beautiful of the beauties in his punch sopra le bellezze di Napoli . Vittoria was also on friendly terms with Baldassare Castiglione , who in 1524 gave her the manuscript of his Cortegiano for assessment. A close friend of Vittoria was the papal secretary Gian Matteo Giberti. Other poets and scholars who came into Vittoria's circle and became enthusiastic about her were Claudio Tolomei , Bernardino Rota, Angelo di Costanzo , Bernardo Tasso , Bernardino Martirano, Gian Giorgio Trissino and Marcantonio Epicuro. Cardinal Pompeo Colonna wrote his defense of women, Apologia mulierum , on Vittoria's behalf , in which he pleaded for equality between the sexes. In 1531, at Vittoria's instigation, Titian painted a Maria Magdalena , because the margravine had developed a special affection for this saint.

Other prominent friends of Vittoria were Ludovico Ariosto , who praised her poetry as unique in his epic Orlando furioso , Marcantonio Flaminio , who glorified her in Latin poems, and Cardinal Pietro Bembo , who was enthusiastic about her sonnets. When Vittoria lived temporarily in Rome in the 1530s, a circle of well-known intellectuals gathered around her again, as on Ischia. The meeting point of the circle of friends was their residence, the monastery of San Silvestro in Capite .

Religious Development

While humanist-minded poets paid homage to the margravine in the style of cheerful, gallant veneration, she turned to religious concerns with growing passion and developed a spirituality in which Neoplatonic impulses played an essential role. She joined a reform-willing current in Catholicism, whose goals partly coincided with those of the beginning Reformation . The initiator of these efforts was the humanist and theologian Juan de Valdés , who emigrated from Spain and who worked mainly in Naples. It is unknown whether Vittoria ever met him personally, but it is certain that the ideas that his enthusiastic followers spread deeply impressed them and had a decisive influence on their new direction. The concern of this direction in Catholicism was a deepened inwardness of religious life. This often combined a distancing from conventional customs and the externalized practice of ritual customs. The requirement of a personal relationship with God was opposed to compliance with formalities. This emphasis on inner life led to a lower weighting of the church's official authority. Doubts about faith were not regarded as reprehensible by Juan de Valdés and his students, but rather doubt and uncertainty were affirmed as an inevitable stage of individual spiritual development.

A central idea was the idea that grace as a free gift to the faithful is decisive for salvation ; Merit that a person believes he has earned through his actions are insignificant. Good works and even the desire to do them are not merits, but are to be owed to grace, that is, their consequence and not cause. The emphasis on the principle that salvation is a gift and not a reward led Vittoria's friends and herself to formulations that showed a more or less pronounced proximity to Martin Luther's concept of Sola gratia . In the circles of these forces of the Refom, called spirituali in Italian , there was hope for a renewal of church life, in which legitimate concerns of the Reformation should be taken up. One manifesto of the movement that met with a strong response was the work Beneficio di Cristo, published anonymously in 1542/1543 .

Because of her sympathy for such ideas and for prominent theologians who more or less clearly represented it, Vittoria got caught between the fronts in the ensuing struggle between Catholicism and Reformation, although there was no doubt that she considered herself a Catholic until the end of her life.

In the spring of 1537 Vittoria went to Ferrara, where she spent some time at the court of Duke Ercole II. D'Este . Ercole's wife Renée de France (Renata von Ferrara), a French king's daughter, campaigned for church reform and was strongly influenced by Protestant ideas, which the duke disliked. With her Vittoria became friends. Via Renée, Vittoria came into contact in February 1540 with Queen Margaret of Navarre , the influential sister of King Francis I of France , who was Renées cousin. In Margarete, Vittoria found a like-minded friend. All three women were open to religious ideas that were suspect or even heretical from a conservative church perspective, and they used to interact with people who propagated such ideas.

In the early 1540s, the potential for conflict became sharply apparent. The occasion was the spectacular controversy surrounding Vittoria's friend Bernardino Ochino , whose enthusiastic supporter she was. Ochino was a general of the Capuchins and a famous preacher. He mobilized enthusiastic masses, but was controversial as he was suspected of heresy by his opponents . In haunting letters, Vittoria campaigned for him and for the independence of his order, because she hoped that the Capuchins would provide a beneficial reform impulse. At first their efforts were successful, but later, in the summer of 1542, Ochino fled Italy in the face of threatened inquisition proceedings , broke with the Catholic Church and openly advocated a Reformed theology. In doing so, he compromised Vittoria, to whom he explained his motives in a letter after the escape. Another friend of Vittoria, Pietro Carnesecchi , was also suspected of heresy; later, long after her death, he was handed over to the Inquisition and executed. The crisis triggered by the scandal of Ochino's flight was threatening for his distinguished supporters, including the Margravine. But Vittoria was not alone; She had friends in the College of Cardinals who understood her spiritual concerns: Giovanni Morone , Jacopo Sadoleto , Pietro Bembo and Reginald Pole . Another important supporter, Cardinal Gasparo Contarini , was omitted because he died in August 1542.

Relationship with Michelangelo

A handwritten letter from Vittoria to Michelangelo. Florence, Casa Buonarroti , AB, IX, 509

Vittoria's friendship with Michelangelo was very intense , and he praised her in a few poems in the style of her gallant humanistic admirers, especially her beauty. He wrote such poems after her death. With this glorification of the venerated lady, however, he came into opposition to the ideal of humility that she cultivated in her later years. According to his statements, the central role of their presence in his life and their inspiration for his art is beyond doubt. So he wrote:

Tanto sopra me stesso
mi fai, donna, salire,
che non ch'i '' l possa dire,
nol so pensar, perch'io non son più desso.
So far over me
do you make me, mistress, rise.
Words are not my own
for it, not thoughts; I'm not the same anymore

Michelangelo gave Vittoria several of his drawings and took an active part in her spiritual endeavors. He felt inferior to her and considered himself her student. However, despite the intensity of the mutual feelings, it is not appropriate to describe the two as “lovers”, which has happened occasionally in recent research literature; such a term arouses at least some misconceptions. Vittoria, who always emphatically rejected the idea of ​​a new marriage, emphasized that she could not love anyone but her deceased husband. There was also the class-related gap between the margravine and the artist, who came from a middle-class background. With her renouncing a new erotic bond, Vittoria became for her contemporaries the model of a loving wife who remains loyal to her husband as a widow.

Last years of life

Portrait of the aged Vittoria by an unknown painter, around 1550/1560, in the Palazzo Colonna , Rome

Vittoria's final years of life were darkened by increasing religious intolerance. She followed closely with Cardinal Reginald Pole, her friend and advisor, who sympathized with reform circles influenced by Protestantism and advocated defusing denominational differences. When Pole was sent to Viterbo as a papal legate in the fall of 1541, Vittoria followed him there. In Viterbo she took up residence in the monastery of Santa Caterina. A circle of like-minded intellectuals gathered around them and Pole. Here one read works by Luther and Calvin and dealt with their theses. The group of spirituali that had come together in Viterbo kept their distance from both Lutheranism and Calvinism , but advocated studying the works of Protestant theologians without prejudice and allowing themselves to be inspired by them in order to overcome the signs of decline in Catholicism. The theological writings of Juan de Valdés, who died in 1541, provided the Viterbo reform group with an ideal basis for these efforts. Vittoria procured the last works of this thinker and made them available to her friends.

But during this time, the reform forces were increasingly on the defensive. An opposing direction, which relied on reading bans and harsh suppression of all heresy-suspected approaches, gained the upper hand and the Counter-Reformation was heralded. The 1542 by Pope Paul III. The Roman Inquisition , which was set up to prevent the advance of Protestantism in Italy, turned against a central part of Vittoria's religious world of thought, the doctrine of grace. From then on, she was no longer allowed to represent the ideas that were now definitely considered heretical.

After a long stay in Viterbo, Vittoria returned to Rome, where she was able to renew the previously cultivated exchange with Michelangelo, who lived there. She died on February 25, 1547. In her will, she bequeathed the large sum of 9,000 Scudi to her friend Pole, but the latter left the inheritance to the niece of the deceased.

The grave of the margravine is unknown. She had wanted to be buried in a grave of the Roman nunnery of Sant'Anna dei Funari, where she had lived until the beginning of 1547, but this request was not granted because of the suspicion of heresy against her.

poetry

The title page of a collection of Vittoria's sonnets sent by the poet to Queen Margaret of Navarre in 1540. Florence manuscript, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana , Ashburnham 1153

Vittoria's poetic activity began in 1512 at the latest. Her oldest surviving poem dates from that year, a letter written in verse to her husband, who was imprisoned after the Battle of Ravenna. A considerable part of her poems - over 100 sonnets and canzons - is dedicated to the memory of her husband, whose personality she idealizes. The pain of his death is a main theme of her poetry. For example, she writes:

Morte col fiero stral se stessa offese,
Quando oscurar pensò quel lume chiaro,
Ch 'or vive in cielo e quì semper più caro:
Che 'l bel morir più le sue glorie accese.
Onde irata ver me l'arme riprese:
Poi vide essermi dolce il colpo amaro,
Nol diè; ma col morir vivendo imparo
Quant'è crudel, quando par più cortese.
S 'io cerco darle in man la morta vita,
Perchè di sua vittoria resti altera,
Ed io del mio finir lieta e felice:
per far una vendetta non più udita,
Mi lascia viva in questa morte vera.
S 'ella mi fugge, or che sperar mi lice?
How even death hit itself with that blow
Gen him, my light, to darken that he
Too weak and its fame only more and more
By dying beautifully grew into oversize!
Now he threatens me! But his fist freezes
Up in the air, my smile makes you falter ...
Why doesn't he allow himself to be tempted to prank?
How cruelly he fools me with politeness!
I try to give him my dead life
But he, not used to such easy victory,
Take revenge never heard: he spared
Me of his prank, torments me with his intrigues,
Leaves me alive in this true death -
Oh, how do I escape this last misery?

In heroizing her husband, Vittoria Colonna uses poetic means of expression, which she also uses in her religious poetry, where it is about the glorification of Christ. Her concept of love is on the one hand stimulated by Neoplatonic thinking and feeling, in particular by the love theory of the humanist philosopher Marsilio Ficino , but on the other hand it also shows independent aspects. Already during the life of the husband, earthly love in the poet's work points in the direction of a divine love, with which the loving soul should rise to heaven. The love, initially shaped by sensory impressions, shifts to a spiritual level. Thanks to this spiritualization, it does not disappear after death separates the couple, but on the contrary, the bond is strengthened. However, since the widow's soul remains in the body and cannot follow the husband, she experiences persistent pain and a despair that is felt to be almost unbearable. Taking up a Platonic metaphor , the poet portrays her continued life as imprisonment of the soul in the dungeon of the body. She depicts the conflict between continued attachment to this world, which is expressed in mourning, and a longing for death and the hereafter, which aims at a consistent detachment from the earthly. On the one hand, she experiences herself as a victim in a seemingly hopeless situation of extreme bondage, on the other hand, she thinks that she can free herself from her misery through a rational effort. So she constantly vacillates between the attempt to religiously transcend her feelings and the pain that breaks out over and over again.

The influence of the famous poet Francesco Petrarca , whose poetry was considered exemplary at the time, is clearly noticeable in Vittoria's poetic work in terms of form and content. Along with Veronica Gambara , Gaspara Stampa and Veronica Franco, she is one of the leading representatives of the “female Petrarkism ” of the Cinquecento . In terms of content, however, there is a fundamental difference to Petrarch's attitude in the fact that Vittoria never regrets earthly love as such or regards it as an error. Rather, she evaluates the erotic attraction as fundamentally positive, because she sees in it in the neo-Platonic sense the prerequisite and the starting point for what she hopes to achieve through the deification of love. She only regards her continued clinging to the grief over the loss of the ephemeral after the death of the beloved man has put an end to this kind of love experience as a mistake.

On the other hand, Vittoria also knows and masters the Petrarkist love discourse, which depicts and problematizes the contrari affetti , the contrari affetti , in erotic experience. Her familiarity with this discourse, which she modifies according to her particular subject matter, is shown, among other things, in her Cento poetry, in which she takes various passages of Petrarch's poems that she connects to a new unity.

In religious poetry, the rime spirituali , a childlike, emotionally warm relationship to the divine source of comfort emerges. This feeling gains great intensity in the verses:

Qual digiuno augellin, che vede ed ode
batter l'ali a la madre intorno quando
li reca il nutrimento, ond'egli amando
il cibo e quella si rallegra e gode,
e dentro al nido suo si strugge e rode
per desio di seguirla anch'ei volando
e la ringrazia in valley modo cantando,
che par ch'oltra il poter la lingua snode,
tal io, qualor il caldo raggio e vivo
del divin sole onde nutrisco il core
più del usato lucido lampeggia,
movo la penna, mossa da l'amore
interno, e senza ch 'io stessa m'aveggia
di quel ch 'io dico, le sue lodi scrivo.
Like that hungry young bird who was after his mother
look around and listen and flap its wings,
when she brings food while she is
is heartily happy because he likes the food,
and the little bird inside the nest pecks and eats
and follows her longingly because it also wants to fly,
and thanks her so sincerely that his singing
the tongue seems to loosen beyond its ability,
so i move when the warm living ray
the divine sun illuminates me, from which the heart emerges
better nourished than from the usual light,
the pen, inwardly moved by love,
and without even perceiving
what I do, I write down his praise.
One of Vittoria's medals

Portraits

A number of paintings allegedly depict the poet, but because of the strong tendency towards idealization that was widespread among Renaissance painters, it is unclear to what extent their features are authentically reproduced. Vittoria is also portrayed on medals from the 16th century. In addition, several drawings by Michelangelo, the authorship of which is doubtful in some cases, have been interpreted as portraits of Vittoria. Today, however, this assumption is mostly rejected. It encounters chronological difficulties, as some of the drawings were made before the 1530s and Michelangelo and Vittoria's first meeting took place in 1533 at the earliest.

reception

The title page of an early edition of Vittoria's poems published in Venice in 1540

Vittoria found an extraordinary degree of admiration and admiration among her contemporaries. She was considered to be the embodiment of the highest female virtues and was compared to the most famous ancient female figures. Her character as well as her education, her lyric work, her intellectual abilities and the elegance and grace of her appearance have been extolled. It was said that while dancing, she appeared to bystanders like the embodiment of an immortal idea. The historian Paolo Giovio, who knew her well, wrote a detailed description of her appearance. According to his portrayal, she was distinguished by a masculine severity; her body withstood all the exertions, her step was controlled and energetic. The judgments of contemporaries diverged as to the extent to which it could be called beautiful.

With her style, Vittoria met the taste of her time. Pietro Bembo's appreciation of her work contributed significantly to the public recognition that she received as a poet, because Bembo was considered a literary authority of the highest order. The first print of a collection of poetry, published without the consent of the author, appeared in 1538 with the significant title Rime de la divina Vittoria Colonna marchesa di Pescara (Verses of the divine Vittoria Colonna, Margravine of Pescara) . The volume only contains love poetry. Other, expanded editions soon followed, which were also not authorized. Vittoria's lyrical work set a standard for all subsequent poets of the Cinquecento . An autograph of her poems does not exist because she did not write the verses down herself, but dictated them quickly.

Commentary on her poems began as early as Vittoria's lifetime. The young scholar Rinaldo Corso was the first to publish a commentary on her religious poetry, which was printed in 1542 and 1543. In Florence in 1542, 1545, and 1550 scholars held public lectures on one of their poems. Vittoria's poetic work was thus already counted in a canon of exemplary Italian poetry. Her poetry was often printed in the 16th century and set to music twice during her lifetime. By the end of the Cinquecento there were more than fifty madrigals that were settings of her texts.

At the death of Vittoria, grief among the educated Italians was deep and general. Numerous poems were written on this occasion. On the other hand, the Inquisition openly branded her as a heretic after her death in the age of the Counter Reformation . Her letters were confiscated and searched for suspicious statements, and people around her were interrogated. In particular, the search was in vain for evidence of a sexual relationship between Vittoria and her friends, Cardinals Morone and Pole, who were also heresy suspects.

Vittoria Colonna. Painting by Jules-Joseph Lefebvre from 1861, private collection

From the 17th century to the beginning of modernism, Vittoria was almost forgotten. It was not until the 19th century that conservative Catholic circles began to take up their poetry again. At the same time she was co-opted for the blossoming nationalism in Italy, and the movement of Italian suffragettes made her a figurehead. The friendship with Michelangelo contributed significantly to her fame; History painters took up this motif. In 1840, at the request of Prince Alessandro Torlonia , the scholar Pietro Ercole Visconti published a splendid edition of Vittoria's sonnets. Jacob Burckhardt expressed himself admiringly in the 1860s; he said that Vittoria's poetry could be described as "immortal". It shows a “decisive, precise formulation” and is - like other works by female poets of the time - far removed from the “delicate semi-darkness of enthusiasm” and from amateurism.

In the novella Die Temptung des Pescara , published in 1887, Conrad Ferdinand Meyer describes the last months before the death of Vittoria's husband as a time of dramatic politico-military conflicts of loyalty, in which Vittoria acts as an Italian patriot.

In the 20th century, critics rated Vittoria's poetry as technically successful, but conventional and unoriginal. In particular, she was charged with Petrarkism; it was said that it had not got beyond the Petrarch imitation. From this the limits of their productive power are evident, as an example of the general limitations of the concept of literary imitation in the Renaissance. In more recent research this assessment is contradicted: the poet is ascribed a far more important achievement than in the older specialist literature, and she is even recognized as "the female genius of the Renaissance".

In Pescara, the Museo d'arte moderna “Vittoria Colonna” , which opened in 2002, bears the name of the poet.

Works

expenditure

  • Alan Bullock (Ed.): Vittoria Colonna: Rime . Laterza, Roma 1982
  • Ermanno Ferrero, Giuseppe Müller (eds.): Carteggio di Vittoria Colonna, Marchesa di Pescara. 2nd edition, Turin 1892 (edition of Vittoria's correspondence)
  • Tobia R. Toscano (Ed.): Vittoria Colonna: Sonetti in morte di Francesco Ferrante d'Avalos Marchese di Pescara . Mondadori, Milano 1998, ISBN 88-374-1623-7

Translations

  • Dirk Hoeges (translator): Vittoria Colonna. Selected seals in new transmission . In: Dirk Hoeges (ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance. Poet - painter - composer - ruler - patroness - founder of the order - courtesan . 2nd, revised edition. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-631-36753-8 , pp. 9-37
  • Hans Mühlestein (translator): Selected sonnets by Vittoria Colonna . 2nd Edition. Schwabe, Basel 1935

swell

  • Sergio M. Pagano , Concetta Ranieri (ed.): Nuovi documenti su Vittoria Colonna e Reginald Pole . Archivio Vaticano, Città del Vaticano 1989, ISBN 88-85042-13-9 (contains Vittoria's correspondence confiscated by the Inquisition)
  • Rainer Maria Rilke (translator): poems of Michelangelo . Insel, Wiesbaden 1957 (contains poems by Michelangelo to Vittoria Colonna and about her death)

literature

Overview representations

  • Gisbert Kranz : Twelve women . Eos, St. Ottilien 1998, ISBN 3-88096-461-0 , pp. 202-237 (representation from a Catholic perspective)
  • Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance. Poets, painters, patrons. Primus, Darmstadt 1999, ISBN 3-89678-115-4 , pp. 35-49 and 253-256
  • Giorgio Patrizi:  Colonna, Vittoria. In: Alberto M. Ghisalberti (Ed.): Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (DBI). Volume 27:  Collenuccio – Confortini. Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Rome 1982, pp. 448-457.

Overall presentations and investigations

  • Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation . Ashgate, Aldershot 2008, ISBN 978-0-7546-4049-3
  • Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna. A female genius of the Italian Renaissance. Epubli, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-8442-4868-5 (biographical study from a feminist perspective)
  • Kurt Pfister: Vittoria Colonna. Becoming and shaping the early baroque world. Bruckmann, Munich 1950 (popular science presentation with numerous translations of source texts)
  • Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento. Transformations of the lyrical discourse in Vittoria Colonna and Gaspara Stampa . Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-515-09047-6
  • Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti. Artist and lovers of the Renaissance . Narr, Tübingen 2001, ISBN 3-8233-5864-2

Collections of articles

  • Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2016, ISBN 978-90-04-31073-5
  • Maria Serena Sapegno (ed.): Al crocevia della storia. Poesia, religione e politica in Vittoria Colonna. Viella, Rome 2016, ISBN 978-88-6728-638-6

Web links

Commons : Vittoria Colonna  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ↑ On the question of the authenticity of the representation, see Gaudenz Freuler: Vittoria Colonna: The Pictorial Evidence. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 237–269, here: 261–265.
  2. ↑ For the chronology see Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 3 f.
  3. ^ Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 1 f., 8 f.
  4. ^ Franca Petrucci: Colonna, Fabrizio. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 27, Rome 1982, pp. 288-293; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 47 f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 2 f.
  5. ↑ Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 48-50; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 37–40; Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 35–49 and 253–256, here: 39; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 7-9.
  6. ^ Gaspare De Caro: Ferdinando Francesco d'Avalos . In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 4, Rome 1962, pp. 623–627, here: 623 f .; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 40.
  7. ↑ Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 54 f .; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 48–50; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 12.
  8. ↑ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 6.
  9. ↑ See on the painting and its dating Gaudenz Freuler: Vittoria Colonna: The Pictorial Evidence. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 237–269, here: 252–257.
  10. ^ Giorgio Patrizi: Vittoria Colonna . In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 27, Rome 1982, pp. 448-457, here: 455; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 12.
  11. ↑ The letters were discovered by Alessandro Luzio in the Gonzaga archive in Mantua; for details see Alessandro Luzio: Vittoria Colonna . In: Rivista storica mantovana 1, 1885, pp. 1–52, here: 3–8.
  12. ↑ Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 67-69; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 53–60, 64–67.
  13. ^ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 11; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 115 f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 29-35.
  14. ↑ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 103-109.
  15. ^ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 117.
  16. ↑ See on these events Judith Hook: The Sack of Rome 1527 , London 1972, pp. 95-104; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 117 f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 30 f.
  17. ^ Judith Hook: The Sack of Rome 1527 , London 1972, p. 176 f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 31.
  18. ^ Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 31-35.
  19. ↑ Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 79-92; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 28–30; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 112-114; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 78 f.
  20. ↑ Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 114 f .; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 30–33; Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 92-101; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 79-81.
  21. ↑ On Giberti see Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 60–62.
  22. ↑ Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 3–13; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 122–126; Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, pp. 28–35. Details on Vittoria's admirers can be found in Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 37–46, 65–70; Adriana Chemello: "Il più bel lume di questo mondo": Vittoria Colonna e il suo tempo. In: Maria Serena Sapegno (ed.): Al crocevia della storia , Rome 2016, pp. 57–83, here: 57–65. See also Suzanne Thérault: Un cénacle humaniste de la Renaissance autour de Vittoria Colonna châtelaine d'Ischia , Paris 1968.
  23. ↑ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 155 and illustration p. 157.
  24. ↑ Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, p. 158 f .; Carlo Dionisotti : Appunti sul Bembo e su Vittoria Colonna . In: Carlo Dionisotti: Scritti sul Bembo , ed. Claudio Vela, Torino 2002, pp. 115-140; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 100 f.
  25. ^ Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, p. 14.
  26. ^ Dennis J. McAuliffe: Neoplatonism in Vittoria Colonna's Poetry: From the Secular to the Divine . In: Konrad Eisenbichler, Olga Zorzi Pugliese (eds.): Ficino and Renaissance Neoplatonism , Ottawa 1986, pp. 101–112; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, p. 9.
  27. ^ For background information, see Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 39–46, 67–73; Manfred Edwin Welti: Brief history of the Italian Reformation , Gütersloh 1985, pp. 28–30, 32 f.
  28. ↑ For terminology, see Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, p. XII.
  29. ↑ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, pp. 15-18; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 49–56.
  30. ^ Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 35–49 and 253–256, here: 48 f. For the intellectual environment, see Concetta Ranieri: Vittoria Colonna e la riforma: alcune osservazioni critiche . In: Studi latini e italiani 6, 1992, pp. 87-96.
  31. ^ Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 26–30; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 101-107; Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 19 f.
  32. ↑ See Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, p. 14 f .; Giorgio Patrizi: Vittoria Colonna . In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 27, Rome 1982, pp. 448-457, here: 450; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 117-120.
  33. ^ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 251-254; Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 31 f., 160–162.
  34. ↑ Stephen Bowd: Prudential Friendship and Religious Reform: Vittoria Colonna and Gasparo Contarini. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 349-370; Manfred Edwin Welti: Brief history of the Italian Reformation , Gütersloh 1985, p. 32 f .; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 62, 77; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 68-71; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 4 f.
  35. ↑ See Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 73–79; Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, pp. 184–194; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 89-96.
  36. ↑ Michelangelo: Rime 154, transfer from Rainer Maria Rilke.
  37. ↑ See also Andreas Schumacher: Michelangelos teste divine , Münster 2007, pp. 62–67.
  38. ↑ Evaluation of the sources on this by Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 81–96. Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr comes to a different interpretation: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti. Artist and lovers of the Renaissance , Tübingen 2001; however, she states on p. 205 that Vittoria "never directly addressed the love of Michelangelo ...".
  39. ^ Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 35–49 and 253–256, here: 40 f., 44–46.
  40. ↑ See on this painting Gaudenz Freuler: Vittoria Colonna: The Pictorial Evidence. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 237–269, here: 265–269.
  41. ↑ Diana Robin: Publishing Women , Chicago / London 2007, pp. 31–35; Giorgio Patrizi: Vittoria Colonna . In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 27, Rome 1982, pp. 448–457, here: 452.
  42. ↑ See on the situation at this time Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 245–255; Manfred Edwin Welti: Brief history of the Italian Reformation , Gütersloh 1985, pp. 35–38; Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 190; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, pp. 120-122; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 104-110.
  43. ^ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 277; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 131 f.
  44. ^ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 25, 277 f.
  45. ↑ On this manuscript, see Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 107–122.
  46. ↑ Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, p. 160 f .; Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 52 f.
  47. ↑ Free transfer from Hans Mühlestein: Selected Sonnets by Vittoria Colonna , 2nd edition, Basel 1935, p. 18.
  48. ↑ See Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, pp. 180–198, 204–215.
  49. ^ Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 35–49 and 253–256, here: 37 f .; Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, pp. 64–68, 185–199, 212.
  50. ↑ See Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, pp. 177 f., 200–212.
  51. ^ Translation after Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 293 f.
  52. ^ Gaudenz Freuler: Vittoria Colonna: The Pictorial Evidence. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 237–269, here: 237–239; Gisbert Kranz: Twelve Women , St. Ottilien 1998, p. 205; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 9–11.
  53. ↑ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 321-324.
  54. ^ Gaudenz Freuler: Vittoria Colonna: The Pictorial Evidence. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 237–269, here: 237, 249–252. For the dating of the first meeting, see Maria Forcellino: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo: Drawings and Paintings. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 270–313, here: 270.
  55. ↑ Virginia Cox: The Exemplary Vittoria Colonna. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 467–501, here: 467–471.
  56. ↑ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 5. Cf. Virginia Cox: Vittoria Colonna e l'esemplarità. In: Maria Serena Sapegno (ed.): Al crocevia della storia , Rome 2016, pp. 17–53, here: 17–21; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 52 f.
  57. ↑ Claudia-Elisabetta Schurr: Vittoria Colonna and Michelangelo Buonarroti , Tübingen 2001, p. 31.
  58. ↑ Gaia Servadio: Renaissance Woman , London 2005, p. 50 f .; see. Gigliola Fragnito: "Per lungo e dubbioso sentero": l'itinerario spirituale di Vittoria Colonna. In: Maria Serena Sapegno (ed.): Al crocevia della storia , Rome 2016, pp. 177–213, here: 193 f .; Gisbert Kranz: Twelve Women , St. Ottilien 1998, p. 205.
  59. ^ Barbara Marx: Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) . In: Irmgard Osols-Wehden (Ed.): Women of the Italian Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 35–49 and 253–256, here: 37, 42 f .; Virginia Cox: Women Writers and the Canon in Sixteenth-Century Italy. In: Pamela Joseph Benson, Victoria Kirkham (ed.): Strong Voices, Weak History , Ann Arbor 2005, pp. 14–31, here: 19–23.
  60. ^ Abigail Brundin: Literary Production in the Florentine Academy Under the First Medici Dukes: Reform, Censorship, Conformity? In: Abigail Brundin, Matthew Treherne (eds.): Forms of Faith in Sixteenth-Century Italy , Aldershot 2009, pp. 57–76, here: 61; Tatiana Crivelli : The Print Tradition of Vittoria Colonna's Rime. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 69–139, here: 110–120.
  61. ↑ Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. 30–35, 155–170; Virginia Cox: Women's Writing in Italy 1400-1650 , Baltimore 2008, p. 64; Anne Piéjus: Musical Settings of the Rime. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 314–345, here: 316 f.
  62. ↑ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, pp. 4–6; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, p. 123.
  63. ^ Adriana Chemello: Vittoria Colonna's Epistolary Works. In: Abigail Brundin et al. (Ed.): A Companion to Vittoria Colonna , Leiden 2016, pp. 11–36, here: 11–13; Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 6 f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 225-235.
  64. ^ Jacob Burckhardt: The culture of the Renaissance in Italy , Basel / Stuttgart 1978, p. 267 (first published in 1860).
  65. ↑ See Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, p. 64.
  66. ↑ Ulrike Schneider: The female Petrarkism in the Cinquecento , Stuttgart 2007, p. 156 f .; Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, pp. X f .; Johann J. Wyss: Vittoria Colonna , Frauenfeld 1916, pp. 200-219.
  67. ↑ Abigail Brundin: Vittoria Colonna and the Spiritual Poetics of the Italian Reformation , Aldershot 2008, p. 191 f.
  68. ^ Maria Musiol: Vittoria Colonna , Berlin 2013, SI
  69. ↑ Marcello Villani: Architettura per la città. Pescara ed il Museo d'arte moderna “Vittoria Colonna” , Rome 2017, p. 10, 55.
This article was added to the list of excellent articles in this version on July 8, 2019 .
personal data
SURNAME Colonna, Vittoria
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Italian poet
DATE OF BIRTH 1492
PLACE OF BIRTH Marino near Rome
DATE OF DEATH February 25, 1547
Place of death Rome