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'''Alissa Musto''' was born May 31, 1995 in Providence RI. She is an American singer and child pianist.
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She is the winner of the 2007 New England Performs Competition, a regional talent competition<ref>alissa Musto : winner Of New England Performs http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mn6aTYUE1z0</ref>. She hold the 2008 championship title for RI's Got Talent where she beat out adults. <ref>http://www.pbn.com/press_releases/34545.html</ref> When she was 9 years old, she was on the national televsion show "America;s Most Talented Kids". She will sing the National Anthem at a 2009 Paw Sox Game.
<div class="messagebox cleanup metadata">This {{{1|article or section}}} does not cite its '''[[{{SITENAME}}:Citing sources|references or sources]].'''<br> You can [[{{SITENAME}}:WikiProject Fact and Reference Check|help]] Wikipedia by introducing appropriate citations.</div>[[Category:Articles lacking sources|{{PAGENAME}}]]
unsure what all above means, commented it out
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<!-- Image with unknown copyright status removed: [[Image:MongahanDublinBombings1974.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Widespread horror resulted from the Dublin & Monaghan Bombings carried out by Loyalists.]] -->
{{Infobox terrorist attack
|title=Dublin and Monaghan Bombings
|location=[[Dublin]] and [[Monaghan]],[[Republic of Ireland]]
|target=Civilians
|date=[[May 17]] [[1974]]
|type=Car Bombs (4)
|fatalities=33 (26 in Dublin,7 in Monaghan)
|injuries=Up to 300
|perps=[[Ulster Volunteer Force]]<br>(with allegations of [[British Intelligence]] collusion)}}


== Early Performances ==
The '''Dublin and Monaghan Bombings''' on [[May 17]] [[1974]] was a series of [[car bomb]]ings in [[Dublin]] and [[Monaghan]] in the [[Republic of Ireland]]. The attacks left 33 persons dead and almost 300 injured, the largest number of casualties in any single day in [[The Troubles]].
Alissa started taking piano lessons at the age of 5. She quickly caught on and started performing at local Nursing homes for the residents. She won many local piano competitions and most of the times, dispite her age was put in the older division competitions. Because she was only six at the time of her first competition win, she had to carry a block to reach the sustain pedal. At this paticular competition she played "''Prelude in a minor", Minute in G and Moonlight Sonata.''


== The Father the Daughter and The Music ==
The [[Ulster Loyalism|Loyalist]] paramilitary group, the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]] (UVF), claimed responsibility for the bombings in 1993. However, there are widespread allegations that [[British Intelligence]] colluded in the bombings, the evidence for which is contested by both the British Government and those accused.
''One of the many written articles about Alissa Musto ( taken from the '''Providence Journal''')''


It is the worst paramilitary attack in terms of fatalities in twentieth-century [[Ireland]].


You gotta love the way this kid sings.
No one has ever been charged with the attacks, which have been described by the [[Oireachtas]] [[Oireachtas#Committees|Committee on Justice]] as an act of international terrorism colluded in by British Security Forces.<ref>[http://www.rte.ie/news/2008/0517/monaghan.html RTÉ News - ''Call for probe of British link to 1974 bombs'']</ref>


Like Britney Spears maybe? Please. The mere mention of the pop diva makes Alisa Musto wince as if confronted with a plate of spoiled food.
==Chronology==
At 17:30 on Friday [[May 17]] [[1974]] three car bombs exploded almost simultaneously in Dublin at Parnell Street, [[Talbot Street]], and South Leinster Street. Twenty-three persons died in these explosions and three others died as a result of injuries over the following few days. Two of the dead were foreign nationals. The first of the three Dublin bombs went off at approximately 17:28 in Parnell Street. Eleven people died as a result of this explosion, including two infants. The second of the Dublin bombs went off at approximately 17:30 in Talbot Street. Fourteen persons died in this explosion. The third bomb went off at approximately 17:32 in South Leinster Street. Two persons were killed in that explosion.


No, give her Sinatra. Give her the songs that have some pedigree, some staying power.
Ninety minutes later one more car bomb exploded in North Road, [[Monaghan|in Monaghan town]], just south of the border with [[Northern Ireland]]. This bomb killed five people initially, with another two dying in the following weeks. Some accounts give 34 or 35 dead; 34 by including the child of Colette Doherty who was nine months pregnant, and 35 by including the later [[stillbirth|still-born]] child of Edward and Martha O'Neill. Edward was killed, Martha survived.<ref>CAIN Sutton record of the events available [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch74.htm here].</ref>


And give her a room to work. Put her at the keyboard and let her sing those great songs and maybe throw her foot up on the keys with that Jerry Lee Lewis move her father, Billy, taught her.
In Northern Ireland, [[Sammy Smyth]], then press officer of both the [[Ulster Defence Association]] (UDA) and the [[Ulster Workers Council]] (UWC) Strike Committee, said, <blockquote>"I am very happy about the bombings in Dublin. There is a war with the Free State and now we are laughing at them."<ref>in [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch74.htm CAIN timeline].</ref><ref>Sammy Smyth was killed by the PIRA on [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch76.htm March 10 1976]</ref></blockquote>


I saw her a few weeks ago, and she lit up the place. At one point, she shifted from Mozart to The Big Bopper.
According to a Dublin newspaper, the then [[List of Ambassadors from the United Kingdom to the Republic of Ireland|British Ambassador to Ireland]], Sir Arthur Galsworthy, noted immediately after the bombings:<blockquote>"the predictable attempt by the IRA to pin the blame on the British (British agents, the SAS, etc) has made no headway at all. ... It is only now that the South has experienced violence that they are reacting in the way that the North has sought for so long."</blockquote>
The newspaper noted that "despite these feelings of [[schadenfreude]]", Galsworthy continued, <blockquote>it would be. .. a psychological mistake for us to rub this point in. .. I think the Irish have taken the point".<ref>[http://archives.tcm.ie/businesspost/2005/01/02/story1281.asp 'Irish have taken the point': British Envoy on Dublin bombs], by Rory Rapple, Sunday Business Post, January 2, 2005</ref> </blockquote>


Charming, said people in the audience. Delightful. One woman asked if she could hug her.
==Responsibility for the bombings==


It was the first time I had seen her since last summer in Rehoboth, and she's just getting better. There's no telling what she might do when she gets older -- say 12, maybe 13. But that's years down the road.
The [[Ulster Volunteer Force]] claimed responsibility for the bombings in 1993, following a TV documentary on the bombings that named the UVF as the perpetrators, and which alleged that elements of British Security Forces were involved in the attack.


Right now, she's got the pipes and she's got presence and she's ready to take them on the road.
===Yorkshire Television documentary===


And, of course, she's got her father, her musical sidekick who does the driving and makes the introductions.
On July 7 1993 [[Yorkshire Television]]'s First Tuesday programme broadcast ''Hidden Hand: The Forgotten Massacre'',<ref> See transcript in [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron], Appendix 1</ref> a programme on the bombings in co-operation with a number of retired officers in [[Garda Síochána|An Garda Síochána]], the police force of the Republic of Ireland. The programme claimed that the bombings were the work of the Ulster Volunteer Force. It named a number of UVF members whom it said had taken part in the bombings, and who had since been killed during [[the Troubles]]. However, 'Hidden hand' also claimed that loyalist paramilitaries were aided by British security force members. Forensic examination seemed to suggest that the Dublin bombs had been built with some sophistication.<ref>See discussion with [http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/oralsubdm27jan04page4.html British Army bomb disposal officer Nigel Wylde]</ref> Garda officers claimed that the UVF had been assisted by elements in [[MI5|British intelligence]]. Subsequently, a number of questions were asked in the [[Dáil]], the parliament of the Republic of Ireland, about responsibility for the massacre. The government ordered the [[An Garda Síochána|Garda]] to assess the information in the television programme.


Sometimes, daughter reaches over father in a cross-armed piano duet. They play alongside each other and off each other.
===UVF claim responsibility===


"It's what we do at the house every night," says Musto. "We love it."
One week later, on [[July 15]], [[1993]], the Ulster Volunteer Force confirmed responsibility for the bombings, but also denied that they were aided by British security forces.


A little family history is in order here. Alisa Musto has some strong musical lines to follow.
The UVF claimed that:


Billy Musto was once Billy of Billy and the Kids, a very good rock band that played a lot of clubs in and around Rhode Island. Now, he plays more subdued venues, including the Coast Guard House in Narragansett on Friday and Saturday nights.
{{cquote|the entire operation was from its conception to its successful conclusion, planned and carried out by our volunteers aided by no outside bodies. In contrast to the scenario painted by the programme, it would have been unnecessary and indeed undesirable to compromise our volunteers anonymity [sic] by using clandestine Security Force personnel, British or otherwise, to achieve [an] objective well within our capabilities. .. Given the backdrop of what was taking place in Northern Ireland when the UVF [were] bombing republican targets at will, either the researchers decided to take poetic licence to the limit or the truth was being twisted by knaves to make [a] trap for the fools. ..The minimum of scrutiny should have revealed that the structure of the bombs placed in Dublin and Monaghan were similar if not identical to those being placed in Northern Ireland on an almost daily basis. The type of explosives, timing and detonating methods all bore the hallmark of the UVF. It is incredulous that these points were lost on the Walter Mittys who conjured up this programme. To suggest that the UVF were not, or are not, capable of operating in the manner outlined in the programme is tempting fate to a dangerous degree."<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/organ/uvf/uvf150793.htm CAIN: UVF: Statement by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), 15 July 1993<!-- Bot generated title -->]</ref>}}


Billy's brother, Jimmy, is a percussionist who has performed with the New York Philharmonic.
===Relatives seek public inquiry===


The Mustos' uncles, George and Tommy Tanous, have been making great music for decades. George even tried to teach me the clarinet once, but we both agreed that Benny Goodman I was not.
In 1996 relatives of the victims of the bombings, '''[http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/ Justice for the Forgotten]''', launched a campaign for a public inquiry.<ref>See [http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1209/primetime.html RTE Primetime report], December 9 2003</ref> As their name implies, the group stated that they had been 'forgotten' by the Irish state.<ref> see [http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/stories.php3?ca=300&si=1205916&issue_id=11063 Mass murder on our streets], by Don Lavery, Irish Independent, June 26 2004</ref>


And now Alisa, at 9, takes up the family musical tradition. She started playing piano when she was 5. She started listening to good music in a house filled with music long before that.
On July 23 1997 the group lobbied the European Parliament. MEPs from many countries supported a call for the release of files related to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. However, on August 27 of that year, an Irish Court declined to order the release of the files.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/chron.htm CAIN: Events: Dublin and Monaghan Bombs - Chronology of Events<!-- Bot generated title -->]</ref>


"I know I'll always play," she says. "But it's too early to think about what I might do with it."
In August 1999, Irish Victims Commissioner, John Wilson, reported on the demand for a public inquiry. He proposed a judicial inquiry, held in private.


Right now, it's just flat out fun. It's fun to travel with her father. They can remember the times wheh he'd be leaving the house in Rehoboth for a gig and she'd want to go with him.
In December 1999, the [[Taoiseach]] [[Bertie Ahern]], appointed Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton to undertake a thorough examination of the bombings, in a private inquiry. Justice for the Forgotten agreed to co-operate. The inquiry began work early in 2000. In October 2000 Justice Henry Barron was appointed to succeed Justice Hamilton. Relatives then campaigned for publication of Justice Barron's initial report. It was presented to the Taoiseach on [[October 29]], [[2003]], and published with five names redacted on [[December 10]], [[2003]].


Now, sometimes, she does.
The Irish government demanded that the [[British government]] hand over official documents relating to the bombings, that were denied to the Barron Inquiry. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, John Reid, delivered a 16 page letter, but refused to hand over original documentation, claiming security concerns, despite the passage of time. Barron observed, ''"Correspondence with the Northern Ireland Office undoubtedly produced some useful information; but its value was reduced by the reluctance to make original documents available and the refusal to supply other information on security grounds. While the Inquiry fully understands the position taken by the British Government on these matters, it must be said that the scope of this report is limited as a result."''<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron], Mr Justice Henry Barron's statement to Oireachtas</ref> On February 16 2005 The Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights recommended that the Irish Government bring a case before the European Court of Human Rights to force the UK Government to hold a public inquiry into the bombings. In June 2005 the Irish government threatened to bring the [[British government]] to the [[European Court of Justice]], to force the release the files on the bombings.<ref>[http://www.rte.ie/news/2005/0308/bombings.html Govt may take case over 1974 bombings] RTÉ News, March 8 2005</ref>


I last saw the Mustos at the Elmhurst Extended Care Center in Providence a few weeks ago. It's the kind of place they like to play. They can show up in the afternoon, after school at St. Mary Academy-Bay View.
It is acknowledged that, after 30 years, many witnesses, initial investigators and suspects are dead.


And Alisa Musto, with her long blond hair and solid musical roots, sits down at the keyboard and reaches across a generation or three with songs learned at the piano back home.
==Henry Barron reports on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings==
===[http://www.irlgov.ie/oireachtas/Committees-29th-D%E1il/jcjedwr-debates/InterimDubMon.pdf The Barron Report] - main findings===


The room fills. So does the hallway.
On December 10 2003, Justice Henry Barron's Report on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings was published.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report on the Dublin and Monaghan], 2003</ref><ref>See [http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/index.php3?ca=39&issue_id=10144 Irish Independent December 11 2003] for extensive report summaries</ref> It stated:


She opens with a little Bach. Then she and her father move all over the musical landscape. There is pop, classical, jazz.
{{cquote|'The conclusions of the Inquiry regarding the facts, circumstances, causes and perpetrators of the bombings can be summarised as follows:'


She plays alone. Her father eventually joins in. Then she goes to check out the parakeet in a nearby room while Billy takes over.
1. The Dublin and Monaghan bombings were carried out by two groups of loyalist paramilitaries, one based in Belfast and the other in the area around Portadown/Lurgan. Most, though not all of those involved were members of the UVF.


It's a fine afternoon. And when it's over, the 9-year-old singer and piano player begins the other part of going on the road -- breaking down the equipment and heading for the car.
2. It is likely that the bombings were conceived and planned in Belfast, with the mid-Ulster element providing operational assistance.


If you want to see her, you don't have to go anywhere. Alisa Musto will perform on America's Most Talented Kids on the PAX Network Sunday night at 7.<ref>http://www.projo.com/news/bobkerr/projo_20050223_wedco23.25d5004.html</ref>
3. The bombings were a reaction to the [[Sunningdale Agreement]] – in particular to the prospect of a greater role for the Irish government in the administration of Northern Ireland. The timing of the attacks may have been inspired by a number of important events around that time including:
:(i) a statement of the Taoiseach in April 1974 in which he expressed the hope that formal ratification of the Agreement would take place in May;
:(ii) statements by Northern Ireland Secretary Merlyn Rees (also in April) proposing the phasing out of internment and a gradual reduction of the British Army presence in Northern Ireland;
:(iii) the advent of the Ulster Workers Council strike.


4. A finding that members of the security forces in Northern Ireland could have been involved in the bombings is neither fanciful nor absurd, given the number of instances in which similar illegal activity has been proven.


However, the material assessed by the Inquiry is insufficient to suggest that senior members of the security forces in Northern Ireland were in any way involved in the bombings.


5. The loyalist groups who carried out the bombings in Dublin were capable of doing so without help from any section of the security forces in Northern Ireland, though this does not rule out the involvement of individual RUC, UDR or British Army members.


== America's Most Talented Kids ==
The Monaghan bombing bears all the hallmarks of a standard loyalist operation and required no assistance.
In February of 2005, Alissa made her debute on national television "America's Most Talented Kids". She performed a medley of Mozart and Jerry lee Lewis. Although the judging did not rule in her favor, she later was chosen to shoot a commercial advertising the TV show. The host was Dave Coulier from Full House.


6. It is likely that the farm of James Mitchell at Glenanne played a significant part in the preparation for the attacks. It is also likely that members of the UDR and RUC either participated in, or were aware of those preparations.


== RI's Got Talent ==
7. The possibility that the involvement of such army or police officers was covered-up at a higher level cannot be ruled out; but it is unlikely that any such decision would ever have been committed to writing.


In August 2008, Alissa won the championship title for RI's Got Talent. This was a huge honor considering over 500 people auditionedfrom across New Engalnd. There were 18 finalists which she beat out, including several adults. She performed "Travelling Band Medley”, an arrangement she composed with her father that incorporated Creedence Clearwater Revival, Chopin, Mozart & Beethoven. Ms. Musto took home the $1,000 cash prize and will sing the National Anthem at a 2009 Pawtucket Red Sox Game. Charlie Hall of Ocean State Follies hosted the event. The judges were as followed:
8. There is no evidence that any branch of the security forces knew in advance the bombings were about to take place. This has been reiterated by the current Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, and is accepted by the Inquiry. If they did know, it is unlikely that there would be any official records. Such knowledge would not have been written down; or if it had been, would not have been in any files made available to the Secretary of State. There is evidence the Secretary of State of the day was not fully informed on matters of which he should have been made aware. On that basis, it is equally probable that similarly sensitive information might be withheld from the present holder of that office.


• Matt Roberts, Professional Performer & The on-court emcee for the WNBA’s #1 team
9. The Inquiry believes that within a short time of the bombings taking place, the security forces in Northern Ireland had good intelligence to suggest who was responsible. An example of this could be the unknown information that led British Intelligence sources to tell their Irish Army counterparts that at least two of the bombers had been arrested on [[26 May]] and detained. Unfortunately, the Inquiry has been unable to discover the nature of this and other intelligence available to the security forces in Northern Ireland at that time.


• Lawrence Lepore, Event Manager for Ogden Entertainment at the Providence Civic Center
10. A number of those suspected for the bombings were reliably said to have had relationships with British Intelligence and / or RUC Special Branch officers. It is reasonable to assume that exchanges of information took place. It is therefore possible that the assistance provided to the Garda investigation team by the security forces in Northern Ireland was affected by a reluctance to compromise those relationships, in the interests of securing further information in the future. There remains a deep suspicion that the investigation into the bombings was hampered by such factors, but it cannot be put further than that.


• Patrick Little, Sports Director at WPRI Channel 12
11. As stated, there are grounds for suspecting that the bombers may have had assistance from members of the security forces. …. Unless further information comes to hand, such involvement must remain a suspicion. It is not proven.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron], p. 286-288</ref>}}


The publication of the report caused a sensation in Ireland, as demonstrated by political and media reaction.<ref>Listen to, for example, RTÉ Radio One, Five Seven Live [http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1210/57live.html report of Barron Report publication], December 10 2003, and [http://www.rte.ie/news/2003/1211/57live.html interview with Colin Wallace], RTÉ Radio One, Five Seven Live, December 11 2003, and see [http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/index.php3?ca=39&issue_id=10144 Irish Independent December 11 2003]</ref> It is generally agreed that the Report raised more questions than it answered and that it opened up new avenues of inquiry.


== Press Release ==
===Oireachtas Sub-Committee on collusion===
Bob Kerr: the Father , the Daughter and the Music- wednesday February 23rd, 2005
http://www.projo.com/news/bobkerr/projo_20050223_wedco23.25d5004.html


East Bay Chamber Crowns Winner of Rhode Island's Got Talent Show- august 18th 2008
The Oireachtas Sub-Committee considering Justice Barron's report concluded:
http://www.pbn.com/press_releases/34545.html


MAYOR’S CICILLINE’S SENIORS DAY IN THE PARK SET FOR SEPTEMBER 14th AT ROGER WILLIAMS PARK (brief mention)<ref>http://www.providenceri.com/press/article.php?id=420</ref>
{{cquote|2.20 In relation to the identity of the perpetrators, Mr. Justice Barron compiled a wealth of material, which supports his conclusion that the bombings were carried by the two groups of loyalist paramilitaries (one in Belfast and the other in Portadown/Lurgan). There is still a degree of speculation as to the definitive line- up of individuals actually involved in each stage of the preparation, planning and placing of the bombs. The Barron Report will serve as a useful starting point in assisting any further enquiry.
http://www.providenceri.com/press/article.php?id=420


East Bay People: Regional- September 25th and October 9th 2008
2.21 With regard to the issue of collusion, the Sub-Committee has a limited function namely, to review the Barron Report and cannot therefore come to a different conclusion. The Sub-Committee would like to acknowledge the difficulties faced by Mr. Justice Barron in his attempts to explore this issue fully. There is no way of knowing what might be contained in documentation which exists in Northern Ireland and the UK without gaining access to that documentation. However, even based on the material he did manage to gather, the suggestion that members of the security forces in Northern Ireland could have been involved in the bombings is in Mr Justice Barron’s own words, ‘neither fanciful nor absurd’. In addition, the Sub-Committee is concerned that a number of responsible persons and groups who made submissions have come to the conclusion that collusion played a part.
http://www.projo.com/ri/barrington/content/EB_People_9_10-09-08_932POUE_v810.390007c.html

2.22 Until such time as the relevant original documentation is released by the UK Authorities and the issue addressed in the jurisdiction where the bombs were prepared and planned, namely, Northern Ireland, it may not be possible to come to definitive conclusions in this regard. The question of what any further inquiry can achieve in this regard will be considered later in this Report. The Sub-Committee acknowledges that the failure to bring closure on this particular aspect has exacerbated the pain and suffering of the victims and their relatives.<ref>[http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/index2.html Oireachtas Sub Committee's 'Final Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings (April 2004)'], p. 21</ref>}}

A subsequent report by Henry Barron into the [[Miami Showband massacre]], [http://www.oireachtas.ie/viewdoc.asp?fn=/documents/Committees29thDail/Sub-Barron-Murder-Ludlow.htm the killing of Seamus Ludlow], and [http://www.oireachtas.ie/viewdoc.asp?fn=/documents/Committees29thDail/Sub_Barron_Kays_Tavern.htm the bombing of Keys Tavern] found evidence of extensive collusion with the same mainly UVF personnel, amounting to "international terrorism" on the part of British forces.<ref>See audio and video at [http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/1129/barron.html Ahern says UK must examine collusion findings] RTÉ News November 29 2006]</ref>

===McEntee Inquiry===

Following a recommendation from the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights, in its final report on the bombings (March 2004), the Irish Government established a further [[Commission of Investigation: Dublin and Monaghan Bombings 1974]] in May 2005 under [[Patrick McEntee]]. The McEntee Enquiry is tasked to investigate the following:

{{cquote|1. Why was the Garda investigation into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings wound down in 1974?

2. Why did the Gardaí not follow-up on the following leads?
:(i) Information that a white van with an English registration plate, was parked outside the Department of Posts and Telegraphs on Portland Row and was later seen parked in the deep sea area of the B&I ferry port in Dublin, and the subsequent contact made with a British Army officer on a ferry boat leaving that port.
:(ii) Information relating to a man who stayed in the Four Courts Hotel between 15 and [[17 May]] [[1974]], and his contacts with the UVF.
:(iii) Information concerning a British Army corporal allegedly sighted.}}

The remit of the McEntee Commission was extended on a number of occasions. The report was handed to the Irish government on March 12, 2007.<ref>[http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/article2353803.ece Irish government receives latest report into Dublin-Monaghan bombs], Belfast Telegraph, March 13, 2007</ref> Publication was expected by the end of March 2007<ref>[http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/stories.php3?ca=39&si=1796521&issue_id=15388 Report on Dublin bombings will be held up for a week], Irish Independent, March 19 2007</ref> On [[April 3]], [[2007]], the Irish government announced that the Report would be published on [[April 4]], [[2007]] at 5pm, after distribution to victims and to the families of those who had been killed by the bombs.

===Barron Report - the detail===

Judge Barron reported that his official Inquiry was obstructed by the British authorities. It found ''"In investigating allegations of collusion in relation to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, this Inquiry faces all the problems identified by the [[Stevens Inquiry]], with the additional complication that it has no authority or powers within the jurisdiction of Northern Ireland."''<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron, p. 281]</ref> Then Assistant Commissioner with the Metropolitan (London) Police, John Stevens, required three inquiries, with powers of search, questioning and arrest. His offices within [[Royal Ulster Constabulary|RUC]] headquarters suffered an arson attack. Stevens noted under "''Obstruction of my Enquiries"''

{{cquote|There was a clear breach of security before the planned arrest of [British agent and [[Ulster Defence Association|UDA]] member Brian] Nelson and other senior loyalists. Information was leaked to the loyalist paramilitaries and the press. This resulted in the operation being aborted. Nelson was advised by his FRU handlers to leave home the night before. A new date was set for the operation on account of the leak. The night before the new operation my Incident room was destroyed by fire. This incident, in my opinion, has never been adequately investigated and I believe it was a deliberate act of arson.<ref>[http://www.madden-finucane.com/patfinucane/index.htm Stevens Enquiry 3, [[April 17]], [[2003]]], P. 13</Ref>}}

Stevens stated that collusion with loyalist killers by British Army Intelligence and RUC Special Branch had taken place:

{{cquote|I conclude there was collusion in both murders and the circumstances surrounding them. Collusion is evidenced in many ways. This ranges from the willful failure to keep records, the absence of accountability, the withholding of intelligence and evidence, through to the extreme of agents being involved in murder. <REF>ibid, p. 16, see also ''Into the Dark'' by (former RUC CID officer) Johnston Brown, Gill & Macmillan, 2005 for information on the official protection for over eight years of Ken Barrett, the self-confessed killer of solicitor Pat Finucane</ref>}}

Barron reported, ''"we refer to the main difficulty in assessing the usefulness to the inquiry of the information"'' received from the British government. ''"When three of us met Dr. Reid [then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland] and three of his officials in January 2002, we stressed that we wanted to see original intelligence documents, but we never got them. Of the information we received, some of it consisted of excerpts from an intelligence document, but there was not sufficient information to work out who got what document, whether there were other documents dealing with similar matters and how they were assessed by the people to whom they were addressed."''<ref> in [http://www.gov.ie/oireachtas/Committees-29th-D%C3%A1il/jcjedwr-debates/scbr030204a.rtf Barron Report public hearings]</ref>

The [http://www.irlgov.ie/oireachtas/Committees-29th-D%E1il/jcjedwr-debates/InterimDubMon.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron] also criticises the Garda investigation into the bombings. He criticised, in addition, the lack of urgency in pursuing the culprits shown by then Labour-Fine Gael party coalition government in Dublin. Barron noted, ''"The Government of the day showed little interest in the bombings. When information was given to them suggesting the British authorities had intelligence naming the bombers, this was not followed up."'' Barron went on to note that similar, though not as extensive information, ''"was given to the Gardaí by the RUC but there are no records of the Gardaí questioning the RUC as to the names of those so interned, or attempting to ascertain the nature of the intelligence which led to their being detained. And the report says there is also no record of Irish Army intelligence seeking further information from their British counterparts"''.<ref>[http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/stories.php3?ca=39&si=1091260&issue_id=10144 Cabinet 'failed to show concern', Report points finger at Coalition apathy]</ref> Barron stated that Department of Justice files on the Dublin bombings were ''"missing in their entirety"'' and that no records were provided to Barron by the department. The Garda investigation ended prematurely. Barron found, ''"there was no single reason why the investigation ended"''.

An RUC officer reported by Gardaí to be ''"an excellent and honest policeman"'' who would have had good intelligence as to who was responsible for various loyalist bombings, gave evidence to the Inquiry. Barron noted ''"Given the central position he occupied in the intelligence-gathering network for the Mid-Ulster region, this RUC officer’s interview with the Inquiry was disappointing. He said that the intelligence received by him was generally of a low grade. The Inquiry does not find this credible. This man lived and worked in Portadown, where loyalist paramilitaries lived open lives, largely untouched by the security forces. He himself told the Inquiry that the RUC were free to operate in loyalist areas, and that they knew the names of all the active people. In his meetings with the Inquiry, he made several statements which were shown to be inaccurate or based on assumptions rather than fact"''.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron, p. 297]</ref>

===Barron on ballistic history===

The Barron Inquiry found a chain of ballistic history linking weapons and killings under the control of a group of UVF and security force members, including RUC Special Patrol Group members [[John Weir]] and [[Billy McCaughey]], connected to those alleged to have carried out the bombings.

These ''"included, in 1975, three murders at Donnelly's bar in Silverbridge, the murders of two men at a fake UDR checkpoint, the murder of IRA man John Francis Green in the Republic, the murders of members of the Miami showband and the murder of Dorothy Trainor in Portadown. In 1976, they included the murders of three members of the Reavey family, and the attack on the Rock Bar in Tassagh."''<ref>[http://www.tribune.ie/article.tvt?_scope=TribuneFTF&id=23418&SUBCAT=&SUBCATNAME=&DT=14/12/2003%2000:00:00&keywords=Susan%20McKay&FC= Barron throws light on a little shock of horrors], by Susan McKay, Sunday Tribune, December 14 2003</ref>

According to [[Fred Holroyd]], Captain [[Robert Nairac]], acting under SAS orders, was involved in the killing of John Francis Green in the Republic of Ireland<ref>The SAS in Ireland - Revealed, Irish News, by Barry McCaffrey, July 13 2006.</ref> and in the [[Miami Showband killings]].<ref>Ken Livingstone, maiden speech British House of Commons, Hansard Parliamentary Debates, volume 118, July 7 1987</ref> John Weir supported the suggestion of Nairac's involvement in the Green assassination: ''"I was told that Nairac was with them. I was told by… a UVF man, he was very close to Jackson and operated with him. Jackson told [him] that Nairac was with them."''<ref>Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, December 2003 p.206</ref> Surviving Miami showband members Steve Travers and Des McAlee testified in court that an Army officer with a crisp English accent oversaw the [[Miami Showband killings]], the implication being that this was Nairac.<ref>Enigmatic SAS man linked to massacre, News Letter, August 1 2005</ref>

Susan McKay summarised Barron on the ballistic history point:

{{cquote|It was probable the guns were kept at a farm at Glenanne belonging to James Mitchell, an RUC reservist. .. from which a group of paramilitaries and members of the security forces. .. carried out the massacres at Dublin and Monaghan. ... The chain was unbroken because the perpetrators of these attacks weren't caught, or investigations were haphazard, or charges were dropped, or light or suspended sentences were given. The same individuals turn up again and again, but the links weren't noted. Some of the perpetrators weren't prosecuted despite evidence against them.<ref>[http://www.tribune.ie/article.tvt?_scope=TribuneFTF&id=23418&SUBCAT=&SUBCATNAME=&DT=14/12/2003%2000:00:00&keywords=Susan%20McKay&FC= Barron throws light on a little shock of horrors], by Susan McKay, Sunday Tribune, December 14 2003</ref>}}

Robin Jackson, consistently linked with Nairac, was alleged to be involved in this illegal violence (the link was noted contemporaneously in 1975 – see [[Colin Wallace]] section below).

{{cquote|On 28 October 1973, Robin Jackson murdered Patrick Campbell, a 34-year-old Catholic from Banbridge. He shot him on the doorstep of his home. Campbell's wife picked Jackson out during a police identity parade. However, a murder charge brought against him was dropped after it was claimed Mrs Campbell knew Jackson - a claim she denies. Six months later, the loyalist was one of those who bombed Dublin and Monaghan. Barron notes that in 1976, the security forces came up with evidence, including Jackson's finger print on one of the guns in the chain above. … He was released. In 1977, he was named in court as the gunman who shot William Strathearn in Ahoghill, Co Antrim. Two RUC men, Billy McCaughey and John Weir were convicted. Jackson wasn't even questioned, for "operational reasons" which have never been detailed.<ref>ibid. See also graphic on ballistic history, pages 110-115 of [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/collusion/docs/cassel061106.pdf Report of the Independent International Panel on Alleged Collusion in Sectarian Killings in Northern Ireland], Center for Civil and Human Rights Notre Dame Law School, October 2006</ref>}}

==Barron Inquiry treatment of evidence of collusion in bombings==
===Colin Wallace on security force collusion in bombings===

Barron noted journalist Robert Fisk's<ref>Sunday Times, 14 October 1974</ref> suggestion that the bombings were carried out by militant UVF members opposed to meetings between UVF delegations and the Official and Provisional IRA, which had taken place earlier in 1974: ''"The Dublin bombings were apparently carried out to show other members of the UVF that, left-wing though it might have become, this did not imply any deals with republicans."''

This view finds independent support in a letter from then British Army intelligence officer Colin Wallace to Tony Stoughton, Chief Information Officer of the British Army Information Service at Lisburn, on August 14 1975. {{cquote|There is good evidence the Dublin bombings in May last year were a reprisal for the Irish government's role in bringing about the [power sharing] Executive. According to one of Craig's people [Craig Smellie, the top MI6 officer in the Northern Ireland at the time], some of those involved, the Youngs, the Jacksons, Mulholland, Hanna, Kerr and McConnell were working closely with [Special Branch] and [Intelligence] at that time. Craig's people believe the sectarian assassinations were designed to destroy [then Northern Secretary Merlyn] Rees's attempts to negotiate a ceasefire, and the targets were identified for both sides by [Intelligence/Special Branch]. They also believe some very senior RUC officers were involved with this group. In short, it would appear that loyalist paramilitaries and [Intelligence/Special Branch] members have formed some sort of pseudo gangs in an attempt to fight a war of attrition by getting paramilitaries on both sides to kill each other and, at the same time prevent any future political initiative such as Sunningdale.<ref>[http://www.indymedia.ie/article/80134 Death Squad Dossier, Irish Mail on Sunday by Michael Browne, December 10, 2006], also partly quoted in Barron Report (2003) p, 172 see also, [http://www.indymedia.ie/article/80012 Irish Daily Mail, November 30 2006] for further information</ref>}}

In a further letter dated September 30 1975, Wallace revealed that MI5 was trying to create a split in the UVF, {{cquote|because they wanted the more politically minded ones ousted. I believe much of the violence generated during the latter part of last year was caused by some of the new Int people deliberately stirring up the conflict. As you know, we have never been allowed to target the breakaway UVF, nor the UFF, during the past year. Yet they have killed more people than the IRA!<ref>ibid</ref>}}

Barron noted that Wallace's August 14 1975 letter was ''"strong evidence that the security forces in Northern Ireland had intelligence information which was not shared with the Garda investigation team."''<ref>Barron Report p. 121</ref>

Wallace also noted that:

{{cquote|several of the key players in the mid-Ulster UVF were working for the Special Branch and for ourselves. .. giving information and liaising and so forth. If you just draw the line there and don't even go any further than liaison, and if the informers were doing their job - and if they weren't doing their job we wouldn't have been using them - an operation of that size, in terms of the logistics and planning was so big that there was something seriously wrong if the Security Forces as a whole did not know that (a) an operation was going on; and (b) had some idea about it, because of the scale of it. That would have been a prime target for the intelligence agencies to get to grips with.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report by Justice Henry Barron into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, December 2003, p. 173]</ref>}}

Wallace then noted that investigation into the bombings was closed down with immediate effect a very short time after the bombings.<ref>See [http://www.sbpost.ie/post/pages/p/story.aspx-qqqt=IRELAND-qqqm=news-qqqid=21304-qqqx=1.asp British and UVF met 10 days after bombs killed 33], by Colm Heatley, Sunday Business Post, 25 February 2007</ref>

As with Fred Holroyd and John Weir, there were unsuccessful attempts to undermine Colin Wallace's credibility and evidence to the Inquiry. Between 1968 and 1975 Wallace had run the main psychological warfare, or 'psyops', department at British Army Headquarters in Lisburn, a task involving "''dissemination of information and disinformation''". In September 1974 Wallace refused to become involved in attempts by the security services to subvert British government policy. Wallace also discovered that at the [[Kincora Boys Home]] a member of an ''"extreme loyalist organisation"'', [[William McGrath]], was involved with others in pedophile abuse. The home was not closed down. Wallace suspected that ''" the intelligence services were using the information to blackmail the extreme loyalist into helping them"''. Wallace made known his opposition.<ref> See Barron Report (2003) on Wallace, p. 163-169</ref> Wallace later attempted to expose security force involvement in events such as the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, and attempts by MI5 to undermine ''"left wing organisations and individuals"'', including the Prime Minister, Harold Wilson.

Barron notes that Wallace was then targeted by the same security services he had served. He was forced out of government service on a charge of attempting to pass a restricted document to a journalist, Robert Fisk. In 1980 he was charged with and then convicted of manslaughter. After his release from prison on parole in 1985, Wallace proclaimed his innocence. He later successfully overturned the conviction, which was quashed on 21 July 1996. Wallace was also paid £30,000 pounds sterling compensation (the maximum allowed) for unjust dismissal from government Service. His role within the British Army intelligence service had already been officially, though belatedly, acknowledged in 1990.<ref>[http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/cm198990/cmhansrd/1990-01-30/Writtens-2.html Archie Hamilton, British Junior Defence Minister, parliamentary reply on Wallace, correcting previous misleading information], Hansard January 30 1990</ref> Wallace was fully vindicated.<ref>see [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/dublin/barron03.pdf Report (2003) by Justice Barron, p. 167-168]</ref><ref> See also ''Who Framed Colin Wallace'' by Paul Foot, Pan 1990, ISBN-10: 0330314467, and, also by Paul Foot, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,802698,00.html The final vindication], The Guardian, October 2 2002, and Inside story: MI5 mischief, The Guardian, July 22 1996 </ref>

===Fred Holroyd on security force collusion in bombings===

Evidence for British security force involvement in the bombings is also supported by British Army Captain [[Fred Holroyd]], who worked for MI6 during the 1970s in Northern Ireland. Holroyd argued that ''"the bombings were part of a pattern of collusion between elements of the security forces in Northern Ireland and loyalist paramilitaries."''

Barron found that members of the Gardaí and of the RUC attempted to unfairly and unjustly undermine Holroyd's evidence.

Barron noted that ''"Some of the RUC officers interviewed by the Inquiry, in their apparent eagerness to deny Holroyd any credibility whatsoever, themselves made inaccurate and misleading statements which have unfortunately tarnished their own credibility."''<ref>Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, December 2003, p.29</ref>

Then Assistant Commissioner of the Gardaí, Edmund ('Ned') Garvey was said by Fred Holroyd to have met him and an RUC Officer at Garda headquarters in 1975. Holroyd named Garvey, and another Garda (codenamed, 'the badger'), as being on the ''"British side"''. Garvey later denied that the meeting took place. However, Justice Barron found: ''"The visit by Holroyd to Garda Headquarters unquestionably did take place, notwithstanding former Commissioner Garvey’s inability to recall it"''.<ref>[ibid p. 199-200, 206-07]</ref> Barron further noted: ''"On the Northern side, there is conflicting evidence as to how, why and by whom the visit was arranged. Regrettably, Garda investigations have failed to uncover any documentary evidence of the visit, or to identify any of the officers involved in arranging it from the Southern side."''<ref>ibid</ref>

Edmund Garvey was dismissed by the incoming Fianna Fáil Government on [[January 19]], [[1978]] without explanation, other than by stating that it no longer had ''confidence'' in him as Garda Commissioner.

===John Weir on security force collusion in bombings===

The UVF claim of sole responsibility is also undermined by extensive evidence of involvement by British security forces in their paramilitary violence, in particular within UVF structures. RUC and UDR involvement with loyalist paramilitaries is established by admission of some of those involved - see [[Billy McCaughey]]. McCaughey, claimed that many local RUC and Ulster Defence Regiment personnel were working with UVF paramilitaries in the Armagh and Mid Ulster area in a way that made membership almost interchangeable - he claimed that his [[Special Patrol Group (RUC)|RUC Special Patrol Group]] unit was both exclusively Protestant and "orange" or unionist.<ref>Bandit Country, by Toby Harnden, Coronet Books, 2000, p.190-191</ref>

John Weir, a member of a different, though equally loyalist, RUC Special Patrol Group, {{cquote|claimed to have been part of a renegade group of loyalist paramilitaries, UDR and RUC officers who were carrying out attacks on both sides of the border between 1974 and 1978. He named people who he said were involved in a number of these attacks - including the Dublin, Monaghan and Dundalk bombings. He also named a farm which he claimed was used as a base by the group. He alleged that senior officers in the RUC knew of, and gave tacit approval to, these activities.<ref>Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, December 2003, p. 88</ref>}} On Page 147 of the Barron Report, Weir detailed how ''"senior officers in the RUC knew of and encouraged connections between RUC officers and loyalist extremists."''

Furthermore {{cquote|Weir said he was told that [UDR staff instructor William] Hanna was assisted in carrying out the Dublin bombings by Robin Jackson (UVF, Lurgan) and David Payne (UDA, Belfast). He says that Stewart Young (UVF, Portadown) had been involved in carrying out the Monaghan bombing – adding that he heard this from Young himself as well as from others in the group. He said that explosives for all four bombs were supplied by a named UDR officer.<ref>ibid, p. 146</ref>}}

In his report, Mr Justice Barron commented on John Weir's evidence ''"The Inquiry agrees with the view of An Garda Siochana that Weir's allegations regarding the Dublin and Monaghan bombings must be treated with the utmost seriousness."''<ref>Hatred in Harryville, by Henry McDonald, Sunday Times, February 9 1997</ref> {{cquote|Despite Weir's conviction for the murder of William Strathearn in April 1977 - for which he was originally sentenced to life in prison - the inquiry found that Mr Weir's claims are 'largely credible'... Bearing in mind that Weir was an active member of the security services and that his allegations relating to the period from May to August 1976 have received considerable confirmation, the Inquiry believes that his evidence overall is credible.<ref>[http://www.unison.ie/irish_independent/stories.php3?ca=39&si=1091313&issue_id=10144 Claims of collusion 'must be taken seriously'], by Alison Bray, Irish Independent, December 11 2003, see also Profiles of Weir: [http://www.indymedia.ie/article/80602&comment_limit=0&condense_comments=false#comment181987 RUC man's secret war with the IRA, by Liam Clarke, Sunday Times, March 7 1999] and [http://www.village.ie/ireland/feature/%27i%27m_lucky_to_be_above_the_ground%27/ I'm lucky to be above Ground, by Frank Connolly, Village, November 16 2006]</ref>}} The RUC furnished the Gardaí with a report that attempted to undermine Weir's evidence. Barron found this RUC attempt to be highly inaccurate and to lack credibility.<ref>Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, December 2003, p. 148-151</ref>

==References==
<div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;">
<references />
</div>

==Further information/source==
[[Commission of Investigation: Dublin and Monaghan Bombings 1974]]

==External links==
* [http://www.serve.com/pfc/dubmon/intro.html Dublin and Monaghan bombings]
* [http://www.dublinmonaghanbombings.org/ Justice for the Forgotten - organisation of victims and relatives of the bombings]
* [http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0272/D.0272.197405210027.html Dáil Éireann 21 May, 1974 - Dublin and Monaghan Bombings: Statement by Taoiseach]
* [http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/article1040151.ece Army bomb collusion unproven, says judge Timesonline] Accessed [[23 February]] [[2007]].

[[Category:Terrorist incidents in the 1970s]]
[[Category:History of Ireland]]
[[Category:Car bombings]]
[[Category:History of County Dublin]]
[[Category:History of County Monaghan]]
[[Category:1974 in Ireland]]


[[ga:Buamálacha Bhaile Átha Cliath agus Mhuineacháin]]

Revision as of 22:09, 10 October 2008

Alissa Musto was born May 31, 1995 in Providence RI. She is an American singer and child pianist. She is the winner of the 2007 New England Performs Competition, a regional talent competition[1]. She hold the 2008 championship title for RI's Got Talent where she beat out adults. [2] When she was 9 years old, she was on the national televsion show "America;s Most Talented Kids". She will sing the National Anthem at a 2009 Paw Sox Game.

Early Performances

Alissa started taking piano lessons at the age of 5. She quickly caught on and started performing at local Nursing homes for the residents. She won many local piano competitions and most of the times, dispite her age was put in the older division competitions. Because she was only six at the time of her first competition win, she had to carry a block to reach the sustain pedal. At this paticular competition she played "Prelude in a minor", Minute in G and Moonlight Sonata.

The Father the Daughter and The Music

One of the many written articles about Alissa Musto ( taken from the Providence Journal)


You gotta love the way this kid sings.

Like Britney Spears maybe? Please. The mere mention of the pop diva makes Alisa Musto wince as if confronted with a plate of spoiled food.

No, give her Sinatra. Give her the songs that have some pedigree, some staying power.

And give her a room to work. Put her at the keyboard and let her sing those great songs and maybe throw her foot up on the keys with that Jerry Lee Lewis move her father, Billy, taught her.

I saw her a few weeks ago, and she lit up the place. At one point, she shifted from Mozart to The Big Bopper.

Charming, said people in the audience. Delightful. One woman asked if she could hug her.

It was the first time I had seen her since last summer in Rehoboth, and she's just getting better. There's no telling what she might do when she gets older -- say 12, maybe 13. But that's years down the road.

Right now, she's got the pipes and she's got presence and she's ready to take them on the road.

And, of course, she's got her father, her musical sidekick who does the driving and makes the introductions.

Sometimes, daughter reaches over father in a cross-armed piano duet. They play alongside each other and off each other.

"It's what we do at the house every night," says Musto. "We love it."

A little family history is in order here. Alisa Musto has some strong musical lines to follow.

Billy Musto was once Billy of Billy and the Kids, a very good rock band that played a lot of clubs in and around Rhode Island. Now, he plays more subdued venues, including the Coast Guard House in Narragansett on Friday and Saturday nights.

Billy's brother, Jimmy, is a percussionist who has performed with the New York Philharmonic.

The Mustos' uncles, George and Tommy Tanous, have been making great music for decades. George even tried to teach me the clarinet once, but we both agreed that Benny Goodman I was not.

And now Alisa, at 9, takes up the family musical tradition. She started playing piano when she was 5. She started listening to good music in a house filled with music long before that.

"I know I'll always play," she says. "But it's too early to think about what I might do with it."

Right now, it's just flat out fun. It's fun to travel with her father. They can remember the times wheh he'd be leaving the house in Rehoboth for a gig and she'd want to go with him.

Now, sometimes, she does.

I last saw the Mustos at the Elmhurst Extended Care Center in Providence a few weeks ago. It's the kind of place they like to play. They can show up in the afternoon, after school at St. Mary Academy-Bay View.

And Alisa Musto, with her long blond hair and solid musical roots, sits down at the keyboard and reaches across a generation or three with songs learned at the piano back home.

The room fills. So does the hallway.

She opens with a little Bach. Then she and her father move all over the musical landscape. There is pop, classical, jazz.

She plays alone. Her father eventually joins in. Then she goes to check out the parakeet in a nearby room while Billy takes over.

It's a fine afternoon. And when it's over, the 9-year-old singer and piano player begins the other part of going on the road -- breaking down the equipment and heading for the car.

If you want to see her, you don't have to go anywhere. Alisa Musto will perform on America's Most Talented Kids on the PAX Network Sunday night at 7.[3]



America's Most Talented Kids

In February of 2005, Alissa made her debute on national television "America's Most Talented Kids". She performed a medley of Mozart and Jerry lee Lewis. Although the judging did not rule in her favor, she later was chosen to shoot a commercial advertising the TV show. The host was Dave Coulier from Full House.


RI's Got Talent

In August 2008, Alissa won the championship title for RI's Got Talent. This was a huge honor considering over 500 people auditionedfrom across New Engalnd. There were 18 finalists which she beat out, including several adults. She performed "Travelling Band Medley”, an arrangement she composed with her father that incorporated Creedence Clearwater Revival, Chopin, Mozart & Beethoven. Ms. Musto took home the $1,000 cash prize and will sing the National Anthem at a 2009 Pawtucket Red Sox Game. Charlie Hall of Ocean State Follies hosted the event. The judges were as followed:

• Matt Roberts, Professional Performer & The on-court emcee for the WNBA’s #1 team

• Lawrence Lepore, Event Manager for Ogden Entertainment at the Providence Civic Center

• Patrick Little, Sports Director at WPRI Channel 12


Press Release

Bob Kerr: the Father , the Daughter and the Music- wednesday February 23rd, 2005 http://www.projo.com/news/bobkerr/projo_20050223_wedco23.25d5004.html

East Bay Chamber Crowns Winner of Rhode Island's Got Talent Show- august 18th 2008 http://www.pbn.com/press_releases/34545.html

MAYOR’S CICILLINE’S SENIORS DAY IN THE PARK SET FOR SEPTEMBER 14th AT ROGER WILLIAMS PARK (brief mention)[4] http://www.providenceri.com/press/article.php?id=420

East Bay People: Regional- September 25th and October 9th 2008 http://www.projo.com/ri/barrington/content/EB_People_9_10-09-08_932POUE_v810.390007c.html

  1. ^ alissa Musto : winner Of New England Performs http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mn6aTYUE1z0
  2. ^ http://www.pbn.com/press_releases/34545.html
  3. ^ http://www.projo.com/news/bobkerr/projo_20050223_wedco23.25d5004.html
  4. ^ http://www.providenceri.com/press/article.php?id=420
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