Ben B. Lindsey

Benjamin "Ben" B. Lindsey (approx. 1905)

Benjamin "Ben" Barr Lindsey (born November 25, 1869 in Jackson (Tennessee) , † March 26, 1943 in Los Angeles ) was an American lawyer and social reformer . He first became known as a judge at the County Court of Denver in the state of Colorado , where he developed a juvenile court from informal beginnings . Lindsey had begun in 1901 to view children and young people as protégés of the state and thus to apply other legal provisions than the criminal law to them. In 1903 and 1907 he was responsible for laws that first established an official juvenile and then an independent juvenile and family court in Colorado. With his unconventional methods, but also through his talent for self-expression - he gave lectures nationwide and also appeared in films - Lindsey was perceived as one of the most famous juvenile judges in the USA and a leading representative of the juvenile justice movement. As a judge, he showed an unusually extensive personal commitment and put rehabilitation at the center of his work. In his paternalistic understanding of the function of a juvenile court, constitutional and judicial procedures such as the appointment of defense counsel for the accused seemed unnecessary.

Lindsey was also active on the political stage of Colorado and was one of the most important reformers of progressivism . A democrat by nature, he made a name for himself as an independent person and carried out communal, political and social reforms with the means of direct democracy . He put his criticism in magazine articles and the book The Beast (1910), with which he castigated political corruption in Denver and criticized the taking advantage of corporate private interests at the expense of the community. For the implementation of his political goals he could count on the support of various reform organizations and reform-oriented politicians, but above all on the support of politically committed and organized women. Between 1910 and 1912, the reformers celebrated the greatest political successes in Colorado: an amendment to the Colorado constitution supported by Lindsey allowed legislation through referendums and a reform candidate was elected mayor of Denver.

After the First World War at the latest , the reforms in Colorado came to a standstill. Lindsey clashed with political opponents such as the Ku Klux Klan, which was particularly strong in Colorado . The Klan succeeded in 1927 in suing Lindsey for alleged electoral fraud from his office as a youth judge. Lindsey moved to California . Here he built up a second legal career that brought him to the head of the Children's Court of Concilliation in Los Angeles County , which was newly established in 1939 on his initiative . In the 1920s, however, Lindsey's commitment to sexual and family reform attracted particular attention . In much-discussed essays and books, Lindsey developed the idea of ​​the "comradeship marriage" to facilitate divorces for marriages that have remained childless. Although he distanced himself from the concept of “trial marriage” and emphasized that he was looking for a remedy against the increasing number of divorces , Lindsey's proposals were sharply criticized, especially from church circles.

Live and act

Early childhood and career

Benjamin Barr, called "Ben", Lindsey was the oldest of four children. He first grew up on a plantation in Tennessee that belonged to his grandfather. In 1879 his father, Landy Tunstall Lindsey, a telegraph operator who had fought in the rank of captain in the American Civil War on the Confederate side , moved with his family to Denver , Colorado , to take up work. Lindsey attended the preparatory school ("preparatory school") of Notre Dame University in South Bend, Indiana , where he became friends with Edward P. Costigan . When Lindsey's father lost his job, Ben and his younger brother returned to Jackson for two years. He lived in his mother's sister, and attended Southwestern Baptist University, a preparatory school of the Baptists . In 1887 he went back to Denver. In the same year his father took his own life. 18 year old Lindsey was forced to contribute to the family's living. He worked as an office messenger during the day and as a janitor in the evening.

Biographers of Lindsey explain his motivation to advocate social reform in his later life from the experiences of these years. A failed suicide attempt is considered a key experience. In his semi-autobiographical book The Beast (1910), Lindsey reported that a year after his father's death, out of desperation, he got a revolver, held it to the temple and pulled the trigger.

“By some miracle the cartridge had not exploded; but the nervous shock of that instant when I felt the trigger yield and the muzzle rap against my forehead with the impact of the hammer - that shock was almost as great as a very bullet in the brain. I realized my folly, my weakness; and I went back to my life with something of a man's determination to crush the circumstances that had almost crushed me. "

“By some miracle the cartridge hadn't gone off, but the nervous shock of that moment when I felt the trigger give way and the muzzle hit my forehead when the tap snapped - that shock was almost as bad as a bullet in the brain. I saw my folly and weakness and went back to life with a little more masculine determination, willing to crush the circumstances that almost crushed me. "

- Ben B. Lindsey : The Beast (1910)

Lindsey found employment in 1888/89 as an assistant in the office of lawyer R. D. Thompson. In 1894 he passed the exams required to be admitted to the Colorado bar . Together with Fred W. Parks he opened a law firm and worked as a criminal defense attorney. Lindsey became politically for the Democrats , in 1898 a joint list with the Silver Republican Party , a spin-off of the Republicans formed, and in 1899 by Governor Charles S. Thomas in the management of the Arapahoe County appointed, where he is responsible for widows and orphans was. In the Democratic Party, he was considered fit to become a district attorney. Nothing came of that, but when Judge Robert Wilbur Steele was appointed to the Colorado Supreme Court, Lindsey took over the vacant judge's post at Arapahoe County Court, later Denver County Court, in 1901.

Juvenile judge in Denver

"Father of the Juvenile Court" (Illustration from the report of the Juvenile Court of Denver, 1904)

In his new office as judge, Lindsey established the Colorado Juvenile Court . It made sense not to bring children and young people to the same courts as adults, but rather to hear their cases in a special court, taking into account special procedural rules and criminal provisions. In retrospect, Lindsey attributed his interest in juvenile delinquency to experiences from his time as a criminal defense attorney. In fact, he only seems to have dealt with the problem in more detail as a judge. The reason for this was the Tony Costello case . Lindsey had been asked to suspend another hearing to quickly try a boy who stole coal from the railroad. After Lindsey sentenced the boy to a reformatory, he was interrupted by the boy's mother, who screamed loudly about the conviction. Lindsey and the district attorney decided at short notice to suspend the punishment and release the boy into his mother's care. Lindsey then visited the family at home, who lived in abject poverty. The boy had apparently wanted to get coal for heating.

Lindsey described how he then looked for new ways. He came across the Colorado Session Laws of 1899 (Colorado Session Laws 1899, Ch. 136), which treated children in need not as criminals but as troublemakers, whom the state had to treat as protégés as part of its function as parens patriae . Accordingly, the state had not to punish these delinquents, but to act for their own good. With the prosecutor's approval, Lindsey applied the School Act mutatis mutandis to all children who broke the law and were referred to his court. With this legally problematic interpretation of the law, the foundation for the Denver Juvenile Court was laid. Lindsey himself described the creation in 1910:

“It was not a steel fire escape built according to the statutory regulations. It was merely a wooden ladder rotting in a back yard. But it would reach the lower stories. […] Thus our 'juvenile court' was begun informally, anonymously, so to speak, but effectually. It was, as far as I knew, the first juvenile court in America and the simple beginning of a reform that has since gone round the world. "

“It was not a statutory steel fire escape. It was just a wooden ladder rotting in a back yard, but it would reach the lower floors. […] So our juvenile court began without a fixed form, anonymously, so to speak, but effective. As far as I knew, it was America's first juvenile court and the simple beginning of a reform that has since gone around the world. "

- Ben Lindsey : The Beast (1910)

Judge Ben Lindsey receives boys in his judge's office (Denver Juvenile Court Report, 1904).

The first American juvenile court was actually established in Chicago in 1899 on the initiative of the Chicago Women's Club and the Hull House community , albeit through its own law. Lindsey, on the other hand, emphasized his initiative with a "personal touch" and an emphasis on the individual. It was not until 1902 that he came into contact with the juvenile justice movement, which, starting in Chicago, was largely supported by women and reformers with an academic background in social sciences and psychology. But Lindsey's dish quickly became known. In 1904 he published the booklet The Problem of the Children and How the State of Colorado Cares for Them . National magazine writers visited him in Denver. Reports have appeared in popular magazines such as The Arena , Independent , The Literary Digest , The Outlook, and World Today . Well-known journalist Lincoln Steffens , who made a name for himself with exposé stories about political corruption in cities, interviewed Lindsey in 1906 and published the three-part article "The Just Judge" in McClure's .

With the help of his public relations work, Lindsey drafted juvenile justice laws for Colorado. The Act Concerning Delinquent Children, which was passed in 1903, was based on the Chicago model and institutionalized probation officers and forensic doctors, but largely abolished court hearings for juvenile offenders. The necessary measures and penalties were instead at the discretion of the judge, i. H. Lindseys. Since it has now also been determined that the juvenile courts in the county courts in counties or cities with more than 100,000 residents should keep their own files and registers of these cases, the formation of the juvenile court of Colorado is generally on the date of This law was passed on March 7, 1903. In the first year of its existence, Lindsey reported 3,139 conversations he had had with protégés at his court, 2,275 reports from teachers, 252 agencies, but also 1,150 bathrooms and 395 items of clothing, the protégés received. The criminologist Franklin Zimring sees these figures as evidence that, although juvenile court reformers rhetorically emphasized the dependence and neediness of children and young people in order to create public awareness of the problem, they also appreciated the value of young people's autonomy.

Judge Lindsey (seated at the table) negotiates, to his right Ida Gregory (c. 1910).

The courts were given the opportunity to place young people between the ages of 16 and 21 on parole under the same conditions as younger children. Legal historian Sanford J. Fox describes Lindsey's court as a powerful social engineering machine that sought to improve anything from police corruption to playgrounds that could harm children. Rehabilitation was more important than compliance with formal rules. Lindsey wanted the juvenile court to be completely removed from criminal justice. He thus contributed to a redefinition of the role of the judge as a youth judge. In the understanding of the new youth judges, the responsibility to improve children was already their responsibility and not just the responsibility of the reformatory. But that also meant that certain constitutional principles were underestimated. Lindsey found lawyers in his juvenile courtroom superfluous because the court was also the defender and protector of the child. Lack of evidence should not result in an acquittal if the judge knew the boys were guilty. This was dangerous because, according to Fox, if these formalities were not observed, no constitutional procedure in the sense of a “ due process of law ” was guaranteed.

Although the success of the juvenile court, as Lindsey had conceived, depended on the person of the judge and not on the work of the probation officers, the court continued to function in Lindsey's absence. This suggests that the probation officers played a bigger role than Lindsey was willing to admit. In 1907 he was involved in the enactment of a law that extended the jurisdiction of the juvenile court to include neglected and dependent children beyond the children who had committed offenses. As the “Juvenile and Family Court of Denver”, the juvenile court also became a family court, serving as a criminal chamber and guardianship court at the same time and was also institutionally separated from the county court. The Colorado Supreme Court became the court of appeal. In 1909, Lindsey tried with the Redemption of Offenders Act (Colorado Session Laws 1909: 478, Ch. 199) to extend the principles of his juvenile court to the criminal justice system as a whole. However, reform-minded Governor John F. Shafroth insisted on limiting this to offense .

Saturday meeting of the children with Judge Ben B. Lindsey (ca.1910).

With a few exceptions, the most serious offenses, Lindsey hardly ever sentenced Lindsey to prison terms in his court, but instead suspended sentences on the condition that the convicts report to the court regularly. While he banished lawyers from the courtroom, gave up his robes and rarely sat in his judge's chair, he sat down on a folding chair opposite the defendants, spoke their slang and tried to be friendly to them. Every other Saturday morning, boys met in Lindsey's courtroom in County Court. Lindsey started out with an educational and entertaining speech. Then each of the boys reported, and Lindsey either praised the report or said she was disappointed. Its aim was to form the boys' character.

Historian Elizabeth J. Clapp locates Lindsey in an older, masculine reform tradition. Character was coded male for him. In contrast to most educational advisors of his time, he emphasized the importance of the father in bringing up children and transferred his own, bourgeois notion of masculinity to boys from the working class. The sociologists Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann point out that Lindsey did not associate juvenile delinquency from the outset with the social lower classes like the Chicago reformers. His approach was humanitarian, individualistic, but also anecdotal. Influenced by Reform Darwinism , he believed in the good in every person and considered it crucial to influence the environment in order to steer the good impulses in the right direction. He valued the loyalty of the members of youthful “gangs” and gangs to one another and tried not to smash these social structures, but to channel them in a positive sense. His juvenile court should not punish, but

"Remove the pressure of evil upon the child by improving or changing his environment, and by offering him opportunity hitherto denied him."

"Take the pressure of evil on the child by improving or changing their environment and giving them the chance they were previously denied."

- Ben Lindsey : The Bad Boy: How to Save Him (1905)

View of Lindsey's judge's room during a hearing (ca.1910)

He found confirmation of his views in the writings of the psychologist G. Stanley Hall , with which he appears to have become acquainted after the publication of Hall's main work Adolescence in 1904. By seeing the delinquents primarily as children in need of protection and help, Lindsey represented the paternalistic approach of the reformers of American progressivism . Historian R. Todd Laugen points out that Lindsey combined paternal and maternal roles in the hope that his court could take on the role of surrogate parents. In 1903, Lindsey hired Ida Gregory, a clerk who acted as a female assistant judge when dealing with young girls and women. She was "a mother and a good woman" (a mother and a good woman), he emphasized. From 1910 he was regularly assisted by Josephine Roche , who also dealt with the urban threats to female adolescents in Denver. She and Lindsey fought against prostitution , for higher wages and better working conditions for women. Later it was his wife who had an always open office next to Lindsey's judges' room. Most of the cases in the juvenile court in family matters were dealt with informally, and from 1920 also by the Domestic Relations Department . Children also came to Lindsey voluntarily for help.

With the Adult Contributory Delinquency Law of 1903, which held parents responsible for their children's delinquency and created a means of preventing adults, e.g. B. To prosecute bartenders or employers for promoting delinquency, Lindsey was responsible for a novel approach to dealing with juvenile delinquency. Elizabeth Clapp sees it as Lindsey's most important contribution to the juvenile justice movement. It was also an example that the juvenile court did not simply implement laws, but that Lindsey, if he saw a need in his work as a juvenile judge, initiated appropriate legislation. Lindsey believed that his juvenile court was better placed than the regular courts, whose all-male jurors often acquitted the defendants, to try such cases, which included many cases of rape and sexual abuse in the family. At the same time, Lindsey took up social and moral problems in which he saw causes of juvenile crime. Lindsey's campaign for the juvenile court was therefore also aimed at social and political reforms, which did not ignore the economic interest groups, in which he saw the real responsibility for the social grievances.

Margaret "Molly" Brown

In addition to his criminal law reform projects, Lindsey was committed to child welfare. He founded a Juvenile Aid Society in Denver , later called the Juvenile Association for the Protection and Betterment of Children . He was supported by the rich philanthropist Margaret Tobin Brown, better known as Molly Brown . Brown was a successful fundraiser and had already raised funds to build the Cathedral Basilica of the Immaculate Conception . She held an annual charity event on behalf of the juvenile court and promoted the cause. Tens of thousands of dollars have been raised over the years to build public playgrounds, day care centers, a special youth detention home, and courthouse sanitation for homeless children.

The Chicago juvenile court, not Lindsey's, became the model for most other American states, but according to Elizabeth Clapp, Lindsey was an extremely effective publicist who managed to dominate the juvenile justice movement in public. First in Denver, but then nationwide, Lindsey became known as "The kids 'judge", "The Just Judge" or "The Denver Boys' Best Friend". In 1907 he took over the presidency of the newly formed International Juvenile Court Association . Lindsey was aware of the importance of good press, offered anecdotes about his experiences as a youth judge and appeared as a speaker.

To make the matter known to a wider audience, Lindsey took part in the film Saved by the Juvenile Court (1913). The freelance director Otis B. Thayer , who traveled through the American West in search of motifs and stories , came to Denver and became aware of Lindsey. Journalist George Creel saw the opportunity to make the reform issue even more popular. According to a Creel scenario, Lindsey and Ida Gregory appeared in one act of the later three-act film. Lindsey was shown in the company of his protégés and at a hearing. Thayer added scenes to the film that he shot at the rodeo in Cheyenne, Wyoming . As the rodeo scenes attracted more audiences at film screenings, the title was changed to Ride 'em Cowboy . When Creel became the Denver Police Commissioner, the film was also titled Denver's Underworld .

Lindsey appeared again in front of the camera for the feature film The Soul of Youth (1920). In six acts of 80 minutes playing time, the story of the boy Ed Simpson ( Lewis Sargent ) is told, who grows up as an unloved child in orphanages. For the first time he felt affection for a dog with whom he escaped from the orphanage. With a comrade he comes across treacherous papers that make a corrupt politician lose the election. The victorious politician adopts Ed. Ed arrives before the juvenile judge Lindsey when he stole while fleeing from hunger. Julia Crawford Ivers wrote the script . She had previously visited Lindsey in Denver and won him over to play himself. Directed by William Desmond Taylor , who is reported to have been charged with vagrancy nine years earlier while traveling even before Lindsey. Once in Hollywood , however, Lindsey asked for his fee to be doubled. Otherwise he wouldn't appear in the film. Producers Jesse L. Lasky and Adolph Zukor met his request, but director Taylor didn't really want to shoot the film anymore. In any case, he saw the project as an overly long political treatise. With the help of his set designer George Hopkins , he decided to add a shocking scene to the film. In it, Ed and his comrades are to be sold into prostitution in a brothel for men. The finished film was therefore banned or censored in some states.

Reformers in Colorado

As early as 1901, Lindsey forged coalitions with other reform groups by criticizing the serving of alcohol in Denver as being harmful to young people. With that he won the support of the abstinence movement . He enlisted help from the Ladies of West Side Neighborhood Home , the Woman's Club, and the Denver Chamber of Commerce . He also founded the Woman's Non-Partisan Juvenile Court Association , the Denver Christian Citizenship Union , the Juvenile Improvement Association, and the Playground Commission . With his activities, Lindsey drew the hostility of the political party organization of the Democrats, which supported the opposing candidate in the judges' elections of 1902. In November 1902, Lindsey still won the election by 2,000 votes. At the national level, he built relationships with influential reformers such as Theodore Roosevelt and Lincoln Steffens . Public opinion was Lindsey's most important asset as he sought re-election for judge. For many citizens of Denver, Campbell said, Lindsey embodied the essence of the progressive reform movement.

After receiving the support of the reform groups in Colorado across party lines in the run-up to the judges' elections of 1904, Lindsey decided in 1906 to run for governor. The winner of the 1904 gubernatorial election, Democrat Alva Adams , had been removed from office on charges of electoral fraud. The Republicans had declared the votes of entire constituencies with a democratic majority to be invalid. In 1906 Adams ran again. Lindsey was therefore forced to run as an independent candidate. The Republican candidate Henry Augustus Buchtel prevailed by a clear margin, while Lindsey received only slightly more votes than the socialist Bill Haywood .

Portrait (1918)

Lindsey was aware that no party would support his candidacy for judge anymore. He distinguished himself all the more as an independent reformer. His reform agenda was aimed at the Protestant electorate without publicly favoring any particular faith. Similar to Theodore Roosevelt , he associated reforms with male virtues, with which party ties, rituals and patronage were to be replaced. For the historian R. Todd Laugen, Lindsey was the best example of the possibilities one could exploit if one wanted to gain office and influence without committing to party organizations. In particular, Lindsey appealed to female voters, to whom he presented himself as an independent opponent of corruption and a protector of families. In the judges' elections of 1908 he ran as an independent candidate. Women in particular campaigned for Lindsey at the polling stations. Lindsey won the election by a surprisingly large margin of over 10,000 votes.

Lindsey saw the lever for reforms in direct democracy . In 1905 he organized with Edward P. Costigan, reform-minded Republican and now prosecutor, the State Voters' League to conduct public relations and lobbying for legislative proposals. As early as 1896, a group of the Direct Legislation League was founded in Colorado , a lobby organization that wanted to install plebiscitary mechanisms for legislation. Representatives of the trade unions, various women's organizations and individual members of the Democrats and Republicans participated in this. Lindsey took the lead with a mission to make Denver and Colorado the best democracy in the nation. With John F. Shafroth , a politician was elected governor in 1908 who had included demands for direct democracy in his election program. With the support of Lindsey, Theodore Roosevelt and other reformists, a constitutional amendment was passed in parliament in August 1910, which made popular votes and legislative initiatives possible by the electorate. In the November 1910 elections, 75.4% of voters approved the constitutional amendment. In the 1912 elections, Lindsey and the Direct Legislation League in particular tried to seize the opportunity. They tabled over twenty legislative initiatives and six referendums. Some of Lindsey's legislative proposals, such as the introduction of an eight-hour day for women, maternal pensions or a constitutional amendment that stipulated the independence of the juvenile court, found approval, others such as prohibition did not. But the corporations that Lindsey fought also made use of the possibilities of direct democracy and, with their own initiatives, undermined Lindsey's attempt to regulate the utilities and transport companies and get them into the hands of the public.

George Creel (1917)

The reformers' greatest enemy in Denver was Mayor Robert W. Speer , who was considered the head of the corrupt Democratic Party organization. Lindsey had attacked him in 1908 in the brochure The Plutocracy in Colorado , which he had written with the help of the author Ellis Meredith . In it, Lindsey accused the utilities in Colorado that they would influence the Democratic, but also the Republican party out of economic interests. That same year, journalist Upton Sinclair visited Denver and introduced him to John O'Hara Cosgrave , editor of the high-circulation Everybody's Magazine . Cosgrave sent his author, Harvey O'Higgins, to Denver to work with Lindsey on the brochure. From November to May 1910 the text appeared as a series under the title The Beast and the Jungle in Everybody's Magazine and in the same year in book form under the title The Beast . The dry prose of the lawyer Lindsey had become a semi-autobiographical account of Lindsey the judge struggling with the political system. It highlighted the harm done to children under the existing political system and demonstrated that the "system" existed not just in Colorado but across the country. The dark, shadowy power of the large corporations and stock corporations, which pulled the strings of politics in their favor, appeared as the "beast".

The journalist George Creel, also a critic of Speer, summed up Lindsey's intention:

“For twenty years the honest men and women of Colorado have been fighting for fairer and better things; but it remained for Judge Lindsey to make the struggle real and vivid by linking Special Privilege with Vice and Crime, and connecting political corruption with the sufferings of little children. "

“For twenty years the righteous men and women of Colorado have fought for more just and better things; but it was left to Judge Lindsey to make it a real and clear fight, tracing the privileges back to vice and crime and linking political corruption with the suffering of young children. "

- George Creel : Denver Triumphant (1912)

The struggle for water supplies in Denver united the reformist organizations and led to the founding of the Citizens' Party . Lindsey, Creel, Costigan and Josephine Roche also founded the Non-Partisan Charter League with the aim of implementing a new city constitution for Denver with a so-called "commission form of government", which would have curtailed the mayor's influence in favor of expert committees. This attempt failed, but the way in which Speer had acted against the reformers contributed to his being voted out. In the elections of May 1912 Speer succeeded in voting out as mayor. Lindsey won in one of the constituencies of Denver, which was one of Speer's strongholds, and made a point of preventing electoral fraud. With the loss of the common enemy Speer, the reform coalition began to disintegrate into disputes. The new mayor, Henry J. Arnold , set up a “commission form of government” in 1913. But in the spring of 1916 Speer was re-elected mayor and used the opportunity of direct democracy to pass a new city constitution that made him mayor with the most far-reaching powers in the United States.

Supporting national reform concerns

The Beast caused a sensation not only in Colorado. There were voices who saw it as the best example of investigative journalism (" Muckraking ") at all. Lindsey was committed to other reform issues such as restricting child labor , labor protection , women's suffrage and prison reform. So he wrote with George Creel and Edwin Markham in 1914 Children in Bondage , which criticized the exploitation through child labor. After initially supporting Woodrow Wilson , Lindsey not only participated in the founding of the Progressive Party in 1912 and supported Theodore Roosevelt's presidential candidacy. He also made - in vain - hopes of being selected by Roosevelt as a candidate for the vice-presidency . After the candidates for the Progressive Party in Colorado failed in the November 1912 election, Lindsey suffered a breakdown in the spring of 1913, from which he recovered at John Harvey Kellogg's Battle Creek Sanatorium. In December 1913 he married the 25-year-old Henrietta Brevoort from Detroit , with whom he adopted a daughter in 1925. In 1914, Lindsey was ranked eighth in a poll of The American Magazine readers for the greatest Americans living, shared with industrialist and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie and preacher Billy Sunday .

Henrietta Lindsey and Ben Lindsey with Pearl Jolly, Mary Petrucci and MH Thomas (from left to right), wives of miners from Ludlow

After the Ludlow massacre in Colorado in 1914, Lindsey accompanied a women's delegation to Washington, DC , to be heard by President Woodrow Wilson. His public support for the victims made him enemies in Colorado. At the same time, friends and supporters such as Edward P. Costigan and George Creel left Colorado. Governor John F. Schafroth joined the United States Senate in Washington in 1913 . Lindsey saw an enemy in his successor, Lawrence C. Phipps . Even so, Lindsey could at least count on support from poorer districts of Denver with many immigrants.

Ben Lindsey and his wife Henrietta on the Oscar II , Henry Ford's "peace ship", 1915.

In December 1915, Lindsey took part in Henry Ford's peace mission with the so-called Peace Ship to Europe. Ford had spoken out clearly against the war. At the end of 1915 he was persuaded by the Hungarian pacifist Rosika Schwimmer to send a "Peace Ship" with American personalities to Europe as part of the International Women's Peace Congress of April 1915 in order to win over neutral nations for a mediation process. Celebrities like Thomas Edison , Luther Burbank or William Jennings Bryan should be there, but sooner or later canceled. In the end, Lindsey was one of the best-known personalities on board alongside newspaper editor S. S. McClure and Louis B. Hanna , the governor of North Dakota . The trip turned out to be chaotic. When the travelers were asked to sign a resolution condemning Wilson's December 7, 1915 speech to Congress on "preparedness", the preparation of the US for a military conflict, Lindsey rejected this as an unpatriotic act and threatened to leave the ship in the next Leaving port. When the ship arrived in Norway , it was Ford returning to the United States, while the delegation was still traveling to Stockholm , Copenhagen and - after traveling on a sealed train through German territory - to The Hague to demonstrate America's will for peace . Here the delegates constituted a Neutral Conference for Continuous Mediation , which met until the beginning of 1917. Lindsey and his wife had no longer felt obliged to the mission after Ford left and had fallen out with Schwimmer. They returned to Denver from The Hague on January 19, 1916. In the 1916 presidential election , Lindsey supported President Wilson and benefited from his great election success.

Campaign for the "comradeship marriage"

Benjamin Barr Lindsey and Henrietta Lindsey, circa 1912

German edition 1928

In the 1920s, Lindsey became involved in sexual education . He publicly campaigned for women to have easier access to contraception , and was supported by Margaret Sanger . The bourgeois women's groups, who had supported him for a long time, kept their distance on this point. In his The Revolt of Modern Youth , written with journalist Wainwright Evans (1924 as a series of articles in Bernarr Macfadden's magazine Physical Culture , published in 1925 as a book), he criticized the prevailing view of sexuality and described the struggle against sexual oppression as a struggle of the generations. Modern youth instinctively rebel against taboos, superstition, intolerance and hypocrisy. On the basis of cases he had seen as a judge, Lindsey held that adults were simple-minded when they believed they could keep young people in sexual ignorance and defend their purity through harsh punishments. In particular, he found it harmful to condemn young girls who had abandoned the path of virtue. With the simple truth of their vital sexuality, Lindsey believed that youth would save the world. Hundreds of letters to the editor were received with mostly positive feedback on the articles. The book idealizing the youth was a great sales success. It has been translated into German, Dutch, Swedish and Japanese.

Two years later, Lindsey and Evans accepted Red Book Magazine's invitation to publish a series of articles on marriage. They used the term “The Companionate Marriage” for the first time in the February 1927 issue. The social scientist Melvin M. Knight (1887–1981) coined the term for marriages that should remain childless because they were based on comradeship. Lindsey, on the other hand, used it to describe a new legal form of marriage. He defined:

"Companionate Marriage is legal marriage, with legalized Birth Control, and with the right to divorce by mutual consent for childless couples, usually without payment of alimony."

"By comradeship marriage I understand a legally concluded marriage with legally recognized birth control and the right for childless couples to be able to divorce at any time with mutual consent, without usually having to pay maintenance contributions."

- Ben B. Lindsey and Wainwright Evans : The Companionate Marriage (1927)

Lindsey hoped to make a modern institution free from moral hypocrisy. He defended traditional values. He was concerned with the protection of marriage and with counteracting the increasing divorce rates . He idealized the nuclear family and wanted to make sure that pregnancies were wanted. With the birth of the first child, the comradeship marriage was to become an ordinary marriage. The comradeship marriage is also nothing new, insisted Lindsey, but a reality already lived among educated and wealthy middle-class couples. In his experience as a judge, married couples would not only commit adultery but also justify adultery because they saw no reason why it should not be part of marriage. His program fell short of what early advocates of free love had requested. Sex reformers of the 1920s did not start with the institution of marriage, but with sexuality itself.

As historian Christina Simmons points out, the concept of comradeship marriage placed less emphasis on procreation and also took into account the new premarital roles of women in society in the 1920s, namely independence and individuality, but the aim was nonetheless that the Fellowship marriage should only be a phase before a couple would eventually have children. Woman motherhood continued to be the ultimate goal of reformers like Lindsey. This goal was shared with the eugenic movement, and Lindsey also resorted to eugenic rhetoric and subjects. On the one hand, he warned that a ban on contraceptives would allow the “degenerate” and “socially incompetent” to reproduce unhindered. On the other hand, he promised that companionship marriage would encourage young people with valuable physical and intellectual abilities to marry and become parents. Regardless of this, Lindsey's approach to reforming the institution of marriage met with criticism from social scientists and eugenicists who preferred to start with the married couple. The sociologist Ernest R. Groves , like the eugenicist Paul Popenoe, recommended expanding marriage counseling. For Popenoe, the comradeship marriage sanctioned the selfish, frivolous life of the uneducated and proved how rejected modern civilization is.

Lindsey's book signaled a shift in the conception of marriage in American society. But Lindsey overlooked, according to historian Kevin White, that his "comradeship marriage" essentially resulted in a marriage on trial, even if he asserted otherwise. Lindsey's concept did not reflect the ideology or reality of marriage in American society in the 1920s. It drew criticism from clergymen, but also from professors and lawyers. Where Lindsey saw in his proposals an antidote to the ever increasing frequency of divorces, his critics feared the exact opposite, namely an increase in divorces. Lindsey's conviction that sexuality not only serves procreation but could also bring joy to the married couple broke with the traditional idea that marriage was a sacred, shared obligation. He propagated his ideas with lectures and performances. Critics saw in his proposals, however, carte blanche for sexual favors and associated them with atheism , prostitution and Bolshevism .

Rabbi Stephen S. Wise

In the summer of 1927, Lindsey went on tour with radio appearances and lectures and challenged some of his critics to public debates. He led one of his best-known debates on January 28, 1928 in Carnegie Hall, which was sold out to 3300 spectators, with Rabbi Stephen S. Wise , a socially progressive representative of American Reform Judaism . Wise admitted to agreeing with Lindsey on essential points but criticized the comradeship marriage on moral and eugenic grounds. For him, a marriage without obligation was like a "sex-shopping expedition" (sexual shopping tour).

After the initial controversy surrounding his book on comradeship marriage, things had calmed down around Lindsey in 1928. He gave other lectures and wrote the scenario for the film Companionate Marriage (1928) with Evans . This now-lost silent film directed by Erle C. Kenton is about the secretary Sally from difficult circumstances, with whom Donald, the boss's son, falls in love. She initially rejects a marriage proposal. Donald's sister, however, experiences a carelessly closed and unhappy marriage that ends in her suicide. Sally is now ready to marry Donald. A friend of the family, who is also a judge, drafts a prenuptial agreement, according to which the marriage is legally divorced if the spouses are dissatisfied after a certain period of time. But Donald and Sally find happiness together. Lindsey supported the film by attending several film premieres in person.

Lindsey's confrontation with Episcopal Bishop William T. Manning , one of his harshest critics, caused a sensation in New York's St. John the Divine Cathedral on December 7, 1930. In early December 1930, Lindsey was invited to an independent group of Episcopal priests in New York spoken. A week later, Manning responded in the service with an announced sermon on comradeship marriage in which he attacked Lindsey's "immoral and destructive teachings" that would legalize free love. In the end he named Lindsey's book

"One of the most filthy, insidious, and cleverly written pieces of propaganda ever published on behalf of lewdness, promiscuity, adultery, and unrestrained sexual gratification."

"One of the filthiest, treacherous and skilfully written propaganda works ever published in the name of lasciviousness, promiscuity, adultery and unlimited sexual satisfaction."

- William T. Manning : Address on “Companionate Marriage” (1930)

As Manning gave the final blessing, Lindsey, who had mingled with the churchgoers, jumped up and demanded five minutes of speaking time for a correction. He was arrested by plainclothes police officers, removed from the church and charged with disrupting the church service. The lawsuit was not admitted in mid-December. But the matter caused quite a stir. Lindsey saw himself as a modern Galileo who fought against false dogmas with science. He believed his conflict with Manning was due to Pope Pius XI. moved to reject comradeship marriage as sacrilege in his encyclical Casti connubii .

Conflict with the Ku Klux Klan

After the First World War, Lindsey encountered increasing resistance from conservative politicians in Colorado. Legislative initiatives linked to his person as "Lindsey bills" to expand the jurisdiction of the juvenile court, restrict child labor and provide care to working class mothers were stopped by Conservative members of the 1919 parliament out of animosity against Lindsey. Two years later, his reform proposals were rejected again. It was only when he was largely in the background in 1923 that the reform package was passed. The jurisdiction of the juvenile and family court in matters of guardianship was increased to young people up to the age of 18 and in criminal matters to young people up to the age of 21.

Members of the Ku Klux Klan in front of a burning cross near Denver, 1921

In the 1920s, the re-established Ku Klux Klan in Colorado, where there had been a strong anti-Catholic tradition since the late 19th century , successfully infiltrated political parties. With Ben Stapleton a Klan member was elected Mayor of Denver in 1923 and Clarence Morley , another Klan member, was elected governor in 1924 . Clan candidates held important government and judicial posts. Lindsey exposed himself as a critic of the clan, which he saw as representing the interests of entrepreneurs. The clan, who disliked Lindsey's views on marriage and family, launched a campaign against Lindsey in 1924, who had to face regular elections. In November he won the election against the clan's candidate, Georgetown Justice Royal R. Graham , by just over 100 votes. Graham filed an appeal on alleged election fraud, which was dismissed by a Denver court. Graham, himself accused of fraud in connection with his own judicial office, committed suicide in 1925. An attempt by the clan to legislate to abolish Lindsey's juvenile court as part of a reorganization failed in 1926 due to public protest. Graham's widow, with the support of the clan, took the case to the Colorado Supreme Court, which in January 1927 invalidated an entire electoral district. Graham was posthumously declared the election winner and thus a judge. Lindsey was sentenced to retroactively pay the widow of Grahams the judge's salary. At the end of June 1927, Lindsey had lost his office as a youth judge. When he cleared his office, he also took the archive home with him. He then burned the case files in his garden.

Lindsey's successor at the juvenile court, Robert Steele, publicly criticized Lindsey's work and announced that he would run the court in accordance with common law . Thirteen of Lindsey's employees immediately submitted their resignation. The Colorado Juvenile Court evolved in the post-Lindsey era in the spirit of the Chicago Juvenile Court, where social workers and psychologists gained influence and pursued a medical approach with clinical expertise. The concept of parens patriae , as represented by Lindsey, proved unstable because it was too closely tied to individual personalities.

While Lindsey continued to campaign for camaraderie in public, he hit the headlines in 1929 when he was accused in Colorado of having received illegal financial compensation for sideline activities during his time as a judge. The Bar Association requested his exclusion. On December 9, 1929, the Colorado Supreme Court followed and withdrew his license. Observers saw this as a revenge on Lindsey, who earlier sharply attacked two of the chief judges. An appeal in 1933 was unsuccessful. On November 25, 1935, Lindsey was re-admitted to the bar in Colorado for no reason. In order to rehabilitate himself, Lindsey dictated his memoirs The Dangerous Life (1931) to the journalist Rube Borrough in 1930 , which were primarily intended to emphasize his services to the juvenile court.

Judge in California

Josephine Roche (1934)

Lindsey was admitted to the California bar in 1928 . He had been considering this for a long time, but only later decided to actually make a fresh start in California, especially since he was well booked as a speaker. At the beginning of 1930 he moved to work as a lawyer. He also hoped for a government post. One of his former probation officers, Oscar L. Chapman , had become State Secretary in the Ministry of the Interior under President Franklin D. Roosevelt , and Lindsey's protégé Josephine Roche had become State Secretary in the Treasury . Lindsey was initially employed as a lawyer by the National Recovery Administration from 1934 . With the support of Upton Sinclair, who ran for governor in California, Lindsey was elected that same year as a judge at the Superior Court, the highest court in Los Angeles County . The judges there refused, however, to transfer responsibility for the juvenile court to Lindsey.

In 1937, one of the stories from his book The Revolt of Modern Youth was adapted as a feature film. Lou Breslow and John Patrick wrote the script for the film One Mile from Heaven , directed by Allan Dwan , after the chapter "The Koudenhoffen Case" . The plot: An African American laundress ( Fredi Washington ) raises a white child of her own. In fact, it is the believed dead daughter of a rich heiress and a criminal who has since died. After various entanglements, the girl comes back to her biological, newly married mother via the juvenile court; the white couple decides that the foster mother should live with them. The film emphasized the female perspective and portrayed the relationships between whites and blacks in an unusual way. Media scholar Ellen C. Scott points out that the plot subliminally challenged the logic of racial segregation and linked black and white characters together. It was one of the few films approved by the Production Code Administration in those years to suggest racial equality and met with protests from cinema operators in the southern states .

In the late 1930s, Lindsey was committed to legislative initiatives that should serve the child's best interests. One of these campaigns led to the creation of a Children's Court of Conciliation in Los Angeles County in 1939 , which he presided over until his death. This arbitration tribunal should be able to be used by spouses in order to prevent divorces in mediation proceedings. If a party called the arbitration tribunal, divorce could not be filed for thirty days. Participation was voluntary, but divorce laws suggested that the court of arbitration be involved. For Lindsey, the children's interests were paramount. For him, the court dealt “with the right of your children to you, rather than your right to your children” (“more with the rights of your children to you than your rights to them”).

Father Edward J. Flanagan, founder of Boys Town youth welfare organization

When two inmates committed suicide in Whittier's California Reformatory in 1940, Governor Culbert Olson appointed Lindsey to head a three-person investigative committee. The investigation uncovered far-reaching grievances. Physical and sexual violence were the order of the day in all state reform schools. Inmates were regularly selected and beaten at random. Even minor offenses were punished with isolation. The prison boards and supervisory bodies either looked the other way or ignored the guards' behavior. So-called "honor clubs" were used to get young people with the promise of privileges to spy on their fellow inmates and to suppress them, and also to beat them up on the instructions of the guards. In its final report of December 1940, the Lindsey Commission accused the reformatory of inefficiency, mismanagement and irresponsibility and called for far-reaching reforms. To this end, she recommended the establishment of an independent commission of experts under the leadership of Father Flanagan , which should work out specific proposals. The Lindsey Commission specifically pointed out the “race problem” in the institution. About a third of the inmates were of Mexican descent and thus over-represented compared to the average population in California. These boys felt discriminated against by the behavior of the guards with their routine insults, especially since there were no Spaniards or Mexicans among the staff. Lindsey's report helped establish the California Youth Authority, the first in the United States in 1941, to be solely responsible for matters relating to juvenile justice.

At the age of 73, Lindsey died of a heart attack. Shortly before his death, he had discussed with his wife that his body should be cremated and that there should be no funeral service. Some friends gathered to scatter his ashes in the garden of his home in Bel Air . Henrietta Lindsey picked up a small portion that she scattered on a short visit to Denver on the site where the county court building had stood until it was demolished in 1933 and now a small park.

Appreciation

As argumentative as Lindsey was, the judgment of his contemporaries varied. Lindsey's political opponents in Colorado accused him of political trickery, treason and bias, or declared him insane. His former partner Fred W. Parks, whom Lindsey had accused of selling out to the plutocrats in The Beast , called him a liar, slanderer, and ungrateful. In 1966 an older lawyer in Denver asked the historian Charles Larsen, who was researching Lindsey's biography for his biography, how such a small man could have been such a big son of a bitch. Theodore Roosevelt recalled that Lindsey's enemies had called the short and lightweight judge, based on "Bull Moose", the nickname of the Progressive Party , as "Bull Mouse". In the eyes of some opponents, Lindsey's proposals for comradeship marriage brought him close to atheistic Bolshevism, a particularly serious accusation in America after the “ Red Scare ”. On the other hand, reformers in the “Progressive Era” praised him for his fight against the “political machines” of the parties, against corruption and plutocracy. Lincoln Steffens, for example, made Lindsey known nationwide through an article in McClure's Magazine in 1906 and three years later dedicated a 150-page chapter to him in his book The Upbuilders (1909), a collection of five portraits of various reformers, "Ben Lindsey, the just judge" . Behind this was the person-centered political theory that there are leaders in every community who had to deal with opponents or a group of opponents in order to progress. Steffen's portrayal, as Christopher Lasch described it , expressed on the one hand the hardened realism, but also the underlying sentimentality of the new radicals.

But even contemporaries who valued him did not find it easy with his character. Journalist William L. Chenery , one of his supporters as the editor of Rocky Mountain News , noted that Harvey O'Higgins was a very capable journalist who wrote Lindsey's life story, or what Lindsey thought was his life story after it was published. Lindsey assumed the role that O'Higgins had given him and therefore found himself in combat for the rest of his life. Historian Stephen J. Leonard believes Chenery's assessment is correct, insofar as Lindsey has always sought public attention. Mary Craig Sinclair , wife of Upton Sinclair, described in her autobiography Southern Belle (1957) that the end of his judicial career in Colorado offended Lindsey deeply and later determined his whole thinking. Again and again he told this in great detail until his polite audience was tired. Philip B. Gilliam, a youth judge in Denver since 1940, reported in 1969 that the author Gene Fowler wanted to write the story of Lindsey, but Henrietta Lindsey refused to allow this unless the text was praiseworthy. For Gilliam, this would have ruined such a book.

Historically, Lindsey is viewed in three main contexts: As an important figure in the American juvenile justice movement, as a political reformer in Colorado, and as a sex reformer. In the 1960s, two dissertations were written on Lindsey's reform activities up to 1920. A biography, for which the author Charles Larsen was able to interview Lindsey's wife Henrietta, appeared in 1972. Lindsey's biography and career have also been the subject of some academic research papers.

Lindsey's role in the juvenile justice movement is judged ambivalent. Joseph Hawes said that while Lindsey's methods as a judge were irregular, they produced hundreds of picturesque stories that popularized the juvenile justice movement. As early as 1914, Thomas D. Eliot was critical of the fact that the picturesque stories about the Denver juvenile court replaced a socio-economic analysis and began to bore them. Elizabeth Clapp criticized in 1993 that the portrayal that Lindsey had led the fight for the children as a lone fighter and that the juvenile court was practically invented had found general recognition. Historians have therefore overlooked other forces and factors. For Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann, Lindsey's ideas shaped the mythology of the juvenile court institution. But the Chicago model prevailed because Lindsey did not create a permanent social and professional basis for his juvenile justice model, but made himself politically vulnerable with his populist style. Sanford J. Fox sees the specialty of Lindsey's court in the fact that Lindsey was personally committed to the children, looked for work for them and kept in contact with teachers and employers. There is not the slightest indication that an American juvenile judge was personally as committed as Lindsey in Denver.

As the historian David Thelen points out, Lindsey was individualistic in economic matters, but collectivistic in political matters. The values ​​he conveyed were hard work, competition, masculinity and struggle. Lindsey was guided by Andrew Jackson's political economy and rejected modern entrepreneurship because, in his opinion, it contradicted the individualistic competitive ideas of capitalism. On the other hand, he believed in the power of the majority. Therefore, he could see the theft of coal as justified when companies withheld the natural minerals from people that they exploited with their work. It was this economic individualism, which Lindsey linked with the community idea of ​​American consumerism, that made Lindsey's criticism of capitalism so dangerous for the ruling elite. Thelen critically notes that for Lindsey, individual rights, established institutions and welfare bureaucracy are less important than the opinion of the majority, who he was convinced would share and pursue his values ​​if only they had the power to do so.

It is recognized that Denver in the "Progressive Era" with personalities such as Lindsey, Roche and Creel was one of the leading reform cities in the American West alongside San Francisco . Lindsey's penchant for “showmanship” was a political strength, believes his biographer Charles Larsen, but he made it possible for his enemies to make a fool of him with his commitment, for example, to comradeship marriage. His appearance in the Cathedral of St. John the Divine finally made him appear notorious. For Rebecca Davis, it was not least Lindsey's public arguments with respected representatives of the churches that made the idea of ​​comradeship marriage unpopular, while birth control and contraceptives were increasingly publicly recognized in the 1930s. Nancy F. Cott thinks that Lindsey's proposals failed because of their specificity. He had shown society what one could suspect but did not want to admit, namely that marriages do not necessarily have to last a lifetime or serve the purpose of procreation, and that husbands are no longer solely responsible for the maintenance of the family. Church critics have made Lindsey the scapegoat for secular modernity undermining the religious understanding of lifelong marital fidelity.

In Germany, Lindsey was initially perceived as a juvenile judge , but during the Weimar Republic primarily as a propagist of comradeship marriage. In 1944 a German translation of Lindsey's book The Beast was published as Die Bestie by Felix Meiner Verlag . In her afterword, Elisabeth Noelle placed Lindsey's description of the financial, political and moral corruption in American society in ethnic and anti-democratic contexts.

Honors

Henrietta Lindsey had given a small bust of her husband to the Denver Juvenile Court. Phillip B. Gilliam, then a Denver juvenile judge, placed the bust in the rooms of the juvenile court, which was then housed in the city and county building. When the centenary of the court was to be celebrated in 2003, the bust was found damaged in an administration office. On March 16, 2009, Denver's new courthouse was named "Lindsey-Flanigan Courthose" after Lindsey and James Flanigan , Denver's first African-American judge.

Publications

• The reformation of juvenile delinquents through the juvenile court. Read before the National Conference of Charities and Correction at its thirtieth meeting, in Atlanta, Ga. Press of FG Heer, o. O. 1903.
• State of Colorado, City and County of Denver. Hon. Ben. B. Lindsey, father of Juvenile Court, of Denver, Colorado. [Merchants Pub. Co., makers], [Denver, Colo.] 1904?
• The political crisis in Denver. An address delivered at Trinity Church, Thursday evening, March 24, 1904. [publisher not identified], [Colorado] 1904.
• Recent progress of the juvenile court movement. A report of the Chairman of the Committee on Juvenile Courts and Probation. [FJ Heer?], [Columbus, Ohio] 1905.
• The juvenile court laws of the state of Colorado. As in force and as proposed, and their purpose explained. , [Denver] 1905.
• Judge Linsey on request. , Warren, Ohio 1906?
• The rule of plutocracy in Colorado. A retrospect and a warning. Hicks Print House, Denver 1908.
• with Thomas Travis: The young Malefactor. A study in juvenile delinquency its causes and treatment. Crowell, New York 1908.
• with Sarah Platt Decker: How it works in Colorado. National American Woman Suffrage Association, Warren, Ohio 1909.
• with Alwin Paul and Anna Schultz: The task of the juvenile court. Salzer, Heilbronn 1909.
• with Harvey J. O'Higgins: The beast. Doubleday, New York 1910.
  • German from Ilse Hecht: The beast. Denver Chronicle. Meiner, Leipzig 1944. (With an afterword by Elisabeth Noelle ).
• Eel Martin's record. The true story of the recovery of a bad boy. Clay's Review Pub. Co, [Denver?] 1910.
• with George Creel: Measuring up results of equal suffrage in Colorado. Citizens Suffrage League, Pasadena 1911.
• with Edwin Markham and George Creel: Children in bondage. A complete and careful presentation of the problems of child labor. , New York 1914.
• The Doughboy's Religion, and other aspects of our day. By BB Lindsey and [with an introduction by] Harvey O'Higgins. New York & London, pp. 89. Harper & Bros. 1920.
• Children and the movies. [NYS Lib.], [Albany] 1924.
• My fight with the Ku Klux Klan. Survey Associates, New York 1925.
• with Wainwright Evans: The revolt of modern youth. Boni & Liveright, New York 1925.
  • German translation a. Arrangement by Toni Harten-Hoencke and Friedrich Schönemann: The revolution of modern youth. German Verl.-Anst, Stuttgart 1925.
• with Wainwright Evans: The companionate marriage. Boni & Liveright, New York 1927.
  • German from Rudolf Nutt: The comradeship marriage. German Verl.-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1928.
• Havelock Ellis , an appreciation. [New York] 1928.
• and GC Brewer: Debate between Judge Ben Lindsey and GC Brewer on “Companionate marriage”. The Christian leader Corp, Cincinnati, O. 1928.
• with Rube Borough: The Dangerous Life . H. Liveright, New York 1931.
  • German from Rudolf Nutt: The dangerous life. German Verl. Anst, Stuttgart 1931.
• with Sol M. Wurtzel et al. : One mile from heaven. Released through Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corp, United States 1937.
• Judge Ben Lindsey's speech on Childrens Court of Conciliation. 1939.

literature

• D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20.
• Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, ISBN 0-271-01777-5 .
• Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and Institution Building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215.
• Rebecca L. Davis: “Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry”. The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163.
• Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972.
• Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, ISBN 0-87081-982-8 (Timberline books) , pp. Xi-xxxix.
• R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010.
• Peter Gregg Slater: Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. A Progressive Looks at Human Nature. In: American Quarterly. 20, No. 2 (1968), pp. 211-223.

Web links

• Ben B. Lindsey in the Internet Movie Database (English); Ben B. Lindsey in the Internet Movie Database (english).
• Finding aid for the Ben B. Lindsey Estate, 1893–1965 , at the University of California Los Angeles.
• Finding aids for the Ben B. Lindsey Papers in the Library of Congress (PDF).

Individual evidence

1. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 6.
2. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 13.
3. ↑ See e.g. B. D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904 . In: Arizona and the West . 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 5; R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 20.
4. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 15. Dt. Translation: The Beast. Denver Chronicle. Meiner, Leipzig 1944, p. 16.
5. ^ ^{A b} Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, ISBN 0-271-01777-5 , p. 110.
6. ^ Murray Levine and Adeline Levine: Helping Children. A social history. Oxford University Press, New York 1992, ISBN 0-19-506699-5 , p. 119.
7. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, ISBN 0-271-01777-5 , p. 111.
8. ↑ Lindsey always changed the names of the children in his publications. Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, pp. 111 f .; D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 7 f.
9. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, pp. 111-113.
10. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 29. Dt. Translation Die Beast. Denver Chronicle. Meiner, Leipzig 1944, p. 74 f.
11. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 139.
12. ^ ^{A b} Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 134.
13. ^ Elizabeth J. Clapp: The Chicago Juvenile Court Movement in the 1890s. Paper given at the Center for Urban History, University of Leicester, on 17 March 1995. ( Memento from June 6, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
14. ^ Edd Applegate: Benjamin Barr Lindsey (1869-1943) . In: Ders .: Muckrakers. A Biographical Dictionary of Writers and Editors . Scarecrow Press, Lanham 2008, ISBN 1-4616-6975-8 , pp. 99-104, here p. 100.
15. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 16 f.
16. ^ Laoise King: Colorado Juvenile Court History. The First Hundred Years . In: The Colorado Lawyer 32, No. 4 (April 2003), pp. 63-68, here pp. 63 f.
17. ↑ Franklin E. Zimring: American Juvenile Justice . Oxford University Press, New York 2005, pp. 9 f.
18. ^ Sanford Fox: The Early History of the Court. In: The Future of Children. The Juvenile Court 6, No. 3 (Winter 1996), pp. 29-39, here p. 34.
19. ^ Sanford Fox: The Early History of the Court. In: The Future of Children. The Juvenile Court 6, No. 3 (Winter 1996), pp. 29-39, here pp. 34 f.
20. ^ J. Lawrence Schultz: The Cycle of Juvenile Court History. In: Crime & Delinquency 19 (1973), pp. 457-476, here p. 467.
21. ^ Sanford Fox: The Early History of the Court. In: The Future of Children. The Juvenile Court 6, No. 3 (Winter 1996), pp. 29-39, here p. 36.
22. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, pp. 127 f., 146, 155, 199.
23. ^ Laoise King: Colorado Juvenile Court History. The First Hundred Years . In: The Colorado Lawyer 32, No. 4 (April 2003), pp. 63-68, here pp. 64 f.
24. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and institution building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here p. 207.
25. ^ Peter Gregg Slater: Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. A Progressive Looks at Human Nature. In: American Quarterly. 20, No. 2 (1968), pp. 211-223, here p. 212 f.
26. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 105.
27. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, pp. 5, 115 f., 120-122.
28. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and institution building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here pp. 199 f.
29. ^ Peter Gregg Slater: Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. A Progressive Looks at Human Nature. In: American Quarterly. 20, No. 2 (1968), pp. 211-223, here pp. 213-216.
30. ^ ^{A b} Peter Gregg Slater: Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. A Progressive Looks at Human Nature. In: American Quarterly. 20, No. 2 (1968), pp. 211-223, here p. 216.
31. ^ Peter Gregg Slater: Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. A Progressive Looks at Human Nature. In: American Quarterly. 20, No. 2 (1968), pp. 211-223, here pp. 215 f .; Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 117.
32. ↑ Elizabeth S Scott, Laurence D. Steinberg: Rethinking Juvenile Justice. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2008, p. 83.
33. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 128 f.
34. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: The Gendering of Social Control: Sex and Delinquency Progressive Juvenile Justice in Denver, 1901-1927. In: Anne McGillivray (Ed.): Governing Childhood. Dartmouth, Aldershot 1997, pp. 48-81, here p. 59.
35. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: The Gendering of Social Control: Sex and Delinquency Progressive Juvenile Justice in Denver, from 1901 to 1927. In: Anne McGillivray (Ed.): Governing Childhood. Dartmouth, Aldershot 1997, pp. 48-81, here pp. 66-68.
36. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, pp. 198 f.
37. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: The Gendering of Social Control: Sex and Delinquency Progressive Juvenile Justice in Denver, 1901-1927. In: Anne McGillivray (Ed.): Governing Childhood. Dartmouth, Aldershot 1997, pp. 48-81, here pp. 65 f.
38. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and institution building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here pp. 206 f.
39. ^ Kristen Iversen: Molly Brown. Unraveling the Myth. Johnson Books, Boulder, CO 1999, ISBN 1-55566-237-4 , pp. 153-155, 163 f.
40. ^ ^{A b} D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 11; Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and Institution Building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here p. 204.
41. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 146.
42. ↑ Terry Ramsaye: A Million and One Nights. A History of the Motion Picture Through 1925. Simon & Schuster, New York 1964, p. 611. Fragment from the film Saved by the Juvenile Court (1913)  in the  video archive - Internet Archive .
43. ↑ Keith withall: Studying Early and Silent Cinema. Columbia University Press, New York 2014, ISBN 1-906733-87-2 , p. 71.
44. ^ Charles Higham: Murder in Hollywood. Solving a silent screen mystery. The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI 2004, ISBN 0-299-20364-6 , pp. 70-72.
45. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 14 f.
46. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 15.
47. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 19.
48. ^ D'Ann Campbell: Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement 1901-1904. In: Arizona and the West. 18, No. 1 (1976), pp. 5-20, here p. 20.
49. ^ Fred Greenbaum: The Colorado Progressives in 1906. In: Arizona and the West. 7, No. 1 (1965), pp. 21-32, here pp. 28-31.
50. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 12.
51. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 20.
52. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 126 f.
53. ^ Robyn Muncy: Relentless Reformer. Josephine Roche and Progressivism in Twentieth-Century America. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2014, ISBN 1-4008-5241-2 , p. 27.
54. ^ Fred Greenbaum: Fighting Progressive. A Biography of Edward P. Costigan. Public Affairs Press, Washington, DC 1970, p. 17.
55. ^ Daniel A. Smith: Impact of Direct Democracy on Colorado Politics. In: Courtenay W. Daum, John A. Straayer and Robert J. Duffy (Eds.): State of Change. Colorado Politics in the Twenty-First Century. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2011, ISBN 1-60732-087-8 , pp. 89-114, here pp. 91-96.
56. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, ISBN 0-87081-982-8 (Timberline books) , pp. Xii-xvii; Edd Applegate: Benjamin Barr Lindsey (1869-1943). In: Muckrakers. A Biographical Dictionary of Writers and Editors. Scarecrow Press, Lanham 2008, ISBN 1-4616-6975-8 , pp. 99-104, here p. 100 f.
57. ↑ George Creel: Denver Triumphant. In: Everybody's Magazine 27 (1912), p. 314; see. R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 127.
58. ^ ^{A b} R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 37 f.
59. ^ Thomas A. Krainz: Delivering Aid. Implementing Progressive Era Welfare in the American West. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM 2005, ISBN 0-8263-3025-8 , p. 76.
60. ^ Thomas J. Noel and Barbara S. Norgren: Denver, the City Beautiful and Its Architects, 1893–1941. Historic Denver, Denver, CO 1987, p. 22.
61. ^ Robyn Muncy: Relentless Reformer. Josephine Roche and Progressivism in Twentieth-Century America. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2014, ISBN 1-4008-5241-2 , p. 82.
62. ^ Edd Applegate: Benjamin Barr Lindsey (1869-1943). In: Muckrakers. A Biographical Dictionary of Writers and Editors. Scarecrow Press, Lanham, MD 2008, pp. 99-104, here p. 102.
63. ^ Edd Applegate: Benjamin Barr Lindsey (1869-1943). In: Muckrakers. A Biographical Dictionary of Writers and Editors. Scarecrow Press, Lanham, MD 2008, pp. 99-104, here p. 101; Kathleen Dalton: Theodore Roosevelt. A Strenuous Life. Vintage Books, New York 2004, ISBN 0-307-42968-7 , p. 380.
64. ↑ Patricia O'Toole: When Trumpets Call. Theodore Roosevelt after the White House. Simon & Schuster, New York 2005, ISBN 978-0-684-86478-5 , pp. 202 f.
65. ↑ ^{a b} Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, p. Xix.
66. ↑ ^{a b} Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163, here pp. 1145 f.
67. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, pp. Xx.
68. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, ISBN 0-87081-982-8 (Timberline books) , pp. Xx-xxi.
69. ↑ Steven Watts: The People's Tycoon. Henry Ford and the American Century. Vintage Books, New York 2006, ISBN 0-307-55897-5 , pp. 228-235; Pat Pascoe: Helen Ring Robinson. Colorado Senator and Suffragist. University Press of Colorado, Boulder 2011, ISBN 1-60732-147-5 , pp. 139-142.
70. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 138.
71. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, p. 129 f.
72. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, pp. 142 f.
73. ^ ^{A b c d} Nancy F. Cott: Marriage Crisis and All That Jazz . In: Kristin Celello u. Hanan Khouloussy (Ed.): Domestic Tensions, National Anxieties. Global Perspectives on Marriage, Crisis, and Nation . Oxford University Press, New York 2016, pp. 49-66, here p. 56.
74. ^ Paula S. Fass: The Damned and the Beautiful. American Youth in the 1920's. Oxford University Press, Oxford, New York 1979, ISBN 0-19-502492-3 , p. 31 f.
75. ↑ Kevin White: The First Sexual Revolution. The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America. New York University Press, New York 1993, ISBN 0-8147-9258-8 , p. 18.
76. ↑ ^{a b} Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163, here pp. 1139, 1143.
77. ^ Nancy F. Cott: Marriage Crisis and All That Jazz . In: Kristin Celello u. Hanan Khouloussy (Ed.): Domestic Tensions, National Anxieties. Global Perspectives on Marriage, Crisis, and Nation . Oxford University Press, New York 2016, pp. 49-66, here pp. 56 f .; Christina Simmons: Making Marriage Modern. Women's Sexuality from the Progressive Era to World War II. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2009, ISBN 0-19-506411-9 , p. 121.
78. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1143. German translation: Ben B. Lindsey and Wainwright Evans: Die Kameradschaftsehe. DVA, Stuttgart 1928, p. 9.
79. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1139.
80. ↑ Michael E. Parrish: Anxious Decades. America in Prosperity and Depression, 1920-1941. Norton, New York 1994, ISBN 0-393-31134-1 , p. 156; Rebecca L. Davis: “Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry”. The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1151.
81. ↑ Kathrina Glitre: Hollywood Romantic Comedy. States of the Union, 1934-65. Manchester University Press, Manchester 2006, ISBN 0-7190-7079-1 , p. 46.
82. ^ Nancy F. Cott: Marriage Crisis and All That Jazz . In: Kristin Celello u. Hanan Khouloussy (Ed.): Domestic Tensions, National Anxieties. Global Perspectives on Marriage, Crisis, and Nation . Oxford University Press, New York 2016, pp. 49-66, here p. 57.
83. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1140.
84. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1142.
85. ↑ Christina Simmons: Making Marriage Modern. Women's Sexuality from the Progressive Era to World War II. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2009, ISBN 0-19-506411-9 , p. 122 f.
86. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163, here pp. 1144 f.
87. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1158.
88. ↑ Kevin White: The First Sexual Revolution. The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America. New York University Press, New York 1993, p. 172.
89. ↑ William Kuby: Conjugal misconduct. Defying Marriage Law in the Twentieth-Century United States. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2018, ISBN 1-108-64565-8 , pp. 178-182; Rebecca L. Davis: “Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry”. The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163, here pp. 1139 f.
90. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1151.
91. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137-1163, here pp. 1151-1153.
92. ↑ ^{a b} Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1154. In Great Britain the film was released as The Jazz Bride .
93. ^ American Film Institute: The American Film Institute Catalog of Motion Pictures Produced in the United States. Volume F2: Feature Films 1921–1930. Film Entries. University of California Press, Berkeley 1971, p. 142.
94. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 218.
95. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1156.
96. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1156.
97. ^ R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, pp. 134-139.
98. ^ Laoise King: Colorado Juvenile Court History. The First Hundred Years. In: The Colorado Lawyer 32, No. 4 (April 2003), pp. 63-68, here p. 65.
99. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, pp. Xiii-xiv; Kenneth T. Jackson: The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930. Ivan R. Dee, Lanham 1992 (OA 1967), ISBN 1-4617-3005-8 , p. 228; R. Todd Laugen: The Gospel of Progressivism: Moral Reform and Labor War in Colorado, 1900-1930. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2010, pp. 158, 174 f.
100. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and institution building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here pp. 209 f .; Sanford Fox: The Early History of the Court. In: The Future of Children. The Juvenile Court. 6, No. 3 (Winter 1996), pp. 29-39, here pp. 36 f.
101. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, pp. Xxiv-xxvii.
102. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, pp. 217-219.
103. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, pp. Xxix-xxx.
104. ^ ^{A b} Steven Schlossman: Lindsey, Benjamin Barr. In: Roger K. Newman (Ed.): The Yale Biographical Dictionary of American Law. Yale University Press, New Haven 2009 (Yale Law Library Series in Legal History and Reference) , p. 340.
105. ^ Alan Gevinson: Within Our Gates. Ethnicity in American Feature Films, 1911-1960. University of California Press, Berkeley 1997, ISBN 0-520-20964-8 , p. 740.
106. ^ Frederic Lombardi: Allan Dwan and the Rise and Decline of the Hollywood Studios. McFarland & Company Inc. Publishers, Jefferson 2013, ISBN 0-7864-3485-6 , pp. 203 f.
107. ↑ Ellen C. Scott: Cinema Civil Rights. Regulation, Repression, and Race in the Classical Hollywood Era. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick 2015, ISBN 0-8135-7137-5 , pp. 36-40.
108. ^ J. Herbie DiFonzo: Beneath the Fault Line. The Popular and Legal Culture of Divorce in Twentieth Century America. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville 1997, ISBN 0-8139-1707-7 , p. 129.
109. ↑ Miroslava Chavez-García: States of Delinquency. Race and Science in the Making of California's Juvenile Justice System. University of California Press, Berkeley 2012, ISBN 0-520-27172-6 , pp. 199-206; Dan Macallair: After the Doors Were Locked. A History of Youth Corrections in California and the Origins of Twenty-First Century Reform. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham 2015, ISBN 1-4422-4672-3 , pp. 135 f.
110. ↑ Steven Schlossman: Lindsey, Benjamin Barr. In: Roger K. Newman (Ed.): The Yale Biographical Dictionary of American Law. Yale University Press, New Haven 2009, ISBN 0-300-11300-5 (Yale Law Library Series in Legal History and Reference) , pp. 340-341.
111. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey . Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, p. 269.
112. ↑ ^{a b} Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, ISBN 0-87081-982-8 (Timberline books) , pp. Xiv f.
113. ↑ Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. In: The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, ISBN 0-87081-982-8 (Timberline books) , pp. Xxxi.
114. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1147.
115. ↑ Harold S. Wilson: McClure's Magazine and the Muckrakers. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ 1970, pp. 237-239.
116. ^ Christopher Lasch: The New Radicalism in America, 1889–1963. The Intellectual as a Social Type. Knopf, New York 1965, p. 154.
117. ^ Mary Craig Sinclair: Southern Belle . (1957). University Press of Mississippi, Jackson 1999, p. 377.
118. ^ ^{A b} Philip B. Gilliam: The Story of Judge Ben B. Lindsey. In: Denver Westerners Brand Book 25 (1969), pp. 1–27, here p. 23.
119. ^ Francis Huber: The Progressive Career of Ben B. Lindsey, 1900-1920. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1963; J. Paul Mitchell: Progressivism in Denver. The Municipal Reform Movement, 1904-1916. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Denver, 1966.
120. ^ Joseph M. Hawes: Children in Urban Society. Juvenile Delinquency in Nineteenth-Century America. Oxford University Press, New York 1971, p. 248.
121. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: Mothers of All Children. Women Reformers and the Rise of Juvenile Courts in Progressive-Era America. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 1998, p. 199.
122. ↑ Elizabeth J. Clapp: The Personal Touch? Ben Lindsey and the Denver Juvenile Court. In: Mid-America. 75 (1993), pp. 197-221, here p. 198.
123. ↑ Paul Colomy and Martin Kretzmann: Projects and institution building. Judge Ben B. Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement. In: Social Problems. 42, No. 2 (1995), pp. 191-215, here pp. 208 f.
124. ^ Sanford J. Fox: A Contribution to the History of the American Juvenile Court . In: Juvenile and Family Court Journal 49 (Fall 1998), pp. 7–16, here p. 10.
125. ^ David P. Thelen: Review: Collectivism, Economic and Political. Ben Lindsey Against Corporate Liberalism. In: Reviews in American History. 1, No. 2 (1973), pp. 271-276, here pp. 272-274.
126. ↑ Michael P. Malone and Richard W. Etulain: The American West. A Twentieth-Century History. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE 1989, pp. 57 f.
127. ^ Charles Larsen: The Good Fight. The Life and Times of Ben B. Lindsey. Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1972, pp. 252 f.
128. ^ Rebecca L. Davis: "Not Marriage at All, but Simple Harlotry". The Companionate Marriage Controversy. In: Journal of American History. 94, No. 4 (2008), pp. 1137–1163, here p. 1140.
129. ^ Nancy F. Cott: Marriage Crisis and All That Jazz . In: Kristin Celello u. Hanan Khouloussy (Ed.): Domestic Tensions, National Anxieties. Global Perspectives on Marriage, Crisis, and Nation . Oxford University Press, New York 2016, pp. 49-66, here p. 58.
130. ↑ Ulrich Ott: America is different. Studies on the image of America in German travelogues of the 20th century. Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-631-43426-X , p. 144.
131. ^ Elke Reinhardt-Becker: The American Way of Love. On the Americanization of the German love discourse in the Weimar Republic. In: Frank Becker and Elke Reinhardt-Becker (eds.): Myth USA. “Americanization” in Germany since 1900. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 978-3-593-37994-4 , pp. 99–134, here p. 117.
132. ↑ Jörg Becker: "We felt like resistance fighters". Thoughts on the memoirs of Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann. In: processes . Journal of Civil Rights and Social Policy. 26, No. 4 (2007), pp. 124-133, here p. 129.
133. ↑ ^{a b} Stephen J. Leonard: Foreword. The Beast. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO 2009, pp. Xxxiv f.

This article was added to the list of excellent articles in this version on November 24, 2019 .