Enrico Dandolo
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Enrico Dandolo (* around 1107 in Venice ; † June 1, 1205 in Constantinople ) is probably the best-known and most controversial doge of Venice . He was in office from June 1, 1192 until his death. If you follow the "Venetian tradition", as the history of Venice is usually described, he was the 41st of a total of 120 Doges. Its role in redirecting the Fourth Crusade (1202–1204) against the Christian cities of Zara and Constantinople is controversial .
This led to the sacking of the metropolis and the establishment of the Latin Empire , from which the Venetians under the leadership of Dandolo were awarded 'three eighths'. This conquest is regarded as the starting point for Venice's position as a great power, but also as the beginning of the end of the Byzantine Empire . The diversion of the crusade, whose ships Venice had pre-financed, took place in three stages: In order to reduce their debts, the crusaders first conquered the Christian Zara for Venice. Against papal resistance and after tumults within the army, the remaining crusaders drove from there to Constantinople to help a Byzantine pretender to the throne who had fled to them to rule. When he did not keep his generous promises, the crusaders finally conquered what is by far the largest Christian city. Looted treasures and relics now adorn numerous churches in Europe.
Enrico Dandolo came from one of the most influential families in the Republic of Venice . But almost nothing is known about his life before about 1170, even his immediate family relationships are only partially clarified. He was married to a Contessa with whom he had at least one son. After the expulsion of the Venetians from the Byzantine capital in 1171, he also worked as a long-distance trader in diplomatic services.
Historiography exaggerated Dandolo's role as an omnipresent legislator, organizer, naval and military leader. It appropriated him as an ideal for patriotism , belligerent expansionist spirit and at the same time self-restraint by renouncing the imperial crown. Or she condemned him as a vengeful or cynical, in any case calculating and hypocritical traitor to the Christian cause, who had devised the diversion against Constantinople from the beginning as an act of revenge, although the Pope excommunicated the Crusaders . The interpretations range from the opportunity to take revenge for the blinding he suffered in Constantinople or for the bad treatment of the Venetians by the "Greeks", to a chain of individual decisions in which the Doge only behaved within the framework of the Venetian constitutional reality left him little leeway. According to Giorgio Cracco , it was only in the course of the crusade that Dandolo increasingly represented the interests of his numerous compatriots active in the East and the increasingly autonomous conquerors of a new empire - if opportune, also against the mother city of Venice. Only years later was Venice able to assert its authority over the conquerors.
While Dandolo was appropriated as a forerunner for colonial ambitions and the conquest of Constantinople was justified by cultural and moral superiority over the Byzantines, it was only in the post-colonial and post-fascist period that historiography succeeded in dispensing with back projections as far as possible. Dandolo has therefore only recently been placed more in the context of the narrowing possibilities of action of the Doges within his society.
But the narrative styles of the three main sources, which are strongly dominated by French and Byzantine traditions, were also critically included. These are the French-language chronicles of Geoffroi de Villehardouin and Robert de Clari and the Greek-language chronicle of Niketas Choniates . A number of individual documents also make it possible to better classify the otherwise hardly documented acts by Dandolo before the crusade. Nevertheless, the integration of important documents that were created closer to the time of the fighting has so far only been partially successful. This applies above all to letters that point to sharp conflicts within the crusader army, but also to those between the leaders of the crusade and the simple "pilgrims". These conflicts were largely masked by the four main strands of tradition that arose from the political conflict situation - the Byzantine, the Venetian, the papal and that of the crusaders from the middle and upper nobility, especially France. This was largely due to the state-controlled history of Venice, which legitimized Dandolo's actions and which, for almost half a millennium, has hardly allowed any different interpretations since the Chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo (1343–1354).
Written cultural background, little pragmatic writing
Only the enormous social and political scope of the Fourth Crusade with its chronical tradition, in addition to the few older documents of various origins, throws a little light on this central protagonist of the campaign, whose motives and attitudes can be considered extremely little certain. This striking lack of sources for such a central figure is due to the fact that Dandolo lived in an era in which writing was already in increasing use in Italy, where the Roman tradition never completely broke down, but pragmatic writing was still in early in their development. This applies all the more to the techniques of storage and indexing, such as generally making written memories available in the areas of administration, law and economics. Numerous ecclesiastical institutions, especially monasteries , kept their holdings, but other institutions with less continuity were less experienced and their holdings, especially documents, were often scattered and destroyed, were lost or forgotten.
The Italian commune was only at the beginning of a regulated written form of the small and extremely rudimentary, discontinuous state organs and committees, most of which were only put together ad hoc to solve certain tasks. The written form of minutes and voting results, reports and correspondence , established a few decades later , was hardly necessary between and within the still small number of instances and committees at the time of Dandolo. Nevertheless, the two most important bodies, the Small and the Big Council, concentrated the power of the most influential families in the city, and they served to balance conflicts and interests in a society that was still largely orally organized. Its development began with the establishment of a rudimentary magistrate, the consilium sapientium, at the time of Doge Pietro Polani , when Dandolo was perhaps in his thirties.
The uncertainties that still exist today with regard to personality, origin and even with the reconstruction of the family ties in the structures of Venice dominated by a few dozen families must also be classified against this cultural background.
Origin, family context
Little is known about Enrico Dandolo's first six decades of life. His calculated year of birth - the more chronological sources only refer to the Doge as "senex" ('old') - goes back to the fact that Marino Sanudo the Younger (1466–1536), a chronicler who wrote around three centuries after Dandolo, notes that at the time of his election as Doge, i.e. in 1192, he was already 85 years old.
Enrico came from the family of the Dandolo of San Luca, an island and parish that belonged to one of the six newly founded sestieri after 1172 , namely that of San Marco . He was a member of the twelve most respected, influential and oldest families in Venice, the so-called "apostolic" families. These large groups, defined by their mere kinship, included the Badoer, Barozzi, Contarini , Falier, Gradenigo , Memmo, Michiel, Morosini, Polani, Sanudo and Tiepolo as well as the Dandolo . Especially with the Tiepolo, the Dandolo were in competition for the lead. According to legend, the dandolo appeared around 727 when the (perhaps first) Doge Orso was elected , to whose family several of the oldest families in Venice can be traced back.
Enrico Dandolo's political ascent was related to his personal abilities and above all to the importance of the Dandolo as one of the outstanding families in Venice. His own work was likely to have been very beneficial for the family, because they placed three more doges after him. These were Giovanni (1280–1289), Francesco (1329–1339) and especially Andrea Dandolo (1343–1354). But in these highest state offices only the tip of the ascent, which was directly promoted by Enrico's Doge office, was reflected. His own son Ranieri represented his father from 1202 to 1205 as vice duke in Venice († 1209), his granddaughter Anna Dandolo was married to the Serbian king Stefan Nemanjić . Her son Stefan Uroš I in turn was King of Hungary from 1243 to 1276 .
Below this level, the family was already of far-reaching influence before Enrico's time. His uncle, who was also called Enrico († 1182), was the Patriarch of Grado . Other members of the extensive family belonged to the closest circle of advisers to the Doge, the consiliarii . In some cases it is not possible to decide whether it was the same person, since many of the Dandolo had the same name, which has occasionally led even historians to wrong conclusions.
Neither the name of Enrico's father can be taken for granted, nor are the name and family of origin of his mother known. Vitale Dandolo is often mentioned as the father. This Vitale was considered to be the “secular patriarch” of the Dandolo di San Luca (next to the older Enrico as the “ecclesiastical patriarch”), who was also active as an envoy in Constantinople. But he disappears from the sources in 1175, without it being clear who was now running his grand clan. It is possible that this role was taken over by Enrico's brother Andrea Dandolo, who appears several times as iudex from 1173 onwards. This may be one reason why the unsubstantiated assumption was made that Vitale was Enrico's father. A Giovanni who referred to himself as “filius quondam Vitalis”, in turn, never appears as a iudex . Enrico's brother Andrea, however, was under Sebastiano Ziani perhaps from 1173 iudex at the Dogenhof. Thomas Madden assumes that Andrea left this post for his brother Enrico when he returned from Egypt in 1174 or 1175 . Enrico and his brother Andrea appear together several times. Enrico even calls his brother, to whom he gave authority for all written and oral agreements in 1183, “dilectus frater meus” (“my beloved brother”). Andrea stayed in his closest environment even after Enrico became Doge in 1192.
So it remains largely unclear who the father of the two brothers was. The elder Enrico, then Vitale, Pietro, very probably also a Bono, were brothers, perhaps sons of Domenico Dandolo; Marco and Giovanni were nephews of the said Patriarch Enrico Dandolo. Only so much can be considered certain that the brothers Andrea and Enrico Dandolo were perhaps themselves sons of Pietro, Bono or Vitale.
Even in standard works, the contradictions accumulate in view of this difficult source situation. Antonio Carile wrote succinctly in Volume 3 of the Lexikons des Mittelalteres , published in 1986, that Dandolo was first married to "Felicita", a daughter of the procurator of San Marco Pietro Bembo, and the second to Contessa, who possibly belonged to the Minotto family . From these marriages four sons emerged, namely Marino, Ranieri, Vitale and Fantino. Alvise Loredan had also assumed these four sons and the aforementioned two marriages in his work I Dandolo five years before Carile .
A number of assumptions about these relationships, such as the one that Enrico Dandolo married twice, have long been considered dubious. In 1982 Antonino Lombardo had doubts about a first marriage with the said "Felicita". As Andrea Da Mosto wrote, it can only be certain that Enrico Dandolo was married to Contessa in 1183 at the latest, as a document from the San Zaccaria convent shows. "Felicita Bembo" - this is what the error according to Thomas Madden is likely to go back to - appears in a genealogy from 1743. It is the continuation of Marco Barbaro's family nobile venete by Antonio Maria Tasca, which is known as Arbori dei patritii veneti ricoppiati con aggiunte di Antonio Maria Fosca , 7 vols., Is in the Venice State Archives (Miscellanea codici, series 1, regg. 17–23, 1: 319; 3: 177).
But it was not only with regard to Dandolo's marriage that there was long uncertainty. The view that Karl Hopf first took that Marino should be considered the son of Enrico, as Raymond-Joseph Loenertz stated in 1959 , goes back to a confusion with a bearer of the same name. Vitale, who commanded the Venetian fleet off Constantinople, was "possibly a son of his brother Andrea", so not Enricos, but his nephew , as Karl-Hartmann Necker assumed in 1999. Vitale was also one of the twelve voters who were to determine the emperor of the Latin Empire in 1204. Only Ranieri, perhaps Fantino, counts as Enrico Dandolo's son. Ranieri represented his father Enrico as vice duke during the crusade in Venice; he died in 1209. Fantino is said to have become Latin patriarch in the Latin Empire , newly created by the Crusaders in 1204 , which Heinrich Kretschmayr denied more than a century ago. Thomas Madden denies the existence of a patriarch by the name of Fantino, like a Fantino Dandolo in Venice at the time, who only appears in Marino Sanudo.
So there remains a secure son, namely Ranieri, a son or nephew, namely Vitale, and only one secure marriage, namely the one with Contessa. But these findings are only slowly gaining ground. In 2006 Marcello Brusegan listed the two marriages and the four sons, as well as a daughter, whose name he does not name, but who is said to have married Boniface of Montferrat , one of the leaders of the Fourth Crusade. Heinrich Kretschmayr had already dismissed this error, which also goes back to Sanudo, in 1905 by saying that the view that there was “a daughter […] whose husband was Bonifacio of Montferrat” was “certainly not correct”.
Envoy, legal witness, doge voter, trader (1172–1183 / 84)
In Constantinople, by far the largest city in the Mediterranean, Enrico Dandolo stayed for decades, which could explain why he appears in the sources very late in Venice. Local sources do not mention it either, but the Byzantine chroniclers dealt only little with the conditions in the Italian merchant colonies of Venice, Genoa, Pisas and Amalfis in their capital, all of which clustered around the Golden Horn .
Enrico Dandolo first appears in the sources in 1172. In that year he went together with a Filippo Greco († 1175) as envoy to Constantinople. The two men were supposed to negotiate with Emperor Manuel Komnenos (1143–1180), who on March 12, 1171 had all the Venetians of Constantinople arrested. The Venetians were also expelled from all over the empire, their property was confiscated, and the traders' quarters on the Golden Horn were dissolved. Venice was thus deprived of all trading privileges that the city had acquired over the centuries. The lagoon city had then sent a fleet to the Aegean , but it had not been able to force Manuel to give in. This was an economic catastrophe for Venice, which had held a privileged position in Byzantium, especially since Chrysobull of 1082, which went so far that it threatened to undermine the economic and political independence of the empire. In the event of serious unrest in Venice, the Doge Vitale II. Michiel was finally killed.
Shortly after his unsuccessful diplomatic mission in Constantinople, for which Dandolo had certainly been selected because of his excellent political and linguistic knowledge, he appeared at the young Wilhelm II of Sicily . Since 1171 he ruled as king alone over one of the most powerful empires that had been trying to conquer Constantinople for a century. However, in the summer of 1173, Byzantium and the Normans were in negotiations about the marriage of the imperial daughter Maria to Wilhelm, which ultimately failed. Nevertheless, during these lengthy negotiations in September 1175, other negotiators concluded a twenty-year alliance between Venice and the Normans.
In the following years Dandolo was not only active as an envoy - on December 1, 1172 he was in Verona , where he appeared as a witness in a document for Leonardo (Lunardo) Michiel , the son of the Doge who was murdered in May 1172 in front of San Zaccaria - but continued to run his family. So he stayed in September 1174 in Alexandria , Egypt , where he operated the repayment of a so-called prestito marittimo for his brother Andrea , a trade credit for maritime companies that he had given the long-distance trader Romano Mairano four years earlier . In April 1178 he was back in Venice. There he appears among the forty voters of the new Doge Orio Mastropiero , who held this office until his abdication in June 1192. In 1184 Dandolo stayed again in Constantinople as envoy, together with a Domenico Sanuto.
But sometime between 1178 and 1183 he must have withdrawn from all commercial transactions. So in September 1183 he gave his brother Andrea together with his wife Contessa (whose origin is not known) and Filippo Falier of San Tomà general power to take care of all his business, "sicut egomet facere deberem". Why he 'had to' do this, as it is said, is beyond our knowledge, but perhaps at this point in time he was no longer able to write or read any of the documents that are increasingly difficult to avoid in the commercial sector.
Blindness (probably between 1178 and 1183), alleged hatred of Byzantium
In addition to the fact that Enrico Dandolo was very old when he was elected Doge, the historical imagination revolved primarily around the question of blindness. Legend has it that Emperor Manuel ordered in 1172 to blind the negotiator Enrico Dandolo , a method that has long been used to render imperial pretenders incapable of office. The victims during this period included Emperors Alexios V and Isaac II in 1204. Such rumors had already circulated after the conquest of Constantinople. The oldest source claiming glare is the Novgorod Chronicle from the early 14th century: “Imperator ... ocoulos eius vitro (glare mirror) caecari iussit; itaque dux, quamvis oculi eius non fuerint effossi, non amplius cernebat quicquam ". Because of this act of violence, in which the eyes were not removed but, as the Novgorod Chronicle claims, destroyed by a glare mirror, Dandolo swore vengeance, as later chroniclers assumed. And the opportunity to make this come true, according to this account, which is still published today, after four decades of patient waiting, with the Fourth Crusade.
The fact that Enrico Dandolo was still able to see in 1176, as Donald E. Queller and Thomas F. Madden stated in 1999, speaks against the glare thesis, so that this legend should rather be interpreted as a welcome occasion to underpin the sinister character of the Doge and thus Venice , and so to imagine some kind of personal vendetta . Heinrich Kretschmayr , author of a three-volume story of Venice , had already rejected the idea of being blinded by the order of Emperor Manuel in 1905: “It is very doubtful that Enrico Dandolo had been completely or almost completely deprived of sight in this embassy by the insidious precautions of Emperor Manuel; He may just as well have lost his eyesight through illness or injury. ” In this context, Henry Simonsfeld had already reported three decades earlier about a“ well-known, often questioned process ”, and Friedrich Wilken already distanced himself in 1829 when he noted Andrea Dandolo and Sabellico stated “expressly that this dazzling was done on the orders of Emperor Manuel”.
The Nuovo Dizionario istorico from 1796, created in the year before the end of the Republic of Venice , however, knows that the negotiator "50 years earlier" (i.e. in 1154) with a heated bronze blade or plate that the 'perfidious' Emperor Manuel had before let his eyes wander, was blinded, which left no external traces of injury. Even Friedrich von Hurter wrote in 1833, Dandolo was sent to Constantinople Opel in 1172 or 1173, where the emperor "him namely, his indomitable perseverance because, through a glowing record he him to keep to his eyes told dazzle" left.
Niketas Choniates , a contemporary Byzantine chronicler, testifies to Dandolo's blindness , as does the aforementioned Gottfried von Villehardouin, who met him in Venice. On this occasion, Dandolo (in the words of Gottfried) in a speech in front of St. Mark's Basilica listed his weaknesses: “Et je sui vialz hom et febles, et avroie mestier de repos” (“I am an old man and weak and I need rest “), But there is no mention of blindness there.
The Dandolo themselves later cultivated the legend of being dazzled by the hostile emperor. They let it be told over and over again within the framework of state historiography. The chronicler and doge Andrea Dandolo thinks that he was "aliqualiter obtenebratus" during the embassy to Constantinople in 1172, because he dared to anger the emperor "pro salute patriae". While his template, the Chronologia Magna of Paulinus Minorita, also called Paolino Veneto († 1344) , which was created in the 1320s in tabular form , states that Enrico Dandolo is "corpore debilis", Andrea Dandolo, who otherwise takes over Paulinus verbatim, changed this in “visu debilis”. Later anecdotes were attached to it, such as that of Sanudo that he had pretended to be able to see at an embassy in Ferrara in 1191.
The blindness date of 1172 also contradicts the fact that Dandolo was still in shops in Alexandria two years later, where he made a signature that is the oldest surviving autograph by Dandolo. He emphasized that he had written by hand: "ego Henricus Dandolo manu mea subscripsi". His signature is clear and legible. In contrast, his writing in a document from October 1176, in which his "Ego Henricus Dand [ul] o iudex manu mea subscripsi" immediately follows that of the Doge, already shows strong uncertainty, as is typical for the blind. So he was probably unable to hold the line as he added the row of letters, so that his hand fell downwards in an arc, letter by letter. Thomas Madden believes to find confirmation that Dandolo suffered a form of cortical blindness from a blow to the head . He was probably not completely blind even in the 1178 Doge election. But in September 1183 he no longer did a handwritten “firm”, instead it only says “Signum suprascripti Henrici Dandolo qui hoc rogavit fieri” - so he had to ask someone to sign in his place. Later he also had it signed as a Doge in this way, for example on August 16, 1192 with “Signum suprascripti Domini Henrici Danduli, Dei gratia ducis, qui hoc fieri rogavit” or in September 1198 with “Signum manus suprascripti domini ducis, qui hoc fieri rogavit ”. He likely lost his sight, either through illness or violence, between 1178 and 1183.
The question of whether Dandolo was completely blind already preoccupied Friedrich von Hurter, if only with one comment: “Villehardouin and Günther say that he was completely blind; on the other hand the Venetian chroniclers [...] that he had a very weak face. Visu debilis and again visu aliqualiter obtenebratus, says Dandulo; Sanutus III, IX f .: a Graecis abacinatus, quasi visum amisit “. Friedrich Buchholz came to the conclusion that Dandolo might not have been completely blind at all in the 1805 journal History and Politics published by Karl Ludwig von Woltmann ; However, he thinks that the glare was caused by an "iron plate".
The question of blindness would not have received so much attention if it had not been repeatedly made the starting point for Dandolo's attitude towards the Byzantines, indeed, the real motivation for his late political activities in the highest office of Venice. It has often been claimed that Dandolo hated the Byzantines, but this can also not be proven in contemporary sources.
From a trade policy perspective, this may have been one of the reasons for the search for personal motivation, there was no longer any reason to attack Byzantium, because the consequences of the catastrophe of 1171 gradually seemed to be relativized. Emperor Manuel released prisoners and goods in 1179, and he himself died the following year. After the massacre of 1182 in Constantinople, in which thousands of Latins were killed, but this time there were hardly any Venetians because they were not in the city, Emperor Andronikos released all remaining prisoners three years later and restored the Venetian quarters and promised to make amends. But he was overthrown that same year. Venice, which followed with the greatest suspicion the attempt of the Normans in southern Italy to conquer Byzantium, which would have threatened its freedom of trade over the Adriatic , tried again to draw closer to Constantinople. In February 1187 there was a regular treaty between the Empire and Venice. It was the first treaty devoid of any fictional privilege and is considered the first agreement between Constantinople and Venice to be concluded between equals. Both Venice and Byzantium had until then upheld the fiction that Venice was still part of the Empire. Isaac II , who gave Dandolo the high court title of protosebastos in 1188 , even extended the prerogatives of the Venetians to the entire empire in 1192. When this emperor was also overthrown in 1195, this was again bad news for Venice, because the new emperor Alexios III. withdrew its privileges from the lagoon city and now played Pisa against Venice. This Tuscan city was next to the Republic of Genoa one of the most important competitors of Venice.
The compromise negotiated by Enrico Dandolo, with which one was dissatisfied in Venice, was finally accepted, because the marriage of Henry VI. with Constance of Sicily , the heiress of the Norman Empire, a completely changed situation that was extremely threatening for Venice's Adriatic policy emerged. Heinrich now ruled almost all of Italy in addition to the empire on the other side of the Alps. In addition, he was preparing a crusade to the east in which the Normans of southern Italy would take part as part of the Staufer-Norman Empire, the same Normans who had tried in vain to conquer Byzantium in 1185. This alliance system, which threatened Venice and saw the Western emperor at the head of a fiefdom hierarchy, extended to Cyprus, the Holy Land and Armenia .
Due to the new power constellation, it seemed to the Venetians urgently to come to a peace agreement with Byzantium. Enrico Dandolo received a new chrysobullon in 1198, although Heinrich had died the previous year and thus the crusade that had already been prepared never took place , in which the Eastern Emperor once again guaranteed Venice's privileges. When the crusader army decided in 1203 to support the Byzantine pretender to the throne, who had taken refuge in their camp, probably still nobody thought of a forcible conquest of the metropolis, least of all the Venetians, for whom too much was at stake. Donald Queller and Thomas Madden believe that Dandolo's alleged hatred of the Byzantines, which is always behind the equally imagined early plan of conquest, does not in any way fit into his curriculum vitae. That he despised individual Greeks, however, emerges from a letter to the Pope in 1204. In it he describes Murtzuphlos, i.e. Emperor Alexios V , and Nicolas Kannavos (Canabus), who was elected emperor for a few days on January 27, 1204, as "graeculi" ('little Greek'). But this in no way speaks for a contempt for all “Greeks”.
Settlement in Venice (from 1185), leadership of the Dandolo clan
The fact that Enrico Dandolo, around 85 years old and (almost) blind for some time, ran for the Doge election and won it, although he was never named as a consiliarius or sapiens as iudex at the court of Doge Sebastiano Ziani , and, apart from private documents, it only existed for a short time on the public floor outside its three embassies, has always aroused the greatest astonishment. But he was still extraordinarily capable, both physically and intellectually. He was extremely well connected and had a very good knowledge of the eastern Mediterranean and probably also southern Italy. This was of considerable importance at the time of his election, because there were states on both sides of the Adriatic which could endanger Venice's commercial interests by blocking this main trade route.
Returning to Venice, Dandolo took over the legal representation previously filled out by Vitale in the monastery of San Cipriano di Murano in 1185 , which could indicate that Enrico began to take over the leadership of the Dandolo clan. When the municipality issued voluntary bonds (imprestiti) in 1187 in order to obtain money from the wealthy in return for repayment and interest, Enrico Dandolo was the only one from the Dandolo clan who responded. In November he deposited the considerable sum of 150 libra (grossorum) , which corresponded to 36,000 denari grossi , "big denarii". These silver coins had a value ratio of about 1:26 to the denari piccoli actually circulating , the "small denarii" used in everyday trade. The loan was issued to finance the war against Zara. Despite this commitment - the next year Dandolo acquired a salt works in Chioggia - the (progressive?) Blindness prevented him from catching up on a regular cursus honorum . So he never appeared in small or large council. However, he continued to work as a negotiator and in this function went to Ferrara , a city in 1191 , with which a treaty was concluded on October 26, 1191. Venice gained jurisdiction over the Venetians living there, and the right to imprison criminals and slaves there and to bring them to Venice. This was the occasion on which Dandolo is said to have pretended to still be able to see. In addition, he put a very short hair in the soup and complained loudly about the barely visible, proverbial object.
Whether this anecdote from Sanudo is true, possibly to indicate that Dandolo intended to recommend himself to the Doge Office in this way, cannot be decided. In any case, the year 1188 was of epoch-making importance for the Dandolo clan, and thus also for the budding Doge. Half a century of the Venetian church reforms ended in this year, the driving force of which was the patriarch Enrico Dandolo, who died around this year. Internally, he not only ensured that new orders came to the city and new monasteries came into being, that the church was reformed in the spirit of Pope Gregory , but he had also changed the relationship with the state. The latter no longer interfered in internal church affairs, but increasingly saw himself as the protector of the church. This half century, which ended in 1188, was even referred to as the “Enrico Dandolo's era”.
When the Doge Orio Mastropiero abdicated on June 14, 1192 , Enrico Dandolo was elected as his successor. There has always been speculation about the reasons for his choice. Venice was by no means dominated by a homogeneous group of long-distance trading families; instead, there had been rivalries for centuries between the major clans and their clientele, consisting of men who had a seat on the various councils and whose behavior could be decisive in voting. There were the pro-Byzantine families and those who relied more heavily on the Frankish and later the Roman-German Empire . Interest groups fought each other who tried to exert influence through the few offices that were still available, but above all through the growing council bodies, but whose stage could also be the popular assembly. The Doge's office, with its enormous prestige and its foreign policy power, was of central importance, but also because the Doge had some privileges in the small and large councils and was always well informed.
Election to the Doge (1192), sworn restrictions on power
In terms of reputation and wealth, Pietro Ziani , son of the former Doge Sebastiano (1172–1178), would have been the most powerful candidate in 1192 , but he was through loans and their interest, through pre-financing and participation in long-distance trading ventures - thus through other people's work and risks - came to his exorbitant wealth, which, according to Cracco, made him numerous enemies, and what aroused suspicion and fear. On the other hand, the merchant families, who had been hit hard in Byzantium by harassment and abuse, by expropriations and banishment from trade, were interested in a strong regiment.
The now very old Enrico Dandolo, the most respected representative of the Dandolo clan, was able to appear as a suitable candidate because he knew his way around the East, certainly spoke Greek, was a financier himself, but also an active long-distance trader. In addition, he was not as powerful as Pietro Ziani, with whom one could well fear the formation of a dynasty. So, according to Giorgio Cracco, Dandolo became a candidate for the dealers. He was also a suitable candidate for the most powerful families, because an old and blind doge would hardly be able to claim royal rights - and in view of his old age he seemed to be only a short-term solution anyway. But these, too, are speculations about the mentality of the Doge voters, which cannot be found in the sources, as Madden contradicts. In any case, given the advanced age of the new Doge, voters are likely to have cast their votes in the expectation that a new election would take place shortly.
As after every election, the influential families, who controlled the state in a system of mutual rivalries, tried to leave the Doge as little internal influence as possible and to keep out any kind of autocracy , because Venice had already gone through several attempts to form a Doge dynasty. One means of permanently enforcing such restrictions was an oath, the so-called Promissio ducale , also called Promissio domini ducis . This promissio , on which every doge had to publicly swear, became more extensive with each new election, after Dandolo a separate committee was set up to work out the new oath formula. Some of the predecessors of Dandolo had to take a public oath on such a promissio , but these are not received in writing, apart from a fragment of the promissio of Dandolo's predecessor.
In his Promissio , which is also the oldest that has survived in full, Enrico Dandolo had to swear that he would obey the laws and decisions of the highest councils without interpreting them idiosyncratically, and only with the consent of the Small Council and the majority of the Grand Council. He should only act for the honor ( honor ) and in the interest of the hometown and should not interfere in the affairs of the Patriarch of Grado or the bishops in the Venetian lagoon. He was also not allowed to make direct contact with strangers. Ultimately, he had to equip ten “armed” ships at his own expense (the term “navis armata” referred to a minimum crew, which later was 60 men). This little autocratic position in the constitutional reality of the late 12th century stands in stark contrast to later historiography, in which to this day the impression is often given that the Doge ruled unreservedly, almost absolutistically .
Fourth Crusade, Separatism, and Death (1202–1205)
Dandolo's role up to the conquest of Constantinople, the internal Venetian balance of power
Little is known of the first ten years of Dandolo's reign that later contributed to virtually every state action between 1192 and 1202 being attributed to the Doge. This source situation changed when the leaders of a crusade decided not to take the difficult land route through the Balkans and Anatolia to the Holy Land, but to go there by ship. For the year 1202, crusaders, mainly from France, planned to set up a force consisting of 4,500 riders with their horses, 9,000 shield-bearers and 20,000 infantrymen . Venice's arsenal was to set up a fleet to bring the 33,000-strong army to Egypt, where Sultan al-Adil I (1200-1218) had his core area. He was at the same time ruler of the Holy Land and one of the successors of the dreaded Salah ad-Din, who was known in the West as Saladin (1171–1193). The crusaders in the Holy Land suffered the decisive defeat against his army in 1187 .
The ship's passage should be financed by the crusaders. Venice demanded four silver marks for each rider and horse, plus two marks for each shield bearer and infantryman. In total it was the sum of 94,000 silver marks. In return for a commitment of 85,000 silver marks, Venice undertook to provide around 200 transport ships, plus food for one year, and a fleet of 50 armed escort ships with a crew of 6,000 for one year. In return, Venice should be entitled to half of all future conquests. In the end, an agreement was reached on 84,000 Cologne marks , which was somewhat higher than the price otherwise usual for similar companies around 1200, but included the Venetian fleet of 50 ships. Exceptional was only the claim to half of the booty, not the land conquests. The sum was to be raised in four installments by April 1202, and the fleet should be ready for departure on June 29th.
But in 1202 the crusaders, who clearly overestimated the attractiveness of the company and only brought together 10,000 men, stranded in Venice. They were unable to pay for the technically innovative ships that were rented by the municipality and built there. They now expected the Doge to convene the Small Council for the next day, but he had to put them off for three days because he could not simply summon the powerful body. Apparently the Crusaders misjudged Dandolo's position of power in Venice.
When the panel finally assembled, the messengers demanded ships and men for a new crusade. After another eight days had passed, Dandolo dictated the terms negotiated in the Small Council. Only if a corresponding treaty was concluded could it be presented to the Great Council and the Concio , which the Venetians called Arengo , a kind of assembly of the people. After a further consultation period, Dandolo was able to submit a draft to the Grand Council, which at that time only had forty members, and obtain its approval. Only then did 10,000 men, the said Arengo , come together in St. Mark's Basilica , who also gave their consent. Up until then, Enrico Dandolo was by no means the driving force, as has often been claimed, but he only exercised his office as the bearer and as the processor of a vote, according to Giorgio Cracco. The decisive body of power was first the Little Council, then the Great Council, and finally the Arengo .
The question of whether Enrico Dandolo staged his theatrical taking of the cross to get the Arengo to agree, or whether this was a comparatively common act of individual religious fervor in a deeply religious epoch, gave rise to contradicting interpretations. While most historians assumed that Dandolo's power was so absolute at the time that he could not have needed such a manipulative act, Giorgio Cracco believes that it was precisely the increasing dominance of the councils and, above all, the continuing weight of the popular assembly been on fundamental issues that would have forced Dandolo to convince the Venetians as a whole. Donald Queller and Thomas Madden, on the other hand, believe that the Arengo has long since lost its meaning and therefore its approval was more of a symbolic meaning. Dandolo therefore did not need the approval of the “people”.
The historians of the Crusade, such as Geoffroy de Villehardouin, offer a detailed description of the process. This type of historiography followed certain principles of composition and dramaturgy, such as the direct speech of the protagonists. As the studies by Peter M. Schon and Jeanette MA Beer or Gérard Jacquin have shown , caution is advised with the type of oratio recta that Villehardouin offers, but above all with its interpretation from the perspective of historical reconstruction. The influence of the chansons de gestes with their personalization of all historical processes, the concentration of motifs in the form of speech, the pathetic concentration in the form of stagings that inspire the imagination is too strong . The often precise Villehardouin also delivers laconic abbreviations and primarily the essential messages that he prefers to let individual people say. In doing so, however, he rapidly dispensed with the aforementioned oratio in the progressive work , which gives Dandolo, who plays a central role in his work for the initial phase of the crusade, a weight in the drama that is extremely high. As a result, its importance is particularly charged at the beginning of the work and as a result it seems almost all-responsible.
In any case, after those present, Venetians and crusaders alike, had enthusiastically accepted Dandolo as their guide, he took the cross in September 1202. This is also a scene that can be found in historical depictions of later epochs against the background of St. Mark's Basilica, just as history painting in general later adopted extremely pathetically some of the central scenes by the two French chroniclers Robert de Clari and Geoffroy de Villehardouin.
According to the chronicler and crusade participant Villehardouin, Enrico Dandolo intervened for the first time in the summer of 1202 by proposing that the rebel Zara be recaptured as compensation for part of the debt. However, Zara was subject to the Hungarian king, who had taken the cross himself. The deferral proposed by Dandolo was at least 34,000 silver marks. At the same time, he claimed to be the only one who would be able to lead the army. The subsequent attack on Zara lies in the historical tradition of Venice, which tried to secure the Adriatic - in this case against the King of Hungary who occupied Dalmatia .
But it is questionable whether Dandolo's demand for leadership of the crusader army is a true reflection of the process. Because only the council bodies, the Consilia , were authorized to make such decisions about treaties and military tasks, as Cracco objects. According to Promissio, the Doge was by no means allowed to conduct negotiations directly or even enter into arbitrary negotiations - at least not within Venice. With the determination of the old and blind man, Villehardouin might just want to provide a counter-image to the indecision of an army of crusaders that was already fighting against the creeping dissolution. Because in the meantime many were looking for other ways to the Holy Land. This corresponds well with the fact that Dandolo, whom Villehardouin valued personally, appears later as a clever advisor in the French chronicle, but never as a kind of condottiere , as it was portrayed many times later. Umberto Gozzano is characteristic here, who in 1941 wrote his work with 'Enrico Dandolo. Story of a Ninety Year Old Condottiere 'titled. Dandolo shone more through vision. The Doge wisely advised against procuring food from the nearby mainland in order to visit some islands instead, so that the large army could not gradually become entangled and lose or even fall into the hands of enemies. Villehardouin not only drew a thirsty counter-image, but he was also used to ascribing the deeds of a group to its leader, so that the impression arose that Dandolo was behind everything.
The second French chronicler of the Crusade, Robert de Clari , presented the Doge quite differently , whose death the author does not even mention, whereas in Villehardouin's eyes it represented a great misfortune. Robert looks at the events that Villehardouin describes from the perspective of the high nobility, from that of the simple crusader. For him, too, the doge was “molt preudons”: He had water and food brought for the crusaders while the government had starved them in order to put them under pressure. But for this chronicler, neither Dandolo nor the committees were the real supporters, but the Venetians as a whole. For him the agreement was one between “tout li pelerin e li Venicia”, that is, between “all pilgrims and the Venetians”. The same applied to the attack on Zara. For Robert de Clari Dandolo was a great speaker, but when the emperor appointed by the crusaders did not parry in Constantinople, Dandolo admonished him first in a peaceful tone, only to shout at him in growing anger when he rejected his demands: "nous t ' avons gete de le merde et en le merde te remeterons ”(“ We got you out of the shit and we will put you back in the shit ”). He shouted this, however, from his galley , standing between soldiers and councils, and three other galleys protected him. The pioneering spirit that Dandolo later attributed to historiography cannot be seen in Robert de Clari.
Nevertheless, he was immensely impressed by the display of magnificence when the fleet left, although he was deceived with regard to the financing, because everything seemed to belong to the crusaders only to the Doge: “The Duke of Venice had fifty galleys with him at his own expense . The galley he was on was bright red with a tent of bright red silk stretched over it. In front of him he had forty trumpeters with silver trumpets that sounded and drumbeats that made a very cheerful noise [...] When the fleet left the port of Venice, warships, these great barges and so many other vessels that it was the most splendid sight since The beginning of the world was. "
From Zara to Constantinople
After the fleet left on October 10, Zara was actually captured on November 15, 1202 after a brief siege . The Pope then excommunicated the 'pilgrims', as the crusaders called themselves. Shortly afterwards, Alexios Angelos , son of the overthrown Byzantine emperor Isaac Angelos , arrived in the city where the army had wintered. Dandolo personally - thereby implicitly ignoring the corresponding ban in the Promissio, at least outside of Venice - excused this instruction to winter in a letter to Pope Innocent III. , in which he referred to the winter storms that would have endangered the crusade as a whole. Alexios convinced the leaders of the crusaders to go to Constantinople to put him on the throne. For this he promised enormous compensations and the reunification of the two churches , which had been separated since 1054, under papal supremacy . In addition, he promised to participate in the crusade, which should then finally go to the Holy Land. Although there were clashes among the crusaders, and some even left the crusade, the majority were persuaded by the promises and what they believed to be legitimate claims of the pretender to drive to Constantinople.
The capital fell to the crusaders and the pretender to the throne in July 1203, but the latter was unable to raise the promised sum of 200,000 silver marks, although the emperor surrendered the state treasure and had the property of many wealthy people confiscated. For Antonio Carile and for many others, Enrico Dandolo was the “intellectual originator” of the plan to conquer the city and to establish an empire of its own, which was later called the “Latin Empire”. A first attack failed on April 8, 1204. On April 12 , during the second attack, the city fell into the hands of the Crusaders a second time, who plundered the still extremely rich city for three days. Many attempts have been made in retrospect to explain why this enormously risky storm came about on a city that was never conquered. It was claimed that it was no longer possible to sail at this time, but it was shown that in the Aegean it was possible to move the fleet even in winter; then it was stated that the crusaders had run out of funds and that for this reason they had no other choice, although Alexios had already paid them 110,000 marks. Or they would have had to fear failure. Others argued that an impoverished army could hardly have been brought into Syria, but that there was no question of starvation in the army. On the other hand, compliance with the Zara contract, i.e. the promised help with the crossing and, above all, the agreed payments, was an offense against the honor of the crusade leaders. On the other hand, with the conquest one broke one's word as a crusader, violated the papal prohibition. This was countered by the fact that the Orthodox Church refused to submit to the Pope. But the decisive factor was probably the attitude of the fleet commander Dandolo, without whose ships no further voyage was possible. It was believed that it was primarily driven by commercial interests. The Venetians must have been aware of the catastrophic experiences of previous military conflicts.
The impossibility of calculating every trick in advance - as it was assumed again and again in later historiography and thus in retrospect and with knowledge of all the consequences - was particularly striking when young Alexios was presented in front of the sea walls of Constantinople. Apparently, not only did Alexios believe that the people would take his side, but Enrico Dandolo also believed this. He, too, believed that it would be enough to present the young Alexios to persuade the inhabitants of the capital to overthrow the usurper. But the opposite happened: the people who had gathered on the walls indulged in whistling, yelling and laughing. As the galleys neared the walls they were met with a rain of bullets. Dandolo himself claims in a letter that the intricate process with all its coincidences is due to Divine Providence.
Separatism, Dandolo's death, submission of the new territories to Venice
During the course of the crusade, the Venetians at both ends of their long sea area saw a threatening development that was previously unknown to Venice. The contact between those Venetians who finally conquered Constantinople and those in their hometown became increasingly thin. It almost seems as if two Venice existed from 1202 to 1205 (Giorgio Cracco), which in the end acted completely independently of each other. One had its core around Rialto , the other around the Golden Horn, where at times perhaps 50,000 Italian traders had lived. The enthusiasm for conquering an empire was projected onto the old Dandolo when the thrust had changed towards Constantinople, which even the excommunication by the Pope could not prevent, which even Zara had not been able to save. At the same time, the later rulers operated over three eighths ("a quarter and a half") of the conquered Byzantine Empire as if distant Venice no longer existed for them. The Venetians of the Latin Empire , established in 1204, also acted against the interests of their hometown.
Logically, after Dandolo's death, the Venetians in Constantinople chose one of their own, namely Marino Zeno , as potestas, despotis et dominator Romanie , without even asking the advice of Venice and its committees. The comrades-in-arms of Enrico Dandolo, especially his relatives Marco Sanudo († 1227), Marino Dandolo or Philocalo Navigaioso, who fell to Lemnos , hurried to conquer their own territories and islands. They were clearly inclined to secession and did not think about subordinating their territories to Venice. Ravano delle Carceri occupied Negroponte and established their own rule there , just as other Venetian families in the Aegean region did until 1212. In addition to the aforementioned, these were the Ghisi brothers Andrea and Geremia, then Jacopo Barozzi, Leonardo Foscolo, Marco Venier and Jacopo Viaro.
The commune, for its part, pursued primarily commercial interests, as always, and only made selective conquests. Opposite Pope Innocent III. A delegation had declared in 1198 that Venice was “non agricolturis inservit, sed navigiis potius et mercimoniis est intenta”, so it was not interested in agriculture but in ships and goods. As a result of the far-reaching conflict of interests between prospective feudal lords and the hometown, the city of Venice was not even mentioned in any of the treaties. Only later did interpolations take place , which now also reported a “pars domini Ducis et Communis Venetie”. In fact, the Venetians demanded “feuda et honorificentias” “de heredem in heredem”, that is, their freely hereditary feudal inheritance, and this exclusively by paying homage to the Latin emperor.
Dandolo was entitled a separate master, far away from Venice, so it fits into the picture, that after his death on June 1, 1205 the Hagia Sophia was buried after being on an unsuccessful expedition against the still recently Bulgarians participated would have. Everything imaginable reached Venice: marble and porphyry , exotic animals, works of art and, above all, countless relics . But Dandolo's urn remained in Constantinople. Its ashes are said to have been scattered by Mehmed II , whose army conquered Constantinople in 1453. He may have left the epitaph.
After 1205, Venice was forced to reclaim many of the territories that the separatists had already conquered. Ranieri Dandolo, the vice duke, sent messengers to Constantinople to persuade the Venetians there to return their share of the new empire to Venice. The election of Pietro Ziani as Doge signaled that Venice was once again in crisis and that it now needed a strong leadership that was once again geared towards the mother city of Venice. Ranieri Dandolo was sent to conquer islands for the municipality that had already been ruled by the Venetians. He died during a campaign on Crete in 1209. Only after several thousand settlers were transplanted to Crete from 1211 onwards, the dominance of the mother city could be reasserted.
reception
Motivational assumptions, character ascriptions: the omnipresent doge
Byzantine historiography, for reasons of its own, tended to ascribe the main responsibility for the crusade against the Christian metropolis to the Venetian Doge. The most important of them, the chronicler and contemporary Niketas Choniates , was generally suspicious of Venice. He came from an upscale milieu in Phrygia , to whom the mass of the people always appeared destructive, barbaric and faceless. From 1182 he was a tax officer in Paphlagonia and even rose to the position of governor. From 1197 to 1204 he held the highest civil post in the empire with the Logothetes ton Secreton . In 1207 he joined the court of Theodor Laskaris in Nikaia , one of the empires that had emerged from the destruction of the "Roman Empire" by the Crusaders in 1204. Choniates died there bitterly ten years after his flight and without having regained his social position. In 21 books he reports on the period from 1118 to 1206. Niketas describes the personalities of the crusaders in a very nuanced way. He believed that the entire crusade was a malicious intrigue by the Latins, especially the Doge. For him, Dandolo was extremely insidious and full of envy of the "Romans". These had been badly treated by the Doge's nation since Emperor Manuel. Choniates focuses on the character and deeds of the individual emperors. According to him, the main reason for the decline of the empire lies in the weakness of the rulers and their inability to follow the ideal set by God. It was therefore only logical that Choniates, albeit for different reasons than Villehardouin, could only see the Venetian Doge as the linchpin of political decisions. But the Byzantine chronicle developed another picture in the decades after Dandolo, shaped primarily by Georgios Akropolites . In his chronicle, which he probably wrote in the 1260s, he also assigns the blame for the diversion of the crusade to Dandolo, but above all to the Pope. The moral faults traced back to character defects - above all treason and cowardice - became an integral part of later Byzantine historiography. Nikephoros Gregoras said that Dandolo ran away in the fight against the Bulgarians, only to succumb to his injuries later.
Western and Central European historiography took a completely different development. The image that even Villehardouin only shows up at the beginning, namely that of a condottiere who controls and dominates all processes , has been established for a long time, especially in Italy, but also in Anglo-Saxon, French and German-speaking historiography, in many cases until today. So he became the ideal of an intrepid and heroic conqueror type, as with Camillo Manfroni , with whom Dandolo himself drove a Pisan fleet off Pula and defeated them in a battle in the Adriatic. In 1204, after a brief siege of Constantinople, he conquered a section of the wall, what an overthrow in the city, the flight of Alexios III. and the reinstatement of the expelled Emperor Isaac. In 1205, when he was almost 100 years old, he still undertook an expedition against the Bulgarians, and after the defeat made sure that the Latins were saved through his 'energy', his 'prudence' and his 'ability'. The same applies to the 365-page work Enrico Dandolo from the pen of Admiral Ettore Bravetta (1862–1932), who was primarily interested in artillery technology, which appeared in 1929 and was reprinted in Milan in 1950.
In the good as in the bad, Dandolo was trusted to do everything, and yet looked for rational motives and goals. Even Karl Hopf (1832-1873) believed Enrico Dandolo have distracted the crusade from the beginning of Egypt and want to lead against Konstantin Opel, because in Alexandria Venice had just completed a trade agreement, and had therefore no interest in conquest of Egypt. However, his thesis was rejected when it turned out that the treaty with Egypt did not originate from 1202, as Hopf had assumed, but had only been negotiated between 1208 and 1212. Nevertheless, at least since the Enciclopedia italiana e dizionario della conversazione of 1841 Enrico Dandolo was the "anima della crociata latina", the "soul of the Latin crusade".
In the German-speaking area, the conciseness of Heinrich Kretschmayr , who was the best expert on the Venetian sources at the time, contributed to the recognition of a negative character image: “Haughty and full of hot lust for glory, he saw no more worthy goal of his deeds than settling accounts with the Romans and revenge for the shameful Acts of violence by the emperors Manuel and Andronikos. Retaliation against Greece became a motto for him and should also be that of Venice. In pursuing his goals without consideration or conscience; Taciturn and closed, a 'vir decretus', not a talkative age; without measure of anger. ”But according to Kretschmayr, he was also“ wonderfully sharp-eyed, a master of political maneuvering great and small ”.
The ubiquitous doge, who regulated everything himself, was a common pattern for a long time. The decision to mint the Dandolo-Grosso with a value ratio of 1:26 to the denarius was personally attributed to him, where he only “decrevit” it in the Chronicle of Andrea Dandolo. What exactly is to be imagined by this does not emerge from this term, especially since the Chronicle tends to ascribe every political activity of the Commune to the Doge. Where the chronicle explicitly refers to the Doge's personal initiative, as in the case of the assumption of leadership of the crusader army, it says precisely: “Dux, licet senex corpore, animo tamen magnanimus, ad exequendum hoc, personaliter se obtulit, et eius pia disposicio a concione laudatur ”. So the Doge personally requested command and he was praised for this by the people's assembly .
Analogous to coinage, Dandolo also had a kind of ubiquity in the field of legislation, for example when he revised the Promissio de maleficiis of Orio Mastropiero or had a body of norms published, the so-called Parvum Statutum . Although this was forbidden to him in his own sworn promissio , after this performance he personally concluded treaties with Verona and Treviso (1192), with Pisa (1196), with the Patriarch of Aquileia (1200) and even with the King of Armenia and the Roman-German king (both in 1201).
If Dandolo had only wanted to, he would have become Emperor of the Latin Empire, but he was "content" with what he had already done for the fatherland. Some went so far as to claim that Dandolo planned from the start to lure the crusaders into the debt trap in order to force them to conquer Zara and then Constantinople for him. John H. Pryor contradicted this claim in 2003 with the argument that the 50 war galleys that were to accompany the crusade would only have made sense if one were dealing with an opposing fleet, such as the Egyptian one, but not with a state like that Byzantium, which practically no longer had a fleet.
Origin and consolidation of the Venetian "tradition"
The image of Dandolo was and is of the greatest contradiction, especially since the criteria and motives on the part of the judging historian have changed again and again over time. A distinction is made between several traditions in the interpretation of the crusade and the assessment of the main actors, to whom Dandolo and the other leaders of the crusade were made during their lifetime.
The Venetian tradition, with its apologetic character, its strong emphasis on the achievements of the nobility, its negation of a powerful popular assembly, begins very late in this process. The closest Venetian source, the Historia Ducum , is largely silent about Enrico Dandolo, only his "probitas" is emphasized. Otherwise, like all doges, he was to be commended. The author of the Historia Ducum , who perhaps knew Dandolo personally and was able to write down the political events from memory, paints a very colorless picture. After him, Dandolo was "senex discretissimus, generosus, largus et benivolus". All of these characterization approaches can be regarded as topoi with which one usually described doges, with the exception of "senex" (old). Only at the moment of his death does the author call his “maxima probitas”. In contrast to Dandolo's successor Pietro Ziani, of whom he paints an extremely active picture, Dandolo remains strangely inactive, as Cracco notes. The next Venetian chronicle, Les estoires de Venise des Martino da Canale , was probably written between 1267 and 1275, i.e. with a certain time lag. She stylizes Enrico Dandolo as a faithful helper of the Pope, a champion for the cause of Christianity. Just as the doge opposed Pope Innocent III. the chronicler did so. Both were also silent about possible material interests.
The Chronicon Moreae , which was created around the mid-1320s , can be understood as a kind of continuation of Villehardouin's Chronicle, although possibly after a revision by Venetian hands . The author also describes Enrico Dandolo very positively and even outbids Villehardouin, with whom the Chronicon has in common that it sees the "deserters" of the crusade as the main culprit for the plight of the crusaders and the events that followed. This illustrates once again the importance of the fact that there is no contemporary Venetian description of the events surrounding Enrico Dandolo. This silence alone was later interpreted as a cover-up, especially the one-sided positioning of later chronicles from the vicinity of Venice, whose justification strategy, however, changed. Dandolo himself justified his actions to the Pope only succinctly with the words: "quod ego una cum Veneto populo, quicquid fecimus, ad honorem Dei et sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae et vestrum laboravimus". So, in agreement with the people of Venice, he did all his deeds for the glory of God, the Church and the Pope.
Later historians often drew the picture of Enrico Dandolo, who remained loyal to Venice and who therefore "renounced" the title of imperial proposed to him, or who dreamed of moving the capital from Venice to the Bosphorus . On the other hand, Villehardouin writes that many hoped to become emperors, but above all these were Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut and Boniface von Montferrat . Dandolo is not even mentioned here. Robert de Clari thinks that Dandolo only invited the barons to vote for him (“se on m'eslit a empereur”). Then he asked them to choose their electors, he would choose his. Accordingly, he determined “des plus preusdomes que il cuidoit en se tere”, which in turn determined another ten electors in the Venetian manner. The ten remaining Venetian and ten Latin electors unanimously voted for Baldwin of Flanders at the end of this process. Dandolo was not even considered, despite verbal claims, not even by the Venetians, who after all provided half of the electors. Nicetas claims that after it became clear to him that he was out of the question as a candidate because of his age and blindness, Dandolo drew the votes on the weak Baldwin. Little attention was paid to this interpretation. The chronicles either give Dandolo no chance from the start, reveal an ambitious Dandolo, who in turn either not even the Venetians want, or who fails due to the multi-stage Venetian voting mode, while only Niketas conceded insight into the impossibility with Dandolo, but with him Realizes attempt to wield considerable power under a weak emperor.
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The fact that the Venetian state propaganda later portrayed him to the public, especially in performances and paintings, as a hero in the fight against a chaotic, disintegrating, "sick" (Simonsfeld), double-faced or insidious state, depending on the choice, can be proven in many ways. Andrea Dandolo's chronicle from the 14th century already does this. With his chronicle, this doge had the greatest influence on the image of his ancestors, just as he transformed Venetian historiography into a historiography that was strictly controlled by the state. Even August Friedrich Gfrörer went so far as to refer to the Greeks as "rags people," he writes of a "miserable political growth that is Byzantine Empire called" and the Dandolo "a well-deserved end" have set. Conversely, even after the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453, people in Greece still mistrusted Venice's ambitions to establish a new Latin rule over Greece and Constantinople. During the protracted negotiations about the church union between Catholics and Orthodox, it became clear that the most important negotiator Cardinal Bessarion († 1472), to whom Venice seemed like a second Constantinople, was actually eyeing Venetian rule for the time after the planned liberation of Greece from the Ottomans had seized.
A significantly different representation emerged towards the end of the 14th century through the oldest vernacular chronicle, the Cronica di Venexia , which dates back to 1362 and which was edited in 2010. She depicts the processes again on a largely personal level, and also interweaves verbatim quotes from the protagonists. According to the chronicler, only two events before the crusade were significant: Dandolo ordered the coining of the Grosso and mediated peace between Verona and Padua, which recognized him as a kind of overlord. As a “homo catholicus” he liked the idea of a crusade very much. Dandolo liked to take part in the crusade as a "personaliter" because this offered the opportunity, according to the chronicler, to win back Zara and other rebellious cities. But before that, Venice defeated Pisa, whose piracy explicitly damaged not only Venetian but also other traders. Then Alexios, who had fled Constantinople, did not appear in front of Zara, as the French chroniclers report, but immediately in Venice, namely “cum letere papale”, with a papal letter. According to this chronicle, the crusader fleet only drove towards Istria in October 1202 in order to force "Trieste et Muglia" to pay tribute there and then to conquer "Ziara". A fleet of 17 ships under the leadership of "Francesco Maistropiero" built a fort above the destroyed city. While the crusaders, including the Venetians, numbered 20,000 men, Constantinople defended 40,000, of which 20,000 were mounted. The name of Alexios V. Dukas Murtzuphlos becomes "Mortifex" in the chronicle, and he became the center of the intrigues against the crusaders, who already won numerous victories against the "infedeli" that were not carried out further. Dandolo negotiated personally with the "Mortifex", who had meanwhile been elevated to emperor, whose "malicia" the doge recognized very well. In the battles that followed, the French disregarded the Doge's advice and suffered defeat. According to the author, it was the Venetians under Dandolo's leadership who managed to penetrate the city and open a city gate to the French, whereupon Constantinople fell and “Mortifex” fell to his death. Parts of the booty were sent to Venice to decorate St. Mark's Basilica. But because it was not possible to find a Greek of imperial descent ("alcun del sangue imperial non se trovasse"), the barons and Dandolo agreed on the choice of an emperor (f. 42 r). Dandolo died, according to the chronicle, after he returned to Constantinople to recapture more islands and cities for the Empire. This representation deviated from Villehardouin in essential points, although there was obviously still a need to legitimize the choice of an emperor who did not come from the imperial family.
Especially in difficult foreign policy situations, people resorted to the image of the loyal conqueror type that Andrea Dandolo and the aforementioned chronicle had drawn, and avoided any relativization. In 1573 the Senate therefore tried in vain to publish a manuscript that Francesco Contarini had purchased in Constantinople and that came from a "Joffroi de Villehardouin". The painter Palma il Giovane preferred to celebrate the victory in front of Constantinople in a painting from around 1587 that hangs today in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio , the hall of the Grand Council in the Doge's Palace .
While this stance had its cause in the struggle for dominance in the Mediterranean - Venice and Spain had defeated the Ottoman fleet at Lepanto in 1571 , but Venice had lost the island of Cyprus to the Ottomans - other interests came later. Paolo Rannusio (1532–1600), who was precisely the 're-establishment of the Comnenes' by the Venetians and Franks, not the Fourth Crusade, his work Della guerra di Costantinopoli per la restitutione de gl'imperatori Comneni fatta da' sig, printed in 1604 . Venetiani et Francesi dedicated, draws a multi-faceted, cohesive, heroic, straightforward picture of Dandolo, whose justification now finally lay in the reinstatement of the legitimate heir to the throne. Already in 1581 Francesco Sansovino (1512–1586) wrote clearly more factual and laconic : Dandolo “fece il notabile acquisto della città di Costantinopoli, occupato poco prima di Marzuflo, che lo tolse ad Alessio suo legitimo signore”, so he had the remarkable acquisition of the city Made Constantinople, which had been occupied by 'Murtzuphlos', i.e. Alexios V , who took it from his legitimate master Alexios IV . Dandolo also advanced to become a superhuman hero in poetry of the 17th century, as for example in Lucretia Marinella (1571–1653) in her L ' published by Gherardo Imberti in Venice in 1635, dedicated to Doge Francesco Erizzo and the Republic of Venice and reprinted in 1844 . Enrico ovvero Bisanzio acquistato .
This was even more true in the 17th century, when Venice was involved in protracted wars with the Ottoman Empire, such as the time of the siege of Candia (1648–1669) or the Morea War (1684–1699). In times like these, Venice hoped for a restoration of past dominance in the eastern Mediterranean, as it was mainly represented in memory by Enrico Dandolo, who ended his 'glorious life' in Constantinople. As Francesco Fanelli explains in 1707, he never lacked 'prudence' ('prudenza'), courage and maturity ('maturità del consiglio'), perseverance and indefatigability, 'presence of mind' ('prontezza'), and he did was also experienced and cautious, 'friendly in majesty' (“affabile nella Maestà”), generous, loved and feared, he was honored by the nations, he was valued and adored, even buried like a king.
Although this exaggeration was well received in the French and German-speaking countries, for example in Charles Le Beau's work, which appeared in the Empire from Constantine the Great under the title History of the Oriental Kayserthum, the Venetian tradition was not followed in every respect . Le Bau doubts that Dandolo was completely blind after Manuel tried to blind him with an iron. Nevertheless, he regards the Doge as "one of the greatest men of his time", yes, he was the "greatest naval hero of his time". However, the “contract” with the crusaders was signed for him by the Senate and “confirmed” by the people, just as Dandolo had to win the Senate over for the company against Zara. An assessment that apparently got along without any insight into the Venetian constitutional history.
After Pantaleon Barbo, to whom the author puts a speech, Dandolo renounced the imperial crown in order not to shift the weight of the enormously enlarged empire completely to Constantinople, even to move the capital there. After all, one had to fear that Venice would become dependent on the new empire, that one of the most important families would be lost, as would freedom.
But for most historians in France these were marginalia, because in sum, for them, as Louis Maimbourg explicitly wrote in 1676 , Dandolo was “un des plus grands hommes du monde” ('one of the greatest men in the world'). At the same time, with his widely received work, Maimbourg made a significant contribution to scientifically establishing the term “croisade” (the “crusade”), which only appeared rarely until the late 16th century, until it finally became established around 1750.
Johann Hübner, on the other hand, said in 1714 that under Dandolo “Venice laid the foundation for its great wealth”. "Because an army under the Flemish Count Balduino wanted to go to the promised land, the Venetians conjugated themselves with this Balduino" and put Alexios IV "by force" on his father's throne. Dandolo was "satisfied with the conquest of the year 1204, but paid for his effort". The Venetians, for example, "stabilized the action on Alexandria in Egypt, and thereby obtained the monopoly with the East Indian goods."
Few authors in Venice dared to contradict the firmly established state tradition. At best, this was done with a view to Dandolo's allegedly unconditional loyalty to Venice. In 1751 Giovanni Francesco Pivati wrote in his Nuovo dizionario scientifico e curioso sacro-profano that the Doge not only resided at great expense and dressed imperially, but that he even had 'his own Council of State, like in Venice'. Pivati hardly concealed a number of monarchical presumptions and even the development of power structures parallel to those in Venice, only without the restrictions on power there for the Doge.
After the dissolution of the Republic of Venice (from 1797)
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In the period after the end of the Republic of Venice in 1797, the view of Enrico Dandolo changed again, but it was not possible to break free from the traditional lines that had been consciously controlled for more than five centuries. On the one hand it is thanks to Karl Hopf that the French crusade turned into a Venetian one, and he sparked the discovery of a large number of new sources. Prosopographical research placed Venetian and Genoese families alongside the French families. However, the Greek “decadence” was still juxtaposed with the Venetian “tolerance, order and discipline”, a paternalistic view of colonialism that Ernst Gerland in his 1899 work Das Archiv des Herzog von Kandia im Königl. State Archives in Venice strengthened. The lecture he gave to the German Colonial Society that was derived from this was printed in the Historical Yearbook that same year . In it, the colonialist concepts of “political cleverness” and “humanitarian endeavors” appeared equally, and Venice under Dandolo “dared to transition from trade policy to world politics, to transform itself into a world power of the first order”.
The fact that the first editor of the Historia ducum Veneticorum , Henry Simonsfeld , filled in the missing part from the years 1177 to 1203 with the help of an excerpt from the Venetiarum Historia turned out to be serious for the technical historical debate, which got caught up in the "Venetian tradition" . However, this was only created in the 14th century. She took over many passages from the Historia ducum , as Guillaume Saint-Guillain worked out, but there were also passages from other chronicles, and some of them were probably added by the author. This includes the relatively precise information on the number of crusaders and ships. Overall, however, Simonsfeld advanced so far ahead of time with his insertion that he made use of the established Venetian tradition, which in turn spread or stabilized its assumptions as contemporary, where they merely projected them back into the past. Henry Simonsfeld was also full of respect for the Doge's achievements. In 1876 he said to Enrico Dandolo: “Who has not heard of this man, who - one of the most memorable figures of the entire Middle Ages - old but wonderfully fresh, fiery spirit, at the head of the crusaders travels across the sea and the capital of the sick Eastern empire takes by storm? The darkness that hovers over the motifs of this procession has not yet been completely cleared: it is undisputed that it is precisely from him that the greatness, the world position of Venice actually dates. "
In his narrow dissertation The Fourth Crusade , published in 1898, Walter Norden arranged the guiding ideas of the research carried out to date in the context of the relations between the West and Byzantium . After that, a “failure” of the crusade was assumed in all representations because it had never reached its goal of Egypt. As a result, another power must have diverted the crusade. From there the step to a calculated diversion and thus to "betrayal" was obvious, finally to the will to annihilate the Byzantine Empire. Norden contradicts that if Dandolo had had this intention, he would have done so immediately after the first conquest of 1203. Moreover, if this had been the case, the Crusaders would not have presented the pretender to the throne to the people of Constantinople. The north, who admits that there had been tensions between the West and Byzantium, but that no such will to annihilate could be derived from this, developed the thesis that Venice had the crusade to the Holy Land in order to protect its commercial interests in Egypt want to distract, in a "country" al-Adil .
Most of the more recent representations are also dominated by a catalog of questions which, in Enrico Dandolo's case, revolves around the global political consequences that contemporaries could not have foreseen and which consequently could not have been guided by. Power and morality were always the focus, with which the value system of the authors themselves came to the fore. This applies, for example, to the question of the “betrayal” of Christian Constantinople. The same applies to the ideas that the still heavily involved descendants had of the complex political conditions in Venice and Byzantium, in popular and novel-like representations. The irritation that such an old and blind man was able to accomplish such feats is still in the foreground. Hermann Beckedorf , who wrote the section The Fourth Crusade and its Consequences in the 13th volume of Fischer Weltgeschichte published in 1973 , distinguishes between the adherents of the "chance theory" and those of the "intrigue theory" when it comes to the causes of the "diversion" of the crusade to Constantinople. . The latter "accuse the Pope, the Venetians, Boniface of Montferrat or Philip of Swabia of having planned the attack on Byzantium long in advance" (p. 307). Assuming that the Byzantine pretender to the throne did not first appear in Italy in August 1202, as Villehardouin claims, but, as Nicetas and "some Latin sources" suggest, appeared in the West as early as 1201, at least enough time had existed for such an intrigue to spin - which, as Beckedorf objects, does not have to mean that such a plan has been forged. The role of the Venetians can at best be explained by their economic advantages, which they could have expected from them. “On the other hand,” says the author, “Venice only had a small share in the great Byzantine business”. "A conquest of the capital and the enthronement of a dependent emperor, on the other hand, would restore Venice's old monopoly position and secure it for a long time" (p. 308).
The development of the Venetian constitution, and with it the rights and possibilities of Dandolo, but also its limits, was only brought into the discussion by Giorgio Cracco , who no longer regarded “the Venetians” as a closed block of unanimous views, the unanimously determined goals based on their vote pursued. At the same time, after Cracco, the notion of “ethnic purity” was carried on as a justification for natural cultural differences and evaluations, but also projected back as a motive for political action. For a long time, post-colonial approaches were rarely used in the research debate, such as the question of why the state emphasized the distinction between ethnic groups, while it played an increasingly less important role in private documents or public rituals, in language and everyday behavior. Certain occasions, for example, made the emergence of a Cretan identity visible across language and denominational boundaries, which was viewed with suspicion in Venice. In 1314 all feudati were therefore forbidden to appear with beards at the troop display, probably to avoid them looking “like Greeks”. This also applied to everyone else who had to perform feudal services. The interpretation of the crusade and its consequences, according to Daniela Rando in 2014, remains weighed down by colonialist stereotypes that pervade the history of research.
popularization
Popular representations, such as Antonio Quadris Otto giorni a Venezia , a richly illustrated work that had numerous editions over several decades from 1821 and which was also translated into French, took up the established, but also the embellished ideas of Dandolo and brought them into general consciousness. Some of Quadri's work was even translated into German under the title Four Days in Venice . Again Dandolo was the leader of the attack on Constantinople, the first to reach the walls, drive his people to storm and plant the standard of Venice, as Quadri writes in view of the history painting by Jacopo Palma in the Doge's Palace (p. 55). Quadri also spreads the legend of Dandolo, who allegedly rejected the imperial crown as the “high point of patriotism” (“colmo del patriotismo”) (p. XXIX). In Italy the idea that Dandolo had not only renounced the imperial crown that had already been elected to him in favor of Baldwin, but that he had 'given' it to him, had long since penetrated the encyclopedias.
The opportunity to present Dandolo's renunciation of the imperial crown to a wider public arose through the renovation of the Teatro la Fenice in 1837. Giovanni Busato (1806–1886) painted La Rinuncia di Enrico Dandolo alla corona d'Oriente ('The renunciation of Enrico Dandolo on the Crown of the Orient ') on one of the new stage curtains, another was entitled Ingresso di Enrico Dandolo a Costantinopoli (' Entry of Enrico Dandolo into Constantinople ').
In the Brockhaus from 1838 it says: “… Heinrich Dandolo, the blind, famous Doge of Venice, a hero full of youthful vigor, appears at an age when old people become children, at the head of an army of crusaders, before Constantinople and conquers the city in the storm ". In Meyer's Konversations-Lexikon it says: "Enrico, the most famous of the family, founder of the rule of Venice over the Mediterranean", and for the hand dictionary of history and biography published in Berlin in 1881 Dandolo was also the "founder of the rule of Venice over the Mediterranean" .
August Daniel von Binzers Venice in 1844 traces the Dandolos family back to the first Doge Paulucius . He also passed on the legend of Enrico Dandolos being blinded by the "Greek" emperor. Despite certain doubts about his old age, he ascribes all essential deeds to him - which apparently also leads him to assume that the Doge is "not completely blind" - and thus varies only slightly the Venetian state historiography. Quadri had already only called the Doge “quasi blind” (p. XXVIII). The Enciclopedia Italiana e Dizionario della Conversazione from 1843 mentions his “extreme age” (“stato d'estrema vecchiezza”), but is silent about the question of his blindness. In the 23rd edition of Georg Weber's Lehr- und Handbuch der Weltgeschichte , writes the author of the relevant pages, Alfred Baldamus , Dandolo wanted to put the crusaders "state-wise and energetic ... in the service of the Mark Republic". The Venetians also created “the foundations of a world power” in 1204, “they awakened citizenship, diligence and activity and thereby gained the great advantage that their colonies defended themselves”, but the author left out a number of the legends about Dandolo. He just says that Dandolo was "almost blind" without constructing a motive from it.
A letter from Gabriele shows how much the idea of the role and characteristics of the Doge was part of the general body of knowledge, especially in Italy, even after the First World War, such as the idea that Dandolo laid the foundations for Venetian rule over the Adriatic and the Mediterranean d'Annunzios . In it he proclaimed to his friend, the Venetian fascist Giovanni Giuriati on September 4, 1919: "The Italy of Enrico Dandolo, Angelo Emo , Luigi Rizzo and Nazario Sauro live forever over the Gulf of Venice " the Serenissima to rule over the Gulf of Venice to claim all of Italy. The Rivista mensile della città di Venezia published by the commune published an article about the tomb in “Costantinopoli” in 1927 - Heinrich Kretschmayr assumed that it was from 1865 - and Pietro Orsi , the first fascist mayor of Venice, left the same Put up a plaque with the inscription “Venetiarum inclito Duci Henrico Dandolo in hoc mirifico templo sepulto MCCV eius patriae haud immemores cives”. Because of its old age, the Doge was quite cumbersome for the fascist idea of young, heroic warriors. Angelo Ginocchietti, commander in the upper Adriatic, declared him a “great, very young old man”.
When the Gruppo veneziano , a group of financiers, industrialists and politicians under the leadership of Giuseppe Volpi (1877–1947) and Vittorio Cini (1885–1977), dominated the city of Venice politically and economically from 1900 to 1945 - in the end closely Collaboration with Mussolini's fascists - numerous luxury hotels were built on the Lido di Venezia . The street names there are still based on the Venetian colonies and the most important battlefields as well as the military and politicians of Venice. In addition to the “via Lepanto”, this also includes the “via Enrico Dandolo”.
Motives for action and the views of Dandolo's contemporaries
Under the specific conditions of the source production and transmission, it is extremely problematic to want to fathom the motives of the actors, in this case Enrico Dandolo: “Determining the specific choice of the assumed reasons for action [...] seems to be primarily the personal intuition and the empathic empathy of the respective historian ”, noted Timo Gimbel in his dissertation . In order to get closer to the motives, Gimbel weighted sources in his 2014 work The Debate on the Goals of the Fourth Crusade: A Contribution to Solving Historically Controversial Questions with the Help of Social Science Instruments , that is, the timely statements were given much greater weight, than those who already knew the outcome of the crusade and were able to assess some of its consequences, or who were too far removed from the events in time. Other sources are hardly possible because they were all too obviously partisan and aimed primarily at defaming the respective opponent or justifying what was close by. Consequently, in addition to the chroniclers mentioned, the possibly more neutral regests of Innocent III, as well as a letter from Hugo von St. Pol, similar to the enkomion of Nikephoros Chrysoberges , finally the works of the minstrel Raimbaut de Vaqueiras and the Gesta Innocentii were the focus .
The regests of Pope Innocent are semi-official correspondence. In our case Reg. VII / 202, 352.11-354 for Dandolo are important. However, their semi-official character means that declarations or justifications of their own behavior tend to appear against the background of the Pope's increasing loss of control over the crusade. The anonymous author of the Gesta Innocentii , a kind of papal biography that was written between 1204 and 1209, also survives letters that are not included in the regesta, but this work also essentially provides the official view of the Curia on the events between 1198 and 1209 The author follows the line of the Pope, who saw behind the diversion of the crusade an intrigue of the Venetians, who had already often acted contrary to the papal authority.
Hugo von St. Pol's letter, which reached the West from Constantinople in three versions, was sent after July 18, 1203, after the first capture of Constantinople. One version went to the Archbishop of Cologne, Adolf I , which has been handed down in the Annales maximi Colonienses . A second, contradicting version has only survived in one edition from the 18th century and can hardly be used to reconstruct the events around 1200. The third version went to a vassal of Hugo with the name “R. de Balues ”. Rudolf Pokorny believes that he can resolve the abbreviation “R” with Robin and thus with Robin de Bailleul . It is very detailed and personal. In this version, the statements about the motives of the main actors of the crusade for the time between the landing on Corfu and the first occupation of Constantinople are of the greatest importance. Robert de Clari served under Pierre d'Amiens, who in turn can be attributed to the entourage of Hugos de St. Pol. Hugo reports that after the pretender to the throne arrived in Corfu, only a little more than 20 men pressed for the plan to move to Constantinople, including the leaders of the crusade. Hugo reports that “super hoc autem fuit inter nos maxima dissensio et ingens tumultus”. But the urging of the leaders of the crusade and the promise of Alexios to provide food and 10,000 men for the liberation of Jerusalem, plus 500 men and 200,000 silver marks of the Doge annually, after this "extreme difference of opinion" and a "tumult", the men changed their minds, who finally saw little other way to get to the Holy Land.
From a similar point of view as Robert de Clari and the author of the letter to R [obin] de Bailleul, the likewise unknown author reports on the Devastatio Constantinopolitana, which was written very quickly . He also defends the point of view of ordinary people, but it is very scarce. The author probably comes from the Rhineland and primarily criticizes the leaders of the crusade. He is rather hostile towards the Venetians, as towards all the rich who betrayed the pauperes Christi (the poor Christ) in his eyes. According to him, the whole crusade was one chain of betrayals. The greed of the Venetians drove up food prices; it was they who took advantage of the opportunity to subjugate their Adriatic neighbors. A hundred crusaders and Venetians died in the conquest of Zara alone. Several thousand crusaders would have left the army afterwards. Even after Alexios' arrival, the poor swore never to move against Greece. When the booty was distributed, each knight received 20 marks, each cleric 10, and each foot soldier 5 marks.
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The two poems by the minstrel Raimbaut de Vaqueiras , born in the southern French county of Orange, received little attention . He came from the lower nobility and met Boniface von Montferrat in northern Italy in the early 1180s , with whom he became friends. From 1193 until Boniface's death in 1207 the singer accompanied him uninterruptedly. Boniface struck Raimbaut even for Knight after he had saved his life. In June or July 1204 the singer wrote his Occitan Luyric Poem XX , which is the only contemporary source reporting on the looting and destruction of churches and palaces. According to the singer, the crusaders were guilty of these acts. In his second poem you get unusual insights into the dichotomy into which the crusade plunged the author and other crusaders who had become great sinners as a result of the destruction - clerics and laypeople alike: “Q'el e nos em tuig pecchador / Dels mostiers ars e dels palais / On vei pecar los clers e'ls lais “.
These neglected sources show that the early tradition was dominated by the question of whether it was justifiable to divert a crusade against Christian cities. In connection with the Pope's clear view of this, this influenced the later presentation to the greatest possible extent, so that accusations and legitimation needs came to the fore, which at the same time pushed into the background the enormous social tensions that threatened to explode the crusade even before Zara . Different justifications were sought in accordance with the changing times and political orientations. At the moment of the event, social contradictions dominated with their explosive power, which, according to contemporary authors, were reflected in completely opposing ideas of the goals of the war and the role of the crusaders.
An equally neglected source proves that the explosive power, especially when it was increased by the refusal of the Pope to divert the crusade to Zara against Constantinople, was enormous. It goes back to the so-called Anonymus von Soissons, who in turn received direct reports from one of the earliest participants in the crusade, namely from Nivelon de Chérisy (* around 1176; † 13 September 1207), the bishop of Soissons . Until 1992 the report was only available in an edition that was difficult to find. Nivelon de Chérisy, who had already taken the cross at the turn of the year 1199 to 1200, returned from the crusade for reinforcement on June 27, 1205 with important relics such as the head of the Baptist and parts of the cross on which Jesus was executed to the Bosporus and then to set off with these men to the east. But he did not achieve his goal, because he died in Apulia . The source must have been written between his return and his new departure in 1207. Nivelon was one of the central figures of the crusade. He fastened the cross on Boniface of Montferrat's shoulder; as an emissary , he linked the crusader army before Zara with the curia. In Rome he received verbal instructions not to redirect the crusade under any circumstances, against Constantinople. But Nivelon conspired with the crusade leaders, preventing the rest of the crusaders from finding out about the papal rejection. On April 11th, when the army stood before Constantinople, he and other clerics preached that it was lawful to fight the schismatic and traitorous Greeks. His ship, the Paradis , was one of the two ships that reached the city's sea walls first. Nivelon was also one of the twelve Latin imperial electors; he was the herald of the election results. In 1205 he became Latin Archbishop of Thessaloniki .
In addition to the fact that the Anonymous mentions the concealment of the papal prohibition by Dandolo and the other crusade leaders, the title of the work indicates what the author was really about : About the land of Jerusalem and how from the city of Constantinople to it Church the relics were brought . In the author's view, pilgrims acted on God's behalf, repented, and achieved an imperfect victory for Christianity. In doing so, they brought to Soissons what pilgrims were looking for, namely relics and direct contact with the saints.
The sources, which have not been considered for a long time, are of particular value for the historical reconstruction, as they arose directly from contemporary events and thus lie before the solidification phase of Venetian state historiography and outside of the aforementioned legitimation processes. They indicate that there were completely different ideas among the leading groups whose views and disputes later dominated the tradition. Their explosive power was based on fundamentally different views of the tasks and attitudes of a "pilgrim". But they also show that these are inseparable from the social tensions between the few leading men, above all Enrico Dandolo, as well as the upper nobility as a whole, and the common crusaders. Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, the Anonymus von Soissons or Hugo von St. Pol gain considerably more weight as eyewitnesses, after the state historiography since the 14th century and the chronical tradition had almost exclusively determined the image of Enrico Dandolo.
swell
The main archives of pragmatic documents, which until a few years ago were used almost exclusively for historical reconstruction, are in the Venice State Archives , most of which are in turn accessible in scattered editions, for example in the resolutions of the Grand Council edited by Roberto Cessi in 1931 , which, however, did not take place until decades later to use Dandolo's death. More timely are the documents published by Tafel and Thomas on the earlier commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice as part of the Fontes rerum Austriacarum , Vol. XII, a volume that appeared in Vienna as early as 1856 (pp. 127, 129, 132, 142, 216 ff, 234 f., 260 f., 441, 444 ff, 451, 522 f. Etc.). He offers individual documents such as Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca , Antonino Lombardo : Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI – XIII , Turin 1940 (n. 257, Alexandria, September 1174, 342, Rialto, September 1183) and the Nuovi documenti del commercio veneziano dei sec. XI – XIII , Venice 1953 (n. 33, 35, 45 ff).
From the Venetian point of view, however, the chronical tradition is of central importance , including the Historia Ducum Veneticorum of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica , Scriptores, XIV, which Henry Simonsfeld edited in Hanover in 1883, and the Andreae Danduli Ducis Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 dC (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XII, 1), edited by Ester Pastorello , Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, pp. 272-281 ( digitized , pp. 272 f.). Much more detailed, but not always easy to interpret against the background of France's writing traditions with regard to leaders and topoi, but also with a view to the political customs of Venice and the Byzantine Empire: Geoffroy de Villehardouin: La conquête de Constantinople , ed. Von Edmond Faral , Paris 1938; then Robert de Clari: La conquête de Constantinople , edited by Philippe Lauer , Paris 1956; the Venetiarum Historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , edited by Roberto Cessi and Fanny Bennato, Venice 1964, pp. 131–144 and the Byzantine Nicetae Choniatae Historia , edited by Jan Louis van Dieten in the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae , XI, 1 –2, Berlin a. a. 1975. Melchiore Roberti: Dei giudici veneziani prima del 1200 , in: Nuovo Archivio Veneto, ns 8 (1904) 230–245.
More recently, sources that arose in the course of the Fourth Crusade or shortly thereafter have gained greater importance, although these have been compiled in an overarching source edition for the Fourth Crusade since 2000. These include individual letters to the Pope, especially that of Enrico Dandolo, who has long shaped the image of the Doge (in one case only the papal answer has survived), the letter from June (?) 1204 is in the papal registry.
Other holdings are in the Venice State Archives, such as the Codice diplomatico Lanfranchi , n. 2520, 2527, 2609, 2676, 2888, 3403, 3587, 3589, 3590 f., 3700, 4104, 4123, 4182, 4544, or are already edited.
- Luigi Lanfranchi (ed.): Famiglia Zusatz (1083–1199) , Comitato per la pubblicazione delle fonti relative alla storia di Venezia, Venice 1955, doc. 23.
- Bianca Strina (ed.): S. Giorgio di Fossone (1074–1199) , Comitato per la pubblicazione delle fonti relative alla storia di Venezia, Venice 1957, doc. 10.
- Franco Gaeta (ed.): S. Lorenzo (853–1199) , Comitato per la pubblicazione delle fonti relative alla storia di Venezia, Venice 1959, doc. 42, 64 f., 68 f.
literature
Unless otherwise stated, this article is based primarily on Giorgio Cracco : Dandolo, Enrico , in: Massimiliano Pavan (ed.): Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 32, Rome 1986, pp. 450–458. When evaluating those sources that have so far not been included in Dandolo's biography, Timo Gimbel follows: The debate about the goals of the Fourth Crusade: A contribution to solving historically controversial questions with the help of social science instruments , Diss., Mainz 2014. As basic literature was used:
- Luigi Andrea Berto: Memory and Propaganda in Venice after the Fourth Crusade , in: Mediterranean Studies 24 (2016) 111-138.
- Thomas F. Madden : Venice and Constantinople in 1171 and 1172: Enrico Dandolo's attitudes towards Byzantium , in: Mediterranean Historical Review 8 (1993) 166-185.
- Eric Hupin: La Quatrième Croisade. Analysis du traité de Venise , dissertation, Montreal 2010 (meaning the treaty of 1201 with the crusaders). ( online )
- Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2003 (only in Italian in 2009 under the title: Doge di Venezia, Enrico Dandolo e la nascità di un impero sul mare , Mondadori, Milan).
- Antonino Lombardo : Enrico Dandolo. Doge of Venice , in: Encyclopædia Britannica .
- Antonino Lombardo: Il doge di Venezia. Enrico Dandolo e la prima promissione ducale , in: Archivi e cultura 10 (1976) 25-35.
- Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , reprint, Florence 1977, pp. 72-78.
- Roberto Cessi : Politica, economia, religione , in: Storia di Venezia , Vol. II: Dalle origini del ducato alla IV crociata , Venice 1958, pp. 438-467.
- Freddy Thiriet : La Romanie vénitienne au Moyen Âge , Paris 1959, pp. 63-88.
- Charles M. Brand: Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180-1204 , Cambridge, Massachusetts 1968.
- Antonio Carile : La cronachistica veneziana (secc. XIII-XVI) di fronte alla spartizione della Romania nel 1204 , Florence 1969.
- Irene Calliari, Caterina Canovaro, Michele Asolati, Andrea Saccocci, F. Grazzi, A. Scherillo: Orio Malipiero's and Enrico Dandolo's denarii: surface and bulk characterization, in: Applied Physics A. Materials Science & Processing 113 (2013) 1081-1087 ( Examination of 30 coins by Doge Orio Malipiero and 20 by Enrico Dandolo) ( academia.edu , PDF)
- Juergen Schulz : The Houses of the Dandolo: A Family Compound in Medieval Venice , in: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 52 (1993) 391-415.
- Camillo Manfroni: Dandolo, Enrico , Enciclopedia Italiana, Vol. XII, Rome 1931, pp. 288 f.
Web links
- Literature by and about Enrico Dandolo in the catalog of the German National Library
Remarks
- ↑ "S. Marco a destra ritto in piedi, cinto il capo di aureola, col libro dei Vangeli nella mano sinistra, consegna colla destra al Doge un vessillo con asta lunghissima, che divide la moneta in due parti pressoché uguali. A sinistra il Doge, vestito di ricco manto ornato di gemme, tiene colla sinistra un volume, rotolo, che rappresenta la promissione ducale, e colla destra regge il vessillo, la cui banderuola colla croce è volta a sinistra. Entrambe le figure sono di faccia, le teste colla barba sono scoperte; quella del Doge ha i capelli lunghi che si arricciano al basso ”( Nicolò Papadopoli : Enrico Dandolo e le sue monete , in: Rivista Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze Affini 3 (1890) 507-519, here: p. 515 ( digitized version ). )
- ↑ Thomas F. Madden : Venice and Constantinople in 1171 and 1172: Enrico Dandolo's attitudes towards Byzantium , in: Mediterranean Historical Review 8.2 (1993) 166-185.
- ↑ Andrea Lermer: The Gothic “Doge's Palace” in Venice , Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2005, p. 67.
- ^ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden : The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 9.
- ^ Louise Buenger Robbert : Art. Dandolo Family , in: Christopher Kleinhenz (Ed.): Medieval Italy. An Encyclopedia , Routledge, 2004, p. 277 f., Here: p. 277.
- ↑ This is assumed by Thomas Madden : Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, pp. 62, 92.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 63.
- ↑ More precisely, it says “Andree Dandulo, dilecto fratri meo et Contesse dilecti uxori mee et Philippo Faletro de confinie Sancti Thome… plenissimam potestatem de omni meo negocio et affare cum cartulis quam sine cartulis”, i.e. general power of attorney (Raimondo Morozzo della Rocardo : Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI-XIII , Turin 1940, n. 342, p. 338 f., Rialto, September 1183, here: p. 338).
- ^ Antonio Carile : Dandolo, Enrico . In: Lexicon of the Middle Ages (LexMA). Volume 3, Artemis & Winkler, Munich / Zurich 1986, ISBN 3-7608-8903-4 , Sp. 491 f. In this article, Manuel I , emperor from 1143 to 1180 and Komnene , is confused twice with Manuel II , emperor from 1391 to 1425 and palaeologist.
- ^ Alvise Loredan: I Dandolo , Dall'Oglio, 1981, p. 95.
- ^ Antonino Lombardo : Studi e ricerche dalle fonti medievali veneziane , Venice 1982, p. 83.
- ^ Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , reprint, Martello, 1983, p. 72.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 234, note 101.
- ↑ The name of the alleged father, the procurator Bembo, does not appear in the work of Barbaros from the 16th century and also not yet in the Campidoglio veneto (Cappellari-Vivaro).
- ^ Raymond-Joseph Loenertz: Marino Dandolo, seigneur d'Andros, et son conflit avec l'évêque Jean 1225–1238 , in: Ders. (Eds.): Byzantina et Franco-Graeca. Articles parus de 1935 à 1966 réédités avec la collaboration de Peter Schreiner , vol. 1, Rome 1970, p. 399-420, here: p. 402 f.
- ^ Karl-Hartmann Necker: Dandolo. Venice's keenest doge , Böhlau, 1999, p. 299.
- ^ Thomas Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 238.
- ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 471.
- ^ Thomas Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 103.
- ↑ Marcello Brusegan : I personaggi che hanno fatto grande Venezia , Newton Compton, 2006, p. 138.
- ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 471.
- ↑ Giorgio Ravegnani: Bisanzio e Venezia , Il Mulino, 2006 S. 92nd
- ^ Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca, Antonino Lombardo : Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI-XIII , Turin 1940, n. 257, pp. 252 f .; illustrated by Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2003, p. 66.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2003, p. 82.
- ^ Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca, Antonino Lombardo: Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI-XIII , Turin 1940, n. 342, p. 338 f., Rialto, September 1183.
- ^ Charles Hopf: Chroniques gréco-romanes inédites ou peu connues , Berlin 1873, p. 98 ( digitized version ).
- ↑ Quoted from Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 467.
- ↑ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, pp. 9 f.
- ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 258.
- ^ Henry Simonsfeld: Andreas Dandolo und seine Geschichtswerke , Theodor Ackermann, Munich 1876, p. 118.
- ^ Friedrich Wilken: History of the Crusades according to Oriental and Occidental reports , Part 5, Leipzig 1829, p. 143.
- ↑ "gli fu quasi Tolta la vista da una lamina di bronzo infuocato, che il perfido Imperador Manuele gli avea fatto passare avanti gli occhi, che al di fuori non mostravano alcuna offesa" ( Nuovo Dizionario istorico ovvero compendio storicao , Vol. 5, Bassano 1796, p. 20 ( digitized version )).
- ↑ Friedrich von Hurter: History of Pope Innocence the Third and His Contemporaries , Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Friedrich Perthes, Hamburg 1841, p. 454.
- ^ Jeanette MA Beer: Villehardouin. Epic historian , Librairie Droz, Geneva 1968, p. 48, note 14.
- ↑ Ester Pastorello (ed.): Andreae Danduli Ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 , Bologna 1938.
- ↑ One of the manuscripts is in the Biblioteca Marciana , Ms. lat. Z. 399 (1610), others in London, Paris and Rome.
- ^ Henry Simonsfeld: Andreas Dandolo und seine Geschichtswerke , Theodor Ackermann, Munich 1876, p. 118.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2003, p. 64.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2003, p. 67; there also the image of Dandolo's signature.
- ↑ Friedrich von Hurter: History of Pope Innocence the Third and His Contemporaries , Vol. 1, 3rd edition, Friedrich Perthes, Hamburg 1841, p. 454, note 201.
- ^ Friedrich Buchholz : Heinrich Dandolo, Doge von Venice , in: Geschichte und Politik (1805), Vol. 1, pp. 273–327, here: p. 275 ( digitized version ).
- ^ Friedrich Buchholz: Heinrich Dandolo, Doge von Venice , in: Geschichte und Politik (1805), Vol. 1, pp. 273–327, here: p. 277.
- ↑ So Donald M [cGillivray] Nicol : Byzantium and Venice. A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations , Cambridge 1988, p. 119.
- ↑ On diplomatic efforts cf. Thomas F. Madden: Venice's Hostage Crisis. Diplomatic Efforts to Secure Peace with Byzantium between 1171 and 1184 , in: Ellen E. Kittell, Thomas F. Madden (Eds.): Medieval and Renaissance Venice , University of Illinois Press, Urbana 1999, pp. 96-108.
- ^ Donald M. Nicol: Byzantium and Venice. A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations , Cambridge University Press, 1988, first paperback 1992, p. 123.
- ↑ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, pp. 84 f.
- ↑ The letter can be found in English translation in Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , Brill, 2000, pp. 128–130, here: p. 130 and note 515.
- ↑ In fact, he represented the monastery on December 16, 1185 in Chioggia (Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 88).
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 88.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 89.
- ^ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 88.
- ↑ Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003, p. 91 f.
- ^ Gisella Graziato (ed.): Le promissioni del Doge di Venezia. Dalle origini alle fine del Duecento , Venice 1986, pp. 1-4; Vincenzo Lazari: Promissione di Enrico Dandolo doge di Venezia (giugno 1192) , in: Archivio Storico Italiano 1, app. 9 (1953) 327–329.
- ^ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 11.
- ^ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 13.
- ^ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 61.
- ↑ Peter M. Schon: Studies on the style of early French prose (Robert de Clari, Geoffroy de Villehardouin, Henri de Valenciennes) , Klostermann, Frankfurt 1960, pp. 185–203.
- ↑ Jeanette MA Beer: Villehardouin, Epic Historian , Droz, Geneva 1968, pp. 82–97.
- ↑ Gérard Jacquin: Le style historique dans les récits français et latins de la quatrième croisade , Paris / Geneva 1986, pp. 401-485.
- ^ Umberto Gozzano: Enrico Dandolo. Storia di un condottiero novantenne , Turin 1941.
- ↑ Quoted from Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 487.
- ↑ Quoted from Antje Middeldorf Kosegarten : Municipal legislation, building planning and urban aesthetics in medieval Venice , in: Michael Stolleis , Ruth Wolff (ed.): La bellezza della città. City law and urban design in Italy in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance , Max Niemeyer, Tübingen 2004, pp. 93–134, here: p. 101.
- ^ Charles M. Brand: A Byzantine Plan for the Fourth Crusade , in: Speculum 43,3 (1968) 462-475, here: p. 462.
- ↑ Filip van Tricht: Venice's need for settling the 'Byzantine Question': The Fourth Crusade's second siege of Constantinople (early 1204) , in: Murat Arslan, Turhan Kaçar (Ed.): Byzantiondan Constantinopolise İstanbul Kuşatmaları , İstanbul Araştırmalar 2017 , Pp. 311-334 ( academia.edu ).
- ↑ Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 113.
- ^ The letter in English translation by Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , Brill, 2000, pp. 128–130, here: pp. 129 and Anmm 511 and 512.
- ↑ Peter Lock: The Franks in the Aegean, 1204–1500 , Routledge, New York / London 2013, p. 147.
- ↑ Gottlieb Lukas Friedrich Tafel , Georg Martin Thomas (ed.): Documents on the earlier commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice , Vienna 1856, in: Fontes Rerum Austriacarum , Dept. II. Diplomataria et Acta , 3 vol., Vol. 1: 814–1205 , Vienna 1856, n. CXIX and CXX: Pacta inita inter dominum Henricum Ducem Venetie, et Bonifacium marchionem Montisferrati, et Balduinum comitem Flandriensem, et Ludovicum comitem Blesensem, in captione urbis Constantinopolitane , p. 451, March 1204.
- ^ Karl Ipser: Venice and the Germans , Markus-Verlag, 1976, p. 151.
- ↑ Thomas Dale: The Enigma of Enrico Dandolo's Tomb in Hagia Sophia , in: Byzantine Studies Conference, 1994, pp. 17ff.
- ^ In the Andrea Danduli Ducis Chronica per extensum descripta aa, edited by Ester Pastorello . 46–1280 dC , Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XII, 1, Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, p. 281 it says: “the primo iunii idem Constantinopolim feliciter obiit”. Thomas F. Madden: Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice , p. 194 thinks he died in May, Georgio Cracco writes maggio-giugno 1205 .
- ^ Raccolta degli storici italiani dal cinquecento al millecinquecento (= RIS, 12), Nicola Zanichelli, 1728, p. 281, note 1.
- ↑ Gloria Tranquilli: Restauri a Venezia 1987-1998 , Electa, 2000, p. 110.
- ↑ Alicia Simpson: Niketas Choniates. A Historiographical Study , Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 19.
- ↑ Timo Gimbel: The debate about the goals of the Fourth Crusade: A contribution to the solution of historically controversial questions with the help of social science instruments , Diss., Mainz 2014, p. 30 f .; there the translation into English.
- ↑ Jonathan Harris: Distortion, divine providence and genre in Nicetas Choniates's account of the collapse of Byzantium 1180-1204 , in: Journal of Medieval History 26.1 (2000) 19-31.
- ↑ Volker Hentrich: The representation of the Fourth Crusade in the Chronicle of Morea , in: Jürgen Sarnowsky (Hrsg.): Imaginary worlds of medieval tradition. Contemporary perceptions and their modern interpretation , Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012, pp. 157–189, here: p. 182.
- ↑ Bojana Pavlović: Nikephoros Gregoras and the Nikänische Reich , in: Erika Juhász (Hrsg.): Byzanz und das Abendland IV. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia , Budapest 2016, pp. 203-226, here: p. 212 (the author refers to Nicephori Gregorae Historia Byzantina , vol. I, ed. by Ludwig Schopen , Bonn 1829, 15.13-16.3; digitized version ).
- ^ Titles such as Karl-Hartmann Necker: Dandolo. Venice's boldest doge , Böhlau, 1999, are symptomatic.
- ^ Camillo Manfroni : Dandolo Enrico , in: Enciclopedia Italiana , Vol. XII, Rom 1931, pp. 288 f. ( online ).
- ↑ Ettore Bravetta: Enrico Dandolo , Alps, Milan 1929th
- ↑ Jonathan Harris: Byzantium and the Crusades , Bloomsbury, 2nd ed., 2014, p. 2.
- ↑ Enciclopedia italiana e dizionario della conversazione , Volume 4, Girolamo Tasso, Venice 1841, p. 203 ( digitized version ).
- ↑ Both quotations from Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 276.
- ^ Titles such as Louise Buenger Robbert : Reorganization of the Venetian Coinage by Doge Enrico Dandolo , in: Speculum 49 (1974) 48-60 lie on this line.
- ^ In the Andrea Danduli Ducis Chronica per extensum descripta aa, edited by Ester Pastorello . 46–1280 dC , Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XII, 1, Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, p. 273 it says: “Subsequenter dux, argenteam monetam vulgariter dictam grosi veneciani, vel matapani, cum ymagine Iesu Christi in trono ab uno latere, et from alium cum figura sancti Marci et ducis, valoris XXVI parvulorum, primo fieri decrevit ”.
- ^ In the Andrea Danduli Ducis Chronica per extensum descripta aa, edited by Ester Pastorello . 46-1280 dC , Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XII, 1, Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1939, p. 276.
- ^ Roberto Cessi: Il "Parvum statutum" di Enrico Dandolo , in: Archivio veneto, s. 5, 62 (1958) 1-7.
- ↑ Cracco erroneously writes “con l'imperatore tedesco” (“with the German Emperor”).
- ↑ See the distancing remarks in Donald E. Queller, Thomas F. Madden: The Fourth Crusade , 2nd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p. 55.
- ↑ John H. Pryor: The Venetian Fleet for the Fourth Cursade and the Diversion of the Crusade to Constantinople , in: Marcus Bull, Norman Housley (Ed.): The Experience of Crusading , Vol. 1: Western Approaches, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 103-123, here: pp. 121 f.
- ↑ "Cognoscat igitur sanctitas vestra, quod ego una cum Veneto populo, quicquid fecimus, ad honorem Dei et sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae et vestrum laboravimus, et in nostra voluntate habemus, similiter laborare." (Gottlieb Lukas Friedrich Tafel, Georg Martin Thomas (ed. ): Documents on the earlier commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice with special reference to Byzantium and the Levant , Part 1 (814–1205.), Vienna 1856, n. CXXVIII: Henrici Danduli Ducis Venetorum ad Papam epistola , p. 521– 523, here: p. 523).
- ↑ Only in Robert de Clari are the 20 electors mentioned, Niketas, on the other hand, mentions the number 10, all other sources report of 12 imperial electors, namely 6 Venetians and 6 non-Venetians. Only the Corpus Chronicorum Flandriae completely forgets the Venetians, the Chronicon Novgorodensis does not give any figures (Șerban V. Marin: The Venetian 'Empire' in the East. The Imperial Elections in Constantinople on 1204 in the Representation of the Venetian Chronicles , in: Annuario 5 (2003) 185–245, here: p. 193 f.).
- ^ Luigi Andrea Berto: Memory and Propaganda in Venice after the Fourth Crusade , in: Mediterranean Studies 24 (2016) 111-138.
- ↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer: History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 42 ( digitized version ).
- ↑ Lotte Labowsky: Bessarion's library and the Biblioteca Marciana , Rome 1979, p. 3, 148.
- ↑ Han Lamers: Greece Reinvented , Leiden 2015, p. 130.
- ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 31. It was wrongly assigned to another Enrico Dandolo. The chronicle deals with f. 39v – 43r (pp. 71–78 of the edition) with Doge Enrico Dandolo.
- ↑ "Et etiamdio lo dicto Duxe çio fece voluntiera cum intention che in questa andada intendea Giara et altre citade rebellade regovrar" (Roberto Pesce (ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali “Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna”, Venice 2010, p. 72).
- ↑ The chronicle is thus again itself part of a tradition that Şerban Marin 2016 represented ( The Portrait of a ‛Bad Guy '. Alexius Doukas Murtzuphlos in the Venetian Chronicles , in: Études byzantines et post-byzantines VII (2016) 25-60) .
- ^ Henri de Valenciennes: De la conqueste de Constantinoble , J. Renouard, 1838, p. Viii.
- ↑ Paolo Rannusio: Della guerra di Costantinopoli per la restitutione de gl'imperatori Comneni fatta da 'sig. Venetiani et Francesi, l'anno 1204 , Domenico Nicolini, Venice 1604 ( digitized ; digitized ).
- ^ Francesco Sansovino: Venetia, città nobilissima et singolare, Descritta già in XIV libri , Altobello Salicato, Venice 1604, Lib. XIII, p. 374; first published in 1581 ( digitized version ).
- ↑ Lucrezia Marinella: L'Enrico ovvero Bisanzio acquistato Giuseppe Antonelli, Venice 1844; Enrico; or, Byzantium conquered. A Heroic Poem , transl. Maria Galli Stampino, The University of Chicago Press, 2009 ( online , PDF).
- ^ Francesco Fanelli: Atene Attica. Descritta da suoi Principii sino all'acquisto fatto dall'Armi Venete nel 1687 , Antonio Bortoli, Venice 1707, p. 275.
- ^ Charles Le Beau: History of the oriental Kayserthums, from Constantine the Great, as a continuation of the works of Messrs. Rollin and Crevier , 19th part, Carl Felßeckerische Buchhandlung, Leipzig / Frankfurt 1780, LXXXIX. Book, p. 461 ( digitized version ).
- ^ Charles Le Beau: History of the oriental Kayserthums, from Constantine the Great, as a continuation of the works of Messrs. Rollin and Crevier , 19th part, Carl Felßeckerische Buchhandlung, Leipzig / Frankfurt 1780, XCIV. Book, p. 533.
- ^ Charles Le Beau: History of the oriental Kayserthums, from Constantine the Great, as a continuation of the works of Messrs Rollin and Crevier , 19th part, Carl Felßeckerische Buchhandlung, Leipzig / Frankfurt 1780, LXXXIX. Book, p. 463.
- ^ Charles Le Beau: History of the oriental Kayserthums, from Constantine the Great, as a continuation of the works of Messrs. Rollin and Crevier , 19th part, Carl Felßeckerische Buchhandlung, Leipzig / Frankfurt 1780, XCIV. Book, pp. 615-619.
- ^ Louis Maimbourg : Histoire des croisades pour la délivrance de la Terre Sainte , Vol. 2, Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy, Paris 1676, p. 108 ( digitized ).
- ↑ Peter Lock: The Routledge Companion to the Crusades , Routledge, 2006, p. 258.
- ↑ Quoted from the 1714 edition: Johann Hübner: Kurtze Questions from the Political Historia , Part 3, new edition, Gleditsch and Son 1714, p. 574 ( digitized version ).
- ^ "[...] il Doge abitava con gran Maestà in Costantinopoli, vestendo abito Imperiale, avvegnaché essendo stato creato Despota dell'Imperio, avea il suo Consiglio di Stato, ed altre cose, come a Venezia." (Giovanni Francesco Pivati: Nuovo dizionario scientifico e curioso sacro-profano , 10 vols., Benedetto Milocco, vol. 10, Venice 1751, p. 182).
- ↑ Karl Hopf : History of Greece from the beginning of the Middle Ages up to our time , in: Johann Samuelersch , Johann Gottfried Gruber (Ed.): Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste , I. Section, Vol. 85, Leipzig 1867 (reprint New York 1960), pp. 67-465.
- ↑ Ernst Gerland: The archive of the Duke of Kandia in the Königl. Venice State Archives , Strasbourg 1899.
- ↑ Ernst Gerland: Crete as a Venetian colony (1204–1669) , in: Historisches Jahrbuch 20 (1899) 1–24, here: p. 4.
- ↑ Guillaume Saint-Guillain: Tales of San Marco: Venetian Historiography and Thirteenth-Century Byzantine Prosopography , in: Judith Herrin, Guillaume Saint-Guillain (ed.): Identities and Allegiances in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204 , Ashgate, 2011, p. 265–290, here: p. 269.
- ^ Henry Simonsfeld: Andreas Dandolo und seine Geschichtswerke , Theodor Ackermann, Munich 1876, p. 4.
- ^ Walter Norden: The fourth crusade in the context of relations between the West and Byzantium , Berlin 1898, pp. 1-4 ( digitized version ). At the same time, Norden rejects the alleged role of Philip of Swabia in the dispute with the Pope, which was discussed at times, due to the lack of any trace in the sources (pp. 4-11).
- ↑ For example Ernle Bradford : Verrat am Bosporus , Tübingen 1970, again as Der Verrat von 1204. The Destruction and Looting of Constantinople , Heyne, Munich 1980 (first published under the title The Great Betrayal. Constantinople 1204 , Hodder & Stoughton, London 1967) .
- ↑ As an example of many, the novel by Gerhard Ellert: Der blinde Löwe von San Marco , Speidel, Vienna 1966.
- ^ Hermann Beckedorf: The Fourth Crusade and Its Consequences , in: Ed .: Franz Georg Maier : Fischer Weltgeschichte , Vol. 13: Byzanz , Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1973, pp. 302-316.
- ^ Sally McKee: Uncommon Dominion. Venetian Crete and the Myth of Ethnic Purity , Philadelphia 2000, p. 161.
- ↑ Daniela Rando : De là da mar - Venice's »colonies« from a »postcolonial« perspective , in: Reinhard Härtel (ed.): Acculturation in the Middle Ages (= lectures and research 78 (2014)), Sigmaringen 2014, pp. 371–393 , here: p. 392 ( online , PDF).
- ^ Antonio Quadri: Otto Giorni a Venezia , Molinari, Venice 1821, 1824, 1830 and 1853; french Huit Jours à Venise , Paris 1828, 1838, 1842.
- ↑ Antonio Quadri: Four days in Venice with an appendix of a fifth day to visit the strangest islands of the Laguna , Cecchini, Venice 1846, expanded edition 1850.
- ↑ Art. Dandolo (Enrico) , in: Enciclopedia Italiana e Dizionario della Conversazione , Vol. VI, Venice 1843, p. 1522. There it says: “Eletto ad essere imperatore di quella città [Constantinople], ricusò, regalando il trono imperiale al conte Baldovino. ”( digitized version ).
- ↑ Karyl Lynn Zietz: Breve storia dei teatri , Gremese Editore, Rome 2001, p 80; see. Giandomenico Romanelli: Teatro La Fenice: A Brief History of the Theater and its Historic Stage Curtain , Save Venice website .
- ↑ Conversations-Lexikon der Gegenwart , Vol. 1, Brockhaus, Leipzig 1838, p. 1054.
- ^ Meyers Konversations-Lexikon, Vol. 4, Leipzig 1875, p. 996 ( digitized version ).
- ↑ N. Beeck (edit.): Handlexikon der Geschichte und Biographie. Historical-biographical data in alphabetical order , Berlin 1881, pp. I – 110.
- ↑ August Daniel von Binzer: Venice in 1844 , Gustav Heckenast, Leipzig 1845, p. 35.
- ^ Georg Weber : Lehr- und Handbuch der Weltgeschichte , Vol. 2: Middle Ages , 23rd Edition, Leipzig 1923, pp. 421 and 423.
- ^ "E viva semper sul Golfo di Venezia l'Italia di Enrico Dandolo e di Angelo Emo, di Luigi Rizzo e di Nazario Sauro". Quoted from: Un'inedita lettera di D'Annunzio preannuncia le prodezze di Fiume di Stefano Di Matteo .
- ^ Rodolfo Gallo: La tomba di Enrico Dandolo in Santa Sofia a Costantinopoli , in: Rivista mensile della città di Venezia 6 (1927) 270-283.
- ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , vol. 1, p. 321.
- ^ Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , G. Martello, 1983, p. 77.
- ↑ Kate Ferris: Everyday Life in Fascist Venice, 1929-40 , Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, p. 79.
- ↑ Giorgio Pecorai, Patrizia Pecorai: Lido di Venezia oggi e nella storia , Atiesse, Venice 2007, p 177th
- ↑ Timo Gimbel: The debate about the goals of the Fourth Crusade: A contribution to solving historically controversial questions with the help of social science instruments , Diss., Mainz 2014, p. 2.
- ↑ A critical edition is being prepared ( research project Prof. Dr. Jochen Johrendt and is also listed in the MGH edition projects ). So far, works are based on The Gesta Innocentii III. Text, introduction and commentary by David Gress-Wright , Ann Arbor 2000 (= Diss., Bryn Mawr College, 1981) or the older Gesta Innocentii papae III , in: Migne PL 214, Sp. XVIII – CCXXVIII. Cf. Gesta Innocentii III papae in the repertory "Historical Sources of the German Middle Ages".
- ↑ Timo Gimbel: The debate about the goals of the Fourth Crusade: A contribution to solving historically controversial questions with the help of social science instruments , Diss., Mainz 2014, p. 12 f. I am following this dissertation regarding the classification of the sources, which, in addition to the three main chronicles, played a role for the subsequent reception.
- ↑ Michael Angold: The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context , Longman, 2003, p. 16.
- ^ Rudolf Pokorny (Ed.): Hugo von St. Pol. Epistole. Two unedited letters from the early days of the Latin Empire of Constantinople , in: Byzantion 55 (1985) 203-209.
- ^ Hugonis, Comitis Sancti Pauli, epistula de expugnata per Latinos urbe Constantinopoli , Fontes rerum Austriacarum: Diplomataria et acta , Second Department, Vol. 12, Vienna 1856, p. 304.
- ^ Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , revised 2nd ed., Brill, 2008, pp. 205–212.
- ↑ Martín de Riquer: Los trovadores , Ariel, Barcelona 2012, p. 13.
- ↑ Quoted from Federico Saviotti: Raimbaut de Vaqueiras e gli altri. Percorsi di identificazione nella lirica romanza del Medioevo , Pavia University Press, 2017, p. 60 ( online , PDF).
- ^ Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , revised 2nd ed., Brill, 2008, pp. 223-236.
- ↑ De terra Hierosolomitana et quomodo ab urbe Constantinopolitana ad hanc ecclesiam allato sund reliquie .
- ^ Robert Cessi (Ed.): Deliberazioni del Maggior Consiglio , Vol. 1, Bologna 1931, Col. 246-251, 254, 256-259.
- ^ Henry Simonsfeld (ed.): Historia ducum Veneticorum (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores in Folio, 14), Hanover 1883, pp. 72-89 ( digitized version of the edition, p. 72 ).
- ↑ With reference to the French Chronicles and the Fourth Crusade, Maria Grazia Caenaro summarizes: La conquista di Costantinopoli nelle cronache francesi della IV crociata , in: Fondazione Cassamarca, Liceo Classico "A. Canova", Liceo Classico "M. Foscarini", Centrum Latinitatis Europae (ed.): Atti del convegno internazionale. Greci e Veneti: Sulle tracce di una vicenda comune , Treviso 2006, pp. 117–147, summarizing the current state of research.
- ↑ Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , 1st edition, Brill, Leiden / Boston / Cologne 2000, revised 2nd edition, Brill, 2008.
- ^ Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , Brill, 2000, p. 77.
- ^ English translation by Alfred Andrea: Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade , Brill, 2000, pp. 128–130.
| predecessor | Office | successor |
|---|---|---|
| Orio Mastropiero |
Doge of Venice 1192–1205 |
Pietro Ziani |
| personal data | |
|---|---|
| SURNAME | Dandolo, Enrico |
| BRIEF DESCRIPTION | Doge of Venice (1192–1205) |
| DATE OF BIRTH | around 1107 |
| PLACE OF BIRTH | Venice |
| DATE OF DEATH | June 1, 1205 |
| Place of death | Constantinople |