Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi

Al-Sayyid Shaykh bin Ahmad al-Hadi ( Jawi السيد شيخ بن أحمد الهاديborn November 22, 1867 in Kampung Hulu, Malacca , died February 20, 1934 in Jelutong, Penang ), also written Syed Sheikh al-Hady , was a Malay - Arab entrepreneur, journalist , writer and publisher who was one of the pioneers of Malay education - and national movement and campaigned for a rationalism- oriented reform of Islam on the Malay Peninsula . Sayyid Shaykh was strongly influenced by the Egyptian modernists Muhammad ʿAbduh (1849–1905) and Qāsim Amīn (1863–1908) and campaigned among the Malay Muslims for their ideas, especially for a modern image of women . For this he founded several magazines and schools and wrote a large number of articles and books. A special feature that sets al-Hadi apart from other contemporary Islamic reform scholars is his use of novels as a means of propagating Islamic ideals. Since his erotic novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum ("The Story of Farida Hanum") is considered the first Malay novel per se , al-Hadi is also called the "father of the Malay novel". As a modernist and progressivist , Sayyid Shaykh also advocated British colonial rule over Malaya and called for the establishment of Anglo-Malay schools.

ancestry

Sayyid Shaykh on his father's side came from the Arab family of the Bā-ʿAlawī, whose original home is the Hadramaut . The Bā-ʿAlawī are Saiyids , descendants of the Prophet Mohammed . An ancestor of Sayyid Shaykh immigrated from the Hadramaut towards the end of the 18th century and settled in Malacca, one of the oldest and most important Malay ports. His grandfather Hasan ibn as-Saqqāf (also spelled al-Sagoff ), who was born in Kampung Hulu, had, like many other Arab immigrants, married a native Malay woman who gave him Sayyid Shaykh's father Ahmad al-Hadi in 1837. He later became active in agriculture and trade and in 1858 married Dhu l-Hiddscha, a woman from the royal family of Malacca, who bore him five children. The family owned lands near Malacca.

Life

Sayyid Syeikh's early years are not well documented as he did not write an autobiography and no contemporary has gathered information about it. Most of the information about this time comes from two biographical sections of his son Sayyid Alwi. According to this, Sayyid Shaykh was born on the 25th Rajab of the Hijra (= November 22, 1867) as the fourth child of his parents in Kampung Hulu, a small village in Malacca . His other four siblings died in childhood.

On Pulau Penyengat

The Palace of the Riau Lingga Sultans on Penyengat Island

Around 1874, when Sayyid Shaykh was seven years old, his father and his brother Sayyid Muhammad moved from Malacca to the Penyengat Island, part of the Riau Islands , on which the Buginese sub-kings ( Yamtuan Muda ) of the Riau Lingga Sultanate resided. The two brothers had ties to the ruling house there, because a great-uncle of Sayyid Shaykh had married into their family. Sayyid Shaykh was adopted here by Raja Haji Ali Kelana, the son and designated successor ( Raja Muda ) of Raja Muhammad Yusuf, the then Yamtuan Muda. Sayyid Shaykh later wrote in an article in memory of his adoptive father that he had had the favor of the Raja since the age of 15. This suggests that he was adopted at that age.

After Sayyid Shaykh had learned the basics of the Malay language and the Islamic doctrines, he and his uncle Sayyid Muhammad were sent to a traditional religious school in Kuala Terengganu for further studies . Here he married a girl from Terengganu and spent a lot of time with the royal family, which was possible because his uncle was close friends with the Sultan . In contrast, he showed little interest in his studies. After a year or two he was called back to Pulau Penyengat by his adoptive father, where he now received full training in Malay language and culture and religion. He taught him Raja Ali Kelana, who had a comprehensive Islamic-religious and Malay education, partly himself. In the circle of the royal family Sayyid Shaykh was addressed by the nickname Engku Anum ("Mr. Overripe" or "Mr. Reddish").

Pulau Penyengat today

Sayyid Shaykh read a lot in religious books and magazines from Egypt on Pulau Penynengat. In the early 1890s he helped set up the Persekutuan Rushdiyyah , a study club similar to those established in Singapore at the same time, and participated in its activities. His nickname in this circle was Wan Anum . Together with the other members of the club, he is said to have discussed theology, the backwardness of Muslims and the possibilities of how one could bring the Muslims in the Orient out of their state of apathy to progress and prosperity until late at night. He was also given responsibility for the rumah waqaf , the foundation house , where travelers were housed when they visited the ruler's court. There he had the opportunity to meet many well-known scholars and to broaden his religious knowledge through discussions. He is also said to have met Haji Husain from Palembang and Haji Salih from the Minangkabau , who later became his religious teachers.

Sayyid Shaykh's family relationships also changed on Penyengat Island. In 1891 he married Sharifa Sheikhun, the eldest daughter of his uncle Sayyid Muhammad, who lived in the household of Raja Ali Kelana. She gave birth to two sons and two daughters, namely Sayyid Alwi (born 1892), Sayyid Ahmad (born 1896), who died as a child, and Aisyah (born 1897) and Umhani (born 1898). His father Sayyid Ahmad died on June 9, 1895 on Pulau Penyengat.

Around the year 1894/95, al-Hadi and the Malay scholar Tahir Jalaluddin were invited to accompany the sons of the sultan and Raja Muda on a trip to Mecca and Cairo . In Cairo the group attended lectures given by the Islamic reformist Muhammad ʿAbduh (d. 1905). There are also reports that Sayyid Shaykh also met Rashīd Ridā in Cairo and the Malay scholar Abdullah bin Muhammad Saleh Zawawi in Mecca.

In Singapore (1901-1911)

As managing director in the service of his adoptive father

Sayyid Shaykh's adoptive father, Crown Prince Raja Ali Kelana, in 1899.

Sayyid Shaykh adoptive father Raja Ali Kelana bought in 1896 a brick factory on to the Dutch East Indies belonging Batam -Insel that in two hours from Singapore was. This 200-man company, called Batam Brickworks, supplied bricks to the British Colonial Authorities, the Singapore City Council, the Singapore Railway Administration and the Federated Malay States . In 1901, Raja Ali Kelana appointed his adopted son Sayyid Shaykh first as agent and then as managing director of the company in Singapore. That is why al-Hadi moved to Prinsep Street in Singapore that same year, where the company's offices were located. His son Sayyid Alwi accompanied him to Singapore and attended the Kampong Glam Malay School there. Sayyid Shaykh chose this school for him because it qualified him for the subsequent attendance of an English-language high school. In Singapore, al-Hadi married a second woman, a Malay, who gave birth to his daughter Maryam in 1903.

In October 1904, Sayyid Shaykh accompanied his adoptive father on a trip to the Middle East aimed at asking the Ottoman caliph for assistance in restoring the Yamtuan Muda. It is not clear, however, whether the delegation even got as far as the Ottoman caliph. When the delegation returned to Southeast Asia in March 1905, the Sultan of Riau-Lingga had already signed a treaty with the Dutch that no longer contained any reference to the office of Yamtuan Muda and granted the Dutch Governor General the right to be the heir to the throne of Riau -Lingga Sultanate to be named.

The magazine al-Imam

Cover of the magazine al-Imām , 1908

During his time in Singapore, al-Hadi frequented the Arab Club and approached the position of Kaum Muda, the Malay modernists who followed the teachings of Muhammad ʿAbduh. A photo from 1906, taken for the Malay magazine for which al-Hadi was an agent, shows him in barely muda clothing with a suit and fez .

Together with Tahir Jalaluddin and four other people, the scholar Muhammad ibn ʿAqil, the two traders Muhammad bin Salim al-Kalali and ʿAwad bin Saidin and ʿAbbas bin Muhammad Taha, al-Hadi founded the magazine al-Imām in July 1906 . It appeared in Jawi script and its content followed the model of Raschīd Ridās magazine al-Manār . Because of his orientation to this magazine, Sayyid Shaykh was also regarded in the Malay scholarly world as "the leader of the Manār group" ( Ketua Kaum al-Manār ). Al-Hadi himself contributed some articles and translations from Arabic to the magazine. Its translations were based on articles from the Egyptian journals al-Liwā ' , al-ʿĀlam al-islāmī and al-Mu'aiyad .

The connection with the court of Riau and its intellectual circles contributed to the special importance of al-Imām in the Riau region. Al-Hadi's adoptive father Raja Ali Kelana supported the magazine and also contributed articles to it himself.

In March 1908, al-Hadi founded the Al-Imam Printing Company with Sayyid Mohammad bin Akil and Sayyid Hasan bin Shahah with start-up capital of $ 20,000 . She published a series of his articles on education in 1908. Almost at the same time, in February 1908, al-Hadi and his friends also founded the first Arab school in Singapore, Madrasat al-Iqbāl al-Islāmīya . It taught not only religious sciences, Arabic and Malay, but also English, arithmetic , geography, history, rhetoric and the writing of essays. Al-Hadi's adoptive father Raja Ali Kelana also supported the project.

However, the Riau-Lingga Sultanate was in decline at this time. Because of this, the magazine al-Imām had to discontinue its publication in December 1908 after 31 issues. Due to a lack of support, the school also had to close again in 1909.

In Johor-Bahru and Malacca (1911-1916)

When the Dutch occupied the Riau-Lingga area in 1911, the Batam brick factory closed and Sayyid Sheikh al-Hadi and his adoptive father Raja Ali Kelana moved to Johor Bahru , where he worked as a lawyer at a Sharia court. In May 1913 he traveled with Raja Ali Kelana to Terengganu to ask the local sultan for financial support for a trip to Japan. During this trip, the Japanese emperor was to be asked to intervene in favor of the sultanate of Riau-Lingga: the sultanate was to be restored and placed under Japanese rule. During this time, Sayyid Shaykh also corresponded with Rashīd Ridā . When his son Sayyid Alwi and other friends went to Beirut to study in 1914 , he gave him an introductory letter for Rashīd Ridā and insisted that he visit him personally.

1914 Sayyid Shaykh had a dispute with the State Mufti of Johor . The reason for this was that he had married his daughter himself instead of leaving the act to an authorized qadī . Although he was allowed to do so according to the Shafiite school of law prevailing in Malaya , he had thereby violated the official state regulation of Johor, which provided that marriages were only allowed to be concluded by Qadis. The Mufti complained about this incident to the Sultan, who advised Sayyid Shaykh to apologize to the Mufti. Sayyid Shaykh refused on the grounds that he had not done anything prohibited. The confrontation with the Mufti, who was the highest religious authority in Johor, worsened his social position. Sayyid Shaykh also heard that there were plans in the Johor Sultanate, which had previously been based on an Arabic version of the Mecelle in civil law , to switch to English law, which would threaten Sayyid Shaykh's professional foundation.

For these reasons, Sayyid Shaykh moved back to Malacca, his old homeland, in 1914. There he founded in 1915 in Kampung Hulu, the village where he was born, together with Haji Abu Bakar bin Ahmad alias Haji Bacik an Arabic religious school called Madrasat al-Hādī . However, the Malay people of Malacca rejected his teachings and therefore did not send their children to his school. Because of this, al-Hadi moved to Penang around 1916. According to some reports, he had to flee Malacca after almost physical attacks against him. The school he founded in Malacca had to close again in 1917. Overall, Sayyid Shaykh reduced his educational and publication work very much during his time in Johor and Malacca. This is attributed to the fact that the traditional social structures that prevailed there did not offer him the necessary conditions for this.

In Penang (1916-1934)

Why Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi moved to Penang is not entirely clear. In 1907 he married another woman from there whom he visited frequently in Penang in the following years. This could have influenced his decision. It is generally assumed, however, that it was the good economic infrastructure and the political system that attracted him to this island. The position of Penang as one of the British Straits Settlements gave him enough space to implement his reform projects because, in contrast to the other Malay territories, neither a Malay ruler nor a state Islamic council imposed any restraint on him.

Upon arriving in Penang, Sayyid Shaykh started a company on Acheen Street in George Town . He also built a bungalow for himself and his family in Jelutong, a southern suburb of George Town . He bought the land for this from the landowner Sayyid Ahmad al-Mashhur, who was also the leader of the Muslim community in Penang at the time.

The Madrasat al-Mashhūr

Together with local Muslims, al-Hadi founded a school again in 1916, the Madrasa al-Mashhūr al-Islāmīya. It was named after Sayyid Ahmad al-Mashhur. Al-Hadi himself was appointed director of the facility, probably at the beginning of 1917. Haji Bachik supported him by letting him use his home on Tek Soon Street for the school and helping to build another building on the site. Conversely, Al-Hadi ensured that Haji Bacik was accepted into the school's board of directors. In 1918 he also invited his former companion Tahir Jalaluddin and the Libyan Abū Jābir ʿAbdallāh al-Maghribī to work as teachers at the school. His own son Sayyid Alwi took over the English lessons. The madrasa with around 300 students, in which Arabic was the language of instruction, developed into one of the most prestigious religious schools in Malaya. Her well-known alumni included Burhanuddin al-Helmy, chairman of the Pan-Malay Islamic Party until 1966, and Haji Abu Bakar Ashaari of Perlis , one of the most liberal state religious authorities in Malaysia. The school still exists today.

In 1918 or 1919, however, Sayyid Shaykh gave up the management of the school again, to undAbdallāh al-Maghribī. It is said to have been the constant financial problems of the institution that prompted him to give up this office. Abbas Bakar Rafi 'took over this position in 1920. He was a representative of the Kaum Tua and changed the concept of the school so that it received a traditionalist orientation.

Sayyid Shaykh maintained his relationship with the Mashhur family. In 1921 he married his son Alwi to a woman from that family, Azizah al-Mashhur. Sayyid Shaykh took the son Mohamed Alwi, who was born in 1921, into his house and raised him like his own son.

Journalistic activities; the journal al-Ikhwān

Cover of the magazine al-Ikhwān

While still in the service of the Madrasat al-Mashhur, Sayyid Shaykh revived an earlier idea, namely the writing of a history of Islam in Malay. In 1922 he brought out the first volume of this 15 to 20 volume “Islamic History” ( at-Tarikh ul-islami ). However, seeing that the work was not selling enough, he gave up the project and turned to writing love stories and detective novels, which were more financially successful. Between 1925 and 1926 he published his first romance novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum at al-Aminiyya Press in Penang . The book had an overwhelming response in the Malay Peninsula at the time.

In September 1926, al-Hadi turned back to journalism after a long time and started a new monthly magazine entitled Al-Ikhwān ("The Brothers"), which was conceived as a continuation of al-Imam . The title referred to the Koran word "The believers are brothers" ( Sura 49:10 ), which was also printed in calligraphic form on the title page of every edition. In the editorial of the first issue, he explained what audience he had in mind with this magazine and what concerns he was pursuing with it:

“This is the voice of a fellow believer shouting to all of his fellow believers, in the real Malay language with the letters ca, pa, nga, ga and nya , so that it can be well understood by all brothers who use these letters. This cry comes from a small island so that it may be heard by all the brothers who live on the mainland. And with this voice some ships were also loaded so that it could be heard by all the brothers in the Malay world. O all the brothers of the East who are still deep asleep and sweetly dreaming. Enough. End your sleep, for it has already exceeded the limit of what is necessary to recover the body, and you are almost one of the fainted and half-dead. Wake up quickly! Rub the deadly sleep out of your eyes! […] Awaken from your state of negligence. The stupid creeps have darkened and the light of science has risen. Look and see what those who guard you have done. They razed huge hills to the ground, erected tall buildings on the flat field, turned the sea into mainland and the mainland into sea. "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Ikhwān , September 16, 1926

Al-Ikhwān contained articles on the need to purify Islam, the progress and reform processes in the more developed Muslim countries and the adaptability of Islam to modern living conditions, as well as parts of al-Hadi's commentary on the last suras of the Koran and others Sections of his history of Islam as well as translations of Arabic books from Egypt. Al-Hadi also included articles on religious subjects by his longtime friend Tahir Jalaluddin, the writer Pandita Za'ba, the translator Muhammad Zain bin Ayub, and others.

Jelutong Press and the Saudara Newspaper

Location of Jelutong on Penang

In 1927 al-Hadi set up the Jelutong Printing Press in Jelutong, the southern suburb of George Town, where he already lived, which was to become the most important publisher of Islamic reformist publications in Malaya. The proceeds from the sale of his novel Faridah Hanum served as his financial basis . The company, which was based at 555 Jelutong Road, was also active in the stationery trade, bookbinding, and the manufacture of stamps .

With Jelutong Press, al-Hadi now also distributed his magazine al-Ikhwān . In addition, he brought out a large number of novels in the publishing house from December 1927. They appeared in a series called Angan-angan kehidupan ("Thoughts on Life"), which were sent out to subscribers in monthly deliveries of around 100 pages. They always had a modern Islamic or Arabic background and presented themselves as adaptations of modern Arabic literature. The English subtitle of the series, The Moral Trainer , made it clear what Al-Hadi was pursuing with her. In addition, al-Hadi published the Rokambul series, a number of detective stories modeled on Ponson's Rocambole, which he translated into Malay based on an Arabic model. and Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah (1928), an official history of the Sultanate of Kedah .

In September 1928, al-Hadi founded the new weekly newspaper Saudara ("Brother, Friend, Comrade"). Al-Hadi also expressed criticism of Malay customs and called for religious reforms, but the magazine was overall somewhat more secular than al-Ikhwān and contained more news. Sayyid Shaykh himself explained the difference between the two organs: Political discussions should appear in Saudara , while al-Ikhwān should remain a non-political, religious magazine. In order not to bore the reader, longer articles have usually been divided into different editions. Al-Hadi also printed columns and sections from his detective stories in Saudara. The newspaper had a circulation of 1000 copies. Later it was increased to 1,500 to 1,700 pieces. The readership consisted of Malay and other Muslims on the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra , Java , Borneo , Sulawesi and Pattani , as well as Malay Muslim students in London, Cairo and Mecca. Al-Hadi initially entrusted the editorship to Muhammad Yunus bin Abdul Hamid, and from August 1930 to Abdul Rahim Kajai, who was one of the most prominent Malay journalists at the time.

Jelutong Press became the largest Malay publishing house in the years that followed, helping Penang to replace Singapore as the center of Islamic reformist thought in Malaya. In the late 1920s, Sayyid Shaykh repeatedly attacked traditional Muslim scholars in al-Ikhwān and Saudara . In response to these attacks, the ʿUlamā ' of Kelantan asked their sultan to ban al-Ikhwān and Saudara . When al-Hadi heard about it, he expressed himself in an article that he published in al-Ikhwān in March 1929 , very derogatory about this state and its scholars. A note from July 1931 in the journal al-Ikhwān shows that at the time a Thai Muslim scholar took the Malay rulers against the Kaum Muda and the followers of Sayyid Shaykh, vilified them as communists and Wahhabis and called for their killing. As can be seen from the descriptions of his grandson Sayyid Alwi, Sayyid Shaykh was repeatedly exposed to verbal attacks even in his personal environment, on the street and in public markets.

Financial difficulties and past years

As in 1929, the global economic crisis broke out, Sayyid Shaykh launched together with friends from Jelutong the "cooperative of poor brethren" ( Persekutuan al-Ikhwan al-Masakin ), whose statutes he put on himself. Due to the dishonest behavior of the other members of society, who used the society for their own selfish purposes, his efforts in this regard failed. He eventually withdrew from society and publicly denounced them in al-Ikhwān .

A little later, al-Hadi himself ran into financial difficulties. Although Jelutong Press only had three permanent employees, in order to keep operations going, he had to take out a mortgage on his house from a Tamil merchant. Since Abdul Rahim Kajai switched to the Majlis newspaper in September 1931 , Sayyid Shaykh first entrusted his son Alwi with the editing of Saudara and then took on this task himself for a while. Due to the great financial hardship, in December 1931 he also had to write the magazine al- Set Ikhwān.

The Saudara newspaper , however, remained a success. From 1932 it appeared twice a week. Al-Hadi was able to win a new editor in Abdul Wahhab bin Abdullah in 1932, but he had to step in again in February 1933. Jelutong Press also published Sayyid Shaykh's translations of Muhammad ʿAbduh's Koran exegetical works and an excerpt from Qāsim Amīn's book on the liberation of women, his own work Ugama Islam dan Akal (“The Religion of Islam and Reason”) and numerous works by other modernist and reformist works Authors out. These included, for example, the text Umbi Kemajuan ("The Root of Progress", 1932) by the Malay scholar Zainal Abidin Ahmad, better known under the name Za'ba Pendeta Za'ba (1885–1973), as well as a translation of articles from the Islamic Review , the organ of the Woking Muslim Mission . It also included the collection of essays Hadiah Kebangsaan (“National Gift”, 1933), which contained al-Hadi's translations of Muhammad ʿAbduh's essays on honest praise and sharaf, and two by Za'ba on poverty and the salvation of the Malays. They had all previously appeared in al-Ikhwan magazine. Finally, in the publishing numerous works of Tahir Jalaluddin, including the text appeared Perisai Prang Beriman tentang Madzhab Prang Kadian ( "The sign of the faithful to the teaching direction of Qadiyanis", 1930), a refutation of the teachings of Ahmadiyya .

Death and offspring

Sayyid Shaykh died on February 20, 1934 at his home in Jelutong. Although his son Alwi gives a brain disease as the cause of death, this has been doubted by Sayyid Shaykh's grandson Mohamed Alwi, who himself witnessed his death. Mohamed Alwi has reported that Sayyid Shaykh had severe pain in his neck and left arm in the days before his death, and suggested that he died of heart failure.

Sayyid Shaykh was buried in the cemetery of the Friday Mosque in Jelutong, Penang. His funeral was very well attended. The funeral service and the grave were kept very simple at Sayyid Shaykh's request. His longtime friend Tahir Jalaluddin said a prayer , and'Abdallāh al-Maghribi delivered a eulogy to the dead. Pendeta Za'ba wrote an obituary in Sayyid Shaykh newspaper on February 24, Saudara was published. In it he wrote that Sayyid Shaykh's death would be a hard loss, especially for the followers of Islam on the Malay Peninsula.

The Tamil merchant, with whom Sayyid Shaykh had taken out a mortgage, had the house auctioned after his death, so that his wife and grandson Mohamed Alwi had to move into a small mangrove house. They lived there in poor conditions. The magazine Saudara was continued after Sayyid Shaykh's death first by Tahir Jalaluddin and then by Sayyid Shaykh's son Alwi and lived on until 1941. Alwi became active in the Malay nationalist movement during the 1930s and was one of the founders of the UMNO party.

Works

Fictional works

Hikayat Faridah Hanum

Cover picture of the novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum

The novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum ("The story of Mrs. Faridah"), actually Hikayat Setia ʿAshik kepada Maʿshok-nya atau Shafik Afandi dengan Faridah Hanum ("The story of the lover who was loyal to his beloved or Shafik Afandi and Faridah Hanum" ) was published in 1925/26 in two volumes of 250 pages each. The book is considered to be the first novel in Malay literature, but W. Roff believes that it was preceded by another Malay novel, namely the detective story Cerita Kecurian Lima Million Ringgit ("The story of the five-million- ringgit robbery") published in Kota Bharu in 1922 . The style of the Hikayat Faridah Hanum corresponds to the French bourgeois novels of the 19th century by Emile Zola , Anatole France and Gustave Flaubert's Madame Bovary . It also includes poetic passages with double verses of the traditional Gurindam type, with which al-Hadi revived this form of Malay poetry. Hikayat Faridah Hanum was extremely successful: by 1985 the book had six editions. While the first three editions (Al-Aminiyyah Press 1925/26, Jelutong Press 1927/28 and Qalam, Singapore 1950) appeared in Jawi script, the later editions (1964, 1965 and 1985) were printed in Latin script.

The Hikayat Faridah Hanum is set in Cairo in 1894, where Faridah Hanum, a very beautiful young woman, has a date with Shafik Efendi, a handsome young man. Both come from wealthy, aristocratic families and are well educated; In contrast to her lover, Faridah has not only a Western, but also an Islamic education. The two are madly in love with each other and swear eternal loyalty. At the same time they are united by the desire to serve their fatherland ( watan ) and people ( bangsa ). Faridah, however, was promised by her father to the relative Badruddin. The father insists that this marriage vow be carried out, although Faridah protests against it and, after separating from Shafik Efendi, becomes so seriously ill that her life is threatened. After the marriage, however, she can dissolve the marriage through a fatwa from the Sheikh of the Azhar and then marry her lover Shafik. After marrying Shafik, Faridah campaigned for women's education in Egypt and founded various schools for girls, the graduates of which later became internationally known as women's rights activists.

In the novel, Al-Hadi uses the characters and the setting of modern Egypt to bring forward his ideas about the emancipation of women. He moves cleverly between facts and fiction and mixes them up in the composition of his story. The novel is also about showing how Islamic values ​​can be implemented in society. Sayyid Shaykh was a pioneer with this concept of using the novel as a form of conveying Islamic principles. The novel also contains an explicit reading recommendation: Shafik Efendi is instructed by his father that if he wanted to know anything about Islam, he should regularly read the journal al-Manār by Rashīd Ridā and Muhammad ʿAbduh , because it discusses Islam and its compatibility with progress .

The novel does not only deal with questions of social ethics, but also contains numerous realistic erotic passages and fiery descriptions of how Faridah spends her free time. One chapter tells how Faridah and Shafik meet in a house specially rented for this purpose and how Faridah appears to the rendezvous in particularly tight-fitting clothing with a transparent overgarment to put her lover to the test. In another passage, Sayyid Shaykh describes how the lovable Shafik hugs and kisses his lover with her permission. The first editions of the book were also illustrated with erotic photographic images. They showed seductive pictures of Faridah Hanum as well as Faridah and Shafik kissing and in intimate contact. Sayyid Shaykh repeatedly uses poetry to describe the beauty of Faridah, the couple's love affair and their sexual relationship after marriage. According to Christine Campbell, the erotic passages were a concession to the young male readership whose attention Sayyid Shaykh wanted to draw to his project of Islamic reform. They were also supposed to secure the income he needed to keep publishing.

The question of whether Faridah Hanum is an independent work or an adaptation of an Egyptian novel is controversial . While Wahab Ali takes the view that the work is from the novel Zainab. Manāẓir wa-aḫlāq rīfīya ("Zainab. Village scenes and characters") is inspired by the Egyptian writer Muhammad Husain Haikal (1888–1956), Virginia Hooker considers it more likely that it is an "original story". Christine Campbell described Faridah Hanum as a “hybrid work” and suggested that Egyptian translations of disreputable French novels were his model. Malay scholars believe that Zainab Sayyid Shaykh was the source of inspiration for Faridah Hanum . Rosni bin Samah, who compared the two novels, comes to the conclusion that the influence is particularly noticeable in the area of ​​choice of subject, plot and characters. According to Bahjat / Muhammad's research, Zainab mainly influenced the novel in terms of the eponymous heroines and their twofold dilemma of being loved by an unwanted relative while longing for another man themselves.

Other romance novels

Sayyid Shaykh published four other romance novels in the late 1920s:

• Hikayat Taman Cinta Berahi atau Mahir Afandi dengan Iqbal Hanum ("The story of the garden of ecstatic love or Mahir Afandi and Iqbal Hanum"), novel 1928, over 600 pages, love story set in modern Egypt.
• Hikayat Anak Dara Ghassan atau Hindun dengan Hammad ("The story of the Virgin of Ghassān or Hind and Hammād"), Jelutong Press 1928–29, over 1000 pages, novel about the love of the Christian Arab Princess Hind for the Arab Muslim Prince Hammād in the time of the Prophet Mohammed , based on the historical novel Fatāt Ghassān by Jurdschī Zaidān . The book was reprinted in 1959.
• Hikayat Puteri Nur ul-ʿAin atau Bahaya Bercerai Talak Tiga dan Bercina Buta ( The story of Princess Nuru l'Ain or the danger of separation with triple talāq and intermarriage ; 1929) a short work of 200 pages.
• Hikayat Cermin Kehidupan ("The Story of the Mirror of Life"), 1929, 604 pages, a Turkish story that emphasizes the need for chastity among young people.

All of these books were very popular, but none of them achieved the popularity of his novel Faridah Hanum. The popularity of the Hanum stories can also be seen in the fact that, since their publication, many Malays have chosen the name Hanum or Hanim for their female children . The intention of his romance novels was to bring the readers closer to the ideas of a new social order as well as a modern attitude towards the status of women, and to illustrate the adaptability of Islam to the changed living conditions in the modern world.

The Rokambul series

These are seven detective stories based on the model of the Rocambole stories by Pierre Alexis de Ponson du Terrail (1829–1871), which al-Hadi probably translated into Malay based on an Arabic model. The first Rokambul stories were published in his monthly magazine al-Ikhwān in 1928 . In 1929 he published it in his weekly Saudara . They also appeared in book form before his death. The stories are:

• Cerita Rokambul dengan Puteri Russian yang 'Ashik (“The story of Rocambole with the Russian princess in love”), 498 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dalam Siberia (“The story of Rocambole in Siberia”), 400 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dengan Perbendaharaan Hindi atau Peperangan di antara Kebajikan dengan Kejahatan dalam Kehidupan Manusia ("The story of Rocambole and the Indian treasury or The struggle between good and evil in people's lives"), 509 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dalam Jail dan di-Paris (“The story of Rocambole in prison and in Paris”), 398 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dengan Korban Hindi ("The story of Rocambole and the Indian sacrifice"), 502 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dengan Medium Kaum Nor (“The story of Rocambole and the medium of the people of light”), 508 pages.
• Cerita Rokambul dengan Taman Penglipor Lara ("The story of Rocambole and the storyteller's garden"), 296 pages.

With this series, Sayyid Shaykh introduced the genre of the detective story to Malay literature. His Rokambul stories are also the most famous crime stories in the Malay language.

Non-fictional works

• At-Tarbiya wa-t-taʿlīm. Pemeliharaan dan Pembelajaran ("Rearing and Education") 1908, 60 pages. It is a series of articles first published in al-Imām magazine that emphasize the importance of education for the development of the Muslim ummah . The articles are based on the Arabic book at-Tahliya wa-t-tarġīb fī tarbiya wa-t-tahḏīb by Saiyid Muhammad , published in Cairo in 1903 .
• At-Taʾrīkh al-islāmī ("Islamic History"), published in Penang in 1922 by Mercantile Press, 205 pages. The book, which is based on a series of articles published by Sayyid Shaykh in al-Imām from 1906 to 1908 , deals with the early history of Muslims, in particular the rise of Islam in pre-Islamic Arab society, its propagation in Mecca, the founding of the Islamic community in Medina and the major battles of the Prophet Mohammed .
• Tafsir Ǧuzʾ ʿAmma yatasāʾalūn , Commentary on the 30th and last part of the Koran , which begins with Sura 78 , published in 1927 by Jelutong Press, first in the journal al-Ikhwān , then as a separate book. It is the Malay translation of a work by Muhammad ʿAbduh .
• Tafsīr al-Fātihah , annotated translation of the Fātiha , published in 1928 by Jelutong Press, based on the 1901 commentary on the Fātiha by Muhammad ʿAbduh.

Hudā Schaʿrāwī , for Sayyid Shaykh the ideal image of a modern Muslim woman

• Kitab 'Alam Perempuan ("The Book of Woman's Nature") was published by Jelutong Press in 1930 and contained a series of articles that had previously appeared in al-Ikhwān . The subtitle “A discussion of the benefits of women's freedom for themselves, for the society of their nation and their fatherland, with evidence of reason and scripture from the Sharia of Islam” shows the intention of Sayyid Shaykh with the book. According to Roff, half of the book was a translation of the famous book Taḥrīr al-Marʾa ("The Liberation of Woman") by Qāsim Amīn . It also contained images of various Egyptian women's rights activists such as Hudā Schaʿrāwī .
• Ugama Islam dan 'Akal ("The Religion of Islam and Reason"), nine-chapter treatise, published in 1931 by Jelutong Press. As al-Hadi explains in the preface, the aim of the book is to educate Muslims that Islam conforms to reason by showing that Muslims' religious duties provide an answer to modern needs. Chapter 1 tries to show the reader that Islam has great respect for reason, Chapter 2 shows that egalitarianism is the foundation of Islam, Chapter 3 tries to show that Islam is peace and harmony between people promoted, Chapter 4 is about the appreciation of frugality, simplicity and hard work in Islam, Chapter 5 is about the universality and Chapter 6 is about the practical wisdom of Islam. A second edition in Latin script was published in 1965 by his son Sayyid Alwi in Kota Bharu .
• In 1933 the British Malaya Cooperative Office published a study by al-Hadi on the issue of the Ribā . In it he presented the entire spectrum of Muslim scholars on this question and tried to show that bank interest, shares and cooperatives are allowed according to Islamic teaching. However, the writing has not survived.

Positions

religion

The rationality of Islam

Like Muhammad ʿAbduh , al-Hadi's writings were less aimed at convinced Muslims than at those educated Malays who doubted that Islam could still serve as a guide in modern life. On the other hand, he himself was firmly convinced that Islamic religion and rationality are compatible with one another. This was also the main theme of his book "Islam and Reason" published in 1930. In it he went through the five pillars of Islam one by one and tried to show their rationality in each case. The purpose of the creed is, for example, to give people a firm belief in God. This, so explains al-Hadi, frees people in their lives from the fear of powers or energies beyond the causality created by God, because the believer knows that God's power transcends all other powers. Therefore, he no longer fears powers and energies that are ascribed to wood, stones, idols, graves, spirits or demons. Against the background that in its day Islam still mixed strongly with animist and Hindu elements among the Malay Muslims , this statement was particularly relevant.

In discussing the daily prayers , Sayyid Shaykh stressed their social and moral advantages in the sense that if a Muslim wholeheartedly fulfills this duty, he will not commit wrongdoing forbidden by God. Here he was referring to the Koran word in sura 29:45 , according to which prayer forbids doing what is abhorrent and reprehensible. He believed that Muslims who performed the prayers but still transgressed God's commandments did not have enough fear of God because they did not understand the meaning and purpose of what they were reciting in their prayers. Al-Hadi stressed that the five daily prayers did not take up much time and did not distract the Muslims from their work and striving for worldly success. Although they make an important contribution to peace, agility and enthusiasm at work and securing livelihoods in the world of competition, these prayers take less than two hours to be performed.

Al-Hadi said that one could do the obligatory prayers alone, but recognized that group prayer had an additional social meaning. Participation in the Friday prayers was his view mandatory under because it established a good social relationship between the Muslims and they had a good opportunity to hear the sermons, which they asked to to do good and avoid bad actions. However, al-Hadi was skeptical about the achievement of the social goals of the sermons read at the Friday service. In December 1927, for example, he wrote that 99 percent of the Muslims who attended the Friday prayer in Malaya did not understand the Friday sermon because it was given in an incomprehensible language.

In al-Hadi's opinion, zakāt also has social functions: it is a means of showing love and brotherhood and of providing help. Al-Hadi criticized the Malay Muslims for not properly managing the collected zakāt and not distributing it to the authorized recipients, and recommended that it be used for the development of socio-economic projects such as the establishment of Islamic colleges , universities and Muslim factories in which unemployed Muslims could work. He interpreted this as a contemporary interpretation of the Koranic instruction in sura 9:60 that one should use the alms in the way of God .

Al-Hadi viewed the Hajj as a ritual that served to establish social and business contacts between Muslims from all over the world. In doing so, he argued that the great modern nations are also creating various facilities and facilities for holding religious, social, and business gatherings and gatherings. However, in his opinion, the Muslims from Malaya who traveled to Mecca on pilgrimage did not take advantage of the social and business opportunities during this time, but only undertook the trip to obtain the Hajj title because it was social for them Create prestige.

Polemics against traditional scholarship

Sayyid Shaykh was sure that Islam was a rational religion, but he felt that in the present it had deviated from its original goals. For this he blamed "the majority of the ʿUlamā ' and Fiqh students" responsible. They used Islam for their own purposes in such a way that it "became a joke". This thesis was also the subject of a separate article for al-Ikhwān in November 1930 . In it, al-Hadi wrote that it was not Islam itself that was responsible for the downfall of Muslims, but rather the “greedy religious leaders” ( angkara ketua-ketua agama ). Although they are able to read Arabic books and have mastered Arabic grammar and syntax, they are as far removed from true Islam as heaven and earth. In his book “Islam and Reason”, al-Hadi recommended that Malay Muslims should not give their zakāt to these “religious men in white caps and large turbans”, but only to those who were entitled to it.

Sayyid Shaykh referred to those who taught what he believed to be false Islam as Kaum Tua ("traditionalists"), while those who advocated a modern, rationalist Islam were called Barely Muda ("modernists"). In an article entitled "Trust in the Scholars" ( Percayakan Ulama ) he accused the Kaum Tua in March 1929 of uncritically accepting the opinions of the ʿUlamā ' presented orally or in books , assuming that they were based on the Koran and Hadith are supported. The position of the Hardly Muda, on the other hand, is that no opinion of an individual is infallible , because only the Koran and Hadith are incontestable. In the case of the doctrinal opinions of the scholars, the Muslims always have a duty to check their truthfulness. If they matched the teachings of the Koran and the Prophet, they should be adopted, otherwise they should be rejected. He rejected the view that one should not study the words of the Qur'an and the Prophet oneself because this indicates that the person concerned does not trust the ʿUlamā 'and has deviated from Islam. Such claims would only be made by ʿUlamā 'who earned their living “in the name of Islam” and were street vendors of the religion. But Islam would like to keep such people as far away as possible.

Criticism of traditional customs and Sufik

Just as Sayyid Shaykh repeatedly stressed the rationality of Islam, he conversely criticized traditional Malaysian practices. In a 1930 article, he expressed his disappointment that marriage, "an act so honorable in Islam," had become a heavy financial burden for the Malays, especially the wali and the bride's relatives. Sayyid Shaykh suggested that it was not very difficult for rich people to comply with the requirements of this custom. The problem, in his view, was particularly acute for the middle class and the poor: in order to fulfill this custom in the same way as the nobles ( datuk datuk ) and wealthy ( orang kaya ) did, some of them had to borrow or borrow money Take out a mortgage on their land. Therefore, Sayyid Shaykh urged the rich to take the first step towards change so that the poor would follow them. He also sharply criticized the many inconveniences that the bride and groom had to endure, especially the bride in preparation for the wedding. He particularly criticized the Malaccan Adat , in which a particularly elaborate way of decorating the bride was maintained.

Al-Hadi also criticized traditional religious practices such as counting prayer formulas with the prayer chain and making amulets , referring to the Koran . In June 1933 he spoke out against the holding of the Mandi-Safar , a joyous festival with ritual baths in rivers and in the sea, which is celebrated by the Malays on the last Wednesday of the month of Safar . In December 1929, in an article for al-Ikhwān , he made fun of the way in which the Friday sermon is given in Malay mosques : A man who has covered himself like a woman climbs on the minbar and gives his sermon in a language which no one, including himself, understands.

In addition, al-Hadi turned against Sufi practices. For example, he rejected the Sufi meeting houses called Rumah Suluk and disapproved of the fact that women and men held spiritual exercises there together. Meditation ( murāqabat Allaah ), as practiced by some Muslim groups in Malaya, he regarded as a religious practice that had no basis in Islam because, in his opinion, the Prophet Mohammed had not taught it.

His confrontation with the Sufis reached a climax in 1933 when the head of the Tarīqa Taslīm paid him a visit with some of his followers and asked him for confirmation that the beliefs of his group were correct. Sayyid Shaykh agreed to this request on condition that the movement's followers would accept his findings based on the Koran and hadith . He then undertook research into the group together with ʿAbdallāh al-Maghribī and Tāhir Jalāl ad-Dīn. After the investigation was completed, a gathering of 10,000 Muslims was called and Sayyid Shaykh gave those present a three-hour lecture to inform them of his findings. As a result, he stated that all the arrangements in the book of the Taslīm group were wrong and contradict the teaching of Islam because they represented shirk . The members of the group who were present were asked to perform the tauba and speak the Shahada . Sayyid Sheykh reported on the incident in detail in his newspaper Saudara in October 1933.

politics

Judgment on the Malay ruling elites

Although Sayyid Sheikh had dealt with the traditional Malay ruling elites a lot in his youth, especially in Riau, and was also promoted by them, he often expressed his displeasure with them in his writings and blamed them for the weakness of the Malays. In 1906 in al-Imam he accused the Malay rulers of spending their time playing and satisfying voluptuous desires and neglecting their duties. According to al-Hadi, they used their money for useless and extravagant things that would benefit neither the state nor the nation.

One of the few Malay rulers who was judged positively by al-Hadi was Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor (ruled 1862–1895). In his article Ash-Sharaf: Kemuliaan atau Kehormatan (“Sharaf: pomp or honor?”) From February 1908, al-Hadi cites him as a particularly positive example of a local ruler, but emphasizes that this sultan is not considered because of his fine shirts , his imposing palace and his medals, but because of his glorious and honorable effort to save an Islamic state that had fallen "into the mouth of a wild tiger". He founded a government for his community and his descendants and kept that government independent throughout his life, while many others had sold their states cheaply in full markets. In connection with criticism of Malay wedding customs, al-Hadi later praised the sultans of Johor and Kedah , who held very simple celebrations when their children were married.

Al-Hadi accused the Malay people of relying too much on their rulers and leaders and not taking their fate into their own hands. He warned the readers of his magazine al-Ikhwān not to be deceived by the pomp and titles of their authorities, as they were the real cause of all evil and the greatest helper of the nations they oppressed. In an article he published in July 1927, he accused the Muslim elites of being uncritical of the rulers, glorifying their deeds and courting them with honorary titles , while, conversely, they forgot the needs of their societies and had no interest in improvement showed their situation.

In an earlier article for al-Imām , al-Hadi had already polemicized against the theological advisers of the sultans, called Penghulu , and the traditional Malay leaders. There he exclaimed:

“Oh God, we have been loyal to our penghulus and our traditional leaders, and they have led us astray. O God, bring upon them the double suffering we have suffered along with the greatest of your curses. They are the heads and we are the tails. They are the seeds of all calamities and sufferings. They are the spendthrifts and the kings of the ignorant. They are the source of all ailments and misfortunes. […] All the wealth of the land acquired by squeezing the blood of the poor was used for their benefit, contrary to the laws of Islam, wasted on the bowls of pseudo-religious ceremonies, in glasses of alcoholic beverages Jogging and other conversations "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Imām July 1907

Advocacy of British colonial rule

In the articles that Sayyid Shaykh published in the journal al-Imām , he was predominantly critical of the European colonial powers. In the first issue of this magazine of September 16, 1906, he described in an article entitled Angan-angan Berbetulan dengan Hakikat ("Fantasies that agree with reality"), how he was in a dream high in the sky and looks down with tears in his eyes at Sumatra, Java, the Philippines and Malaya, all of which are in the hands of foreign powers. In the same article, he accused the British of not doing enough to educate the residents of their colonies. In December of the same year he charged the Europeans with leading oriental peoples into slavery, showing themselves double-faced and disrespectful to oriental rulers and closing the gates to knowledge. Ismail Fajrie Alatas thinks that the story of Rocambole with the Indian treasure also contains indirect criticism of the British colonial power, because it tells us that the British bring the local Muslim population under their control by making them dependent on opium and also Make contracts with local rulers.

Sayyid Shaykh of his magazine al-Ikhwān was more positive about the British. In the second issue of the magazine, which appeared on October 16, 1926, he praised the prosperity in British Malaya, which was "the result of the good government of the British", but he warned the Malays at the same time that the British were only European Wanted to attract capital and open banks "to enable other people to buy saddles to put on your backs so that you can work your land for their profit." The various buildings and fertile gardens did not belong to them, but to another people. In view of the backwardness of the Malay rulers, which he criticized, however, he highlighted the positive aspects of British rule:

“Leave behind the hum of the people who like to discuss government politics together, because you are not people in this field. Rather, you should thank Great Britain at this time for the gift that it has freed you from the slavery of your rulers and has given you laws that will never be an obstacle to you on the way to progress. "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Ikhwān , October 16, 1926.

Although al-Hadi had expressed himself relatively friendly towards the British in his article, he received a letter from Pendeta Za'ba in response, criticizing him for secretly stirring up hatred towards the British. Za'ba questioned the honesty of al-Hadi's praise for British colonial rule in Malaya and characterized it with the Malay saying tanam tebu di bibir mulut (literally "growing sugar cane on the lip") as "rasping liquorice".

Sayyid Shaykh then dismissed this accusation in another article and repeated his praise for the colonial power. He went so far as to compare the British with God's army, whose arrival in Malaya brought blessings for the population:

“Indeed, the English are an army of God the Lord of the Worlds ( rabb al-ʿālamīn ) who commanded them to come here to help us out of the darkness, the prison of ignorance, injustice, wickedness and cruelty of our own To free rulers, because the English are clever, respect the rules of rule, world peace and prosperity. "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Ikhwān in November 1926

Sayyid Shaykh believed to be able to relate the Koranic statement in sura 21: 105 that God's righteous servants would one day inherit the earth. Malay Muslims should take advantage of justice, freedom and peace for their own betterment, and then assist the British government in administering what would ultimately benefit them. Sayyid Shaykh regarded the very thought of asking the British to leave the country as a sin, because he believed that the moment they left the country there was a danger that other nations would invade. This is so because, firstly, the Malays are not yet able to control their own land and, secondly, they do not have the power to prevent an enemy from entering. If the Malays, under the rule of the British, who ate meat themselves, did not get the same meat to eat, then at least they could suck on the bones.

Al-Hadi was very positive about British rule in the last years of his life and in his novels he expressed his admiration for its ability to organize ( peraturan ) the state. According to an article he published in March 1929 in response to the threatened ban on al-Ikhwān and Saudara in Kelantan, he even saw the British as a protective force for his reform project. In the article, al-Hadi said that Kelantan only entered the modern world with the implementation of British jurisprudence from a state of barbarism, but that there are still people there who believe in the words of religious authorities who never open their eyes to modernity and opened up to free thought, as it did under the protection of British rule. At the end of the article, Al-Hadi expressed his confidence that the government “under the flag of His Royal Highness George V ” would receive freedom of thought and remove everything that stood in the way of its exercise, “even if these obstacles were under the Cloak of religion ”.

Malay nationalism

Although Sayyid Shaykh himself was of Arab hadramite descent on his father's side, he clearly saw Malaya as his home and considered the Malays as his ethnic group. His magazine al-Ikhwān was addressed to "all his brothers in the Malay world" ( sekalian ikhwannya di dalam alam Melayu ). When he spoke of the land of the Malays, he meant the entire Malay Peninsula and the surrounding islands that make up the Malay Archipelago . Al-Hadi in Saudara reproached the “high-ranking personalities of Islam” ( orang besar-besar Islam ) in Malaya for sitting idly in meetings and kissing their hands instead of working to improve the situation of their compatriots.

Sayyid Shaykh repeatedly expressed concern for the continued existence of the Malay people. In September 1906, for example, he expressed his fear that the Malays might suffer the same fate as the natives of America and Australia had before. Only God can save them from this. And in October 1930 he published an article in al-Ikhwān entitled “Will the Malays be wiped out?” ( Adakah Barely Melayu ini Akan Hapus? ), In which he warned the Malays that their non-participation in the economic sphere was theirs could endanger whole survival.

In an article entitled Teriak Sa-benar (“The Real Outcry”) in October 1926, he appealed to the Malays to “finally wake up from their sleep”. It was necessary to cry out as if one had been beaten with the greatest violence. Screaming and roaring, he wrote, are better than laughing and applauding, because how can one allow another people to become the guardians of one's own people on the territory of the homeland ? Homeland, Watan , was a very important political concept for Sayyid Shaykh, which also played a significant role in his novels. In the foreword to the Hikayat Anak Dara Ghassan , for example, he explains that this story contains symbolic allusions that lead readers to love the fatherland ( waṭan ) and the nation. Also in the plot of Faridah Hanum are calls for national awakening and for devotion and love for the fatherland.

If Muslims of mixed Arab-Malay descent were among the pioneers of Malay nationalism, this movement later turned against them, for in the early 1930s its tendencies to no longer recognize Arab-Malay Muslims as Malays emerged. Sayyid Shaykh warned the Malays of such tendencies in May 1930, arguing that they still needed the help of their Arab brothers, as they were the wealthiest and most influential group among Malay Muslims.

The Chinese as a threat and a role model

Sayyid Shaykh saw the Malays as threatened mainly by the Chinese . In his article, which he published in al-Imām in July 1907 , he warned the Malays that they had assumed almost all economic functions in their society. Addressing his readers, he wrote:

“Let's pause for a moment, dear readers. Have a look around in any Kampung ('village'), the place of the Muslims. If you look left and right, front and back, you will see that those who sell rice to the Kampung people are Chinese. Those who sell vegetables are Chinese. The ones who sell fish are Chinese. Those who carry the water from house to house are Chinese. And those who mow and sow for the majority of Kampung are also Chinese "

- Sayyid Shaykh on July 12, 1907 in al-Imām

In his article "The True Outcry" of October 1926, Sayyid Shaykh warned the Malays that it was a mistake to be protected in such a way that they would starve to death without clothes if "a foreign people" did not have food, clothing, utensils, and delivered apartment. They would never have made all of these valuables available to the Malays had it not been for their intention to “fatten us up so that they could make use of us as they do with machines and factories”. As he made clear in a subsequent article, by "foreign people" he also meant the Chinese.

Sayyid Shaykh was very concerned that the strong Chinese presence could pose a threat to the Malays. He wrote in an article in October 1928:

“Do you not see that in the country in which you live all the busy places have already been completely or largely withdrawn from the property of the Muslim children of the country and have almost completely fallen into the hands of the Chinese? If this continues towards the mainland, where are the Muslim brothers supposed to flee to? "

- Sayyid Shaykh: Saudara , October 27, 1928

In February 1931, al-Hadi grappled with the testimony of a Chinese man who had claimed that the Malay Peninsula was not the land of the Malays but his country and rejected it.

Sayyid Shaykh saw the Chinese as a threat on the one hand, but was also impressed on the other hand by the determination with which the Chinese immigrants in Malaya had built prosperity, so that they had become large landowners and brought economic life into their hands . In the same October 1928 article for Saudara , in which he expressed his fear of Chinese foreign infiltration , he recommended that Muslims follow their example and expressed his astonishment that Muslims are in diligence, wisdom, knowledge, charity, Dignity, solidarity and charity were inferior to the Chinese, even though the Koran urged them to improve. He also praised the way the Chinese used their money to build schools for the needy and advised Muslims to follow suit. After the Muslims had already failed to follow the dictates of their religion with regard to the dissemination of knowledge, and they had not successfully followed either the European or the Japanese model, the time had now come to at least follow the example of the Chinese with regard to the education and upbringing of children to follow.

Work ethic and social Darwinism

In the second half of the 1920s, al-Hadi repeatedly emphasized the necessity of education ( pengetahuan ) and work ( bekerja ) in his writings , which were partly followed by social Darwinist considerations. In his opening article in the magazine al-Ikhwān in September 1926, he characterized the present as a “time of education and work”: Every nation that cares about education and works will have a dominant position, but every people, that stupid and be lazy, go under. It is necessary to take care of these two things yourself and then to convey the love for them to your own children from an early age. At the end of 1926, in his answer to az-Za'ba, said: "This worldly life is a battlefield that promises superiority and victory to anyone who works hard and has knowledge." In an article he published in June 1930, he tried to prove that Islam urges people to exertion and work, and quoted several verses from the Koran for this. Laziness, he claimed in the article, is harmful to health and pollutes the soul.

Al-Hadi's social Darwinist orientation is particularly evident in the article "Will the Malays be wiped out?" ( Adakah Hardly Melayu ini Akan Hapus? ), Which he published in al-Ikhwān in October 1930 . In it he stated that the Europeans ultimately only followed their natural disposition when exploiting their colonies, the God-given Fitra , as described in Sura 30:30 . This natural instinct drives them to strive for superiority. According to Sayyid Shaykh, this behavior corresponds to the principle of the survival of the fittest described by Charles Darwin : God instilled in all people the will to know how to make progress and to achieve perfection. Anyone who is too weak in this competition for superiority will perish. With such statements, with which he tried to reconcile Darwinist theory and Islam, Sayyid Shaykh also provided a justification for colonial capitalism .

Education and school system

The shortcomings of traditional religious education

Traditional religious upbringing took place among the Malays until the early 20th century, mainly in Pondoks. A Pondok usually consisted of a surau , the teacher's house and several wooden huts in which the students lived. Al-Hadi was very critical of this institution. In an article he published in al-Ikhwān in February 1928 , he said that while it was gratifying when young men sought religious knowledge, he judged that the Pondok disciples were brought into behavior by the Muslim scholars which is in stark contradiction to the teachings of Islam. He expressed his disapproval of the fact that in Kedah the Pondok students were led by their teachers to funerals and celebrations on the occasion of the prophet's birthday in the villages, so that they could recite prayers and then be rewarded with alms payments and participation in the feast become. Sayyid Shaykh expressed doubts in the article that such gatherings, at which the Pondok disciples appeared like mosque servants ( lebai ) in white caps, would be of any benefit to the Muslim community or the country, and called on the Sheikh al-Islam of Kedah to combat it “Of these dangerous gatherings”.

In connection with his remarks on the meaning of ritual prayer , al-Hadi complained that the Muslim children were brought up by teachers who, although they had a good command of the complicated movements and postures of prayer and were also able to recite the invocations, had not learned their real meaning. He believed that prayer could only change a person's personality for the better if what was read and the purpose of the prayer were understood. In this context, he criticized that 90 percent of Malay Muslims or more failed to understand the meaning of the readings they recited in their prayers five times a day. To overcome the problem, al-Hadi recommended that those who impart Islamic knowledge to Muslim children should also explain the meaning of the readings to them so that Muslims do not remain “in backwardness and shame”.

The call to found Anglo-Malay schools

Al-Hadi believed that if Muslims failed to adhere to the European education system, they would remain backward forever. The article "The true outcry" of October 1926 already contained an invitation to the Malays to quickly found schools for their children. In December 1929, in his newspaper Saudara , he called on the Malays to establish Anglo-Malay schools in view of the difficulties Malays faced when entering English schools. In February 1930 he repeated this call in al-Ikhwān . In the Anglo-Malay schools, both Malay, “the language of the country's children”, and English, the language of the colonial rulers and administration, should be taught. Above all, the religious teachings should be taught in Malay language, for which purpose these should first be translated into Malay from Arabic sources. As for English, the school should follow government regulations for private schools so that certificates issued in the school would be recognized by the government.

Al-Hadi made his proposal against the background of the failure of the many private Arab schools established in Malaya at the time: despite the large amount of time and money that the students had spent on them, they had not achieved the goals of their establishment. He himself had two madrasas in Singapore and Malacca that had to close again. According to him, the main reason for the failure of the Arab schools was the weakness of their teachers. In his opinion, the Arab schools could only be successful if they were paid for at high levels, much higher than those at Anglo-Malay schools. Regarding the difficulties to be overcome in the new project, he exclaimed: “Delete the word 'impossible', because the term 'impossible' has been completely eradicated from the dictionary of the path of progress of people who want to live in their country in freedom and dignity. "

Since Sayyid Shaykh's appeal received little response from his reading audience, he wrote a second article in March 1930 in which he violently attacked the Malay elites and accused them of not paying enough attention to the organization of an adequate education for their children. Sayyid Shaykh also saw this educational project as a necessity for the success of the Malay "struggle for survival". In October 1930 he wrote:

“When a native people are equally educated as the invaders, follow the same method these invaders use in raising their children, venture into the same trades and professions, use the same shield in the struggle of life, then it will be certain survive and keep up with foreigners "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Ikhwān October 16, 1930

As proof that Islam calls the believers to acquire the knowledge of foreign nations, Sayyid Shaykh quoted the traditional prophetic word : "Seek knowledge, even if it is in China." A limitation of education to Fiqh , as it is with the was common among Islamic religious scholars, said Sayyid Shaykh as absurd. In the article he demanded that students "should receive any kind of knowledge that enables Muslims to keep up with other people in life." One can only benefit from tawheed and fiqh if one also understands and appreciates the various other kinds of knowledge. In February 1931 Sayyid Shaykh reaffirmed his position and justified the need to learn English by saying that it was the key to knowledge and progress.

The Jawi script as a symbol of Islamic identity

Although al-Hadi was committed to imparting European education, he also said that the Malays should stick to the Jawi script, which is based on the Arabic script. In September 1933 he defended this script in an opinion article as a pillar of Islamic identity and culture and as a bulwark against communism . As a negative example, he referred to the situation in Java , where the children only knew the Latin script taught by the Dutch . Sayyid Shaykh also rejected the written fixation of the Koran in Latin script, on the grounds that the Latin script could not accurately reproduce the Arabic sounds and that the meaning of the words would be completely distorted when read by people who do not speak Arabic could.

emancipation of woman

Al-Hadi also campaigned heavily in his writings to improve the status of women in Malaya.

The social and intellectual equality of women

Faridah and her lover Shafik, photography in the novel Faridah Hanum, which propagated a modern image of women

In his book on the nature of women, published in 1930, al-Hadi rejected the common traditional view that women are inferior to men in status and intellect. He argued that Sura 49:13 shows that people regardless of gender have the same ability to know God and are equally accountable under His law. The equality of man and woman is also proven by the hadith “Women are the second halves of men” ( innamā n-nisāʾ šaqāʾiq ar-riǧāl ). The Koranic statement in sura 2: 228 that men are one step above women does not mean, in his opinion, that men are of higher value than women. Rather, the statement must be understood in the sense of a superiority, just as the head is higher than the stomach; but even if the head is higher than other parts of the body, it cannot live without the stomach. Al-Hadi viewed the demotion of Muslim women in the present as a consequence of social and political developments within the Muslim community from the Abbasid period . As evidence, he referred to the early Islamic period, when he believed women were highly respected and played an important role in public life in both times of peace and war.

The theme of the emancipation of women also plays an important role in the novel Faridah Hanum. Al-Hadi tells that Faridah's father was imbued with the belief that women were inferior according to Islam because he was under the influence of unqualified and ignorant religious teachers who taught Muslims such things. Al-Hadi rejects this teaching and stresses that the true Islamic teaching about women is in complete contrast to what these unfortunate religious teachers have spread. The novel ends with a reference to the speeches of Hudā Schaʿrāwī and with a condemnation of such misogynist traditions that are contrary to Islam:

“The ignorance of women and the laws applied against them today in most Muslim societies disregard the intention and the commandments of Islam. The reason for this is the ignorance of the intention of this noble religion among most of its followers. It is due to the fact that these only follow the ancient customs of their ancestors. The End."

- Sayyid Shaykh at the end of his novel Faridah Hanum .

In his romance novels, al-Hadi generally portrayed the heroines as educated intellectual women who fight for their rights and their position in society and who also speak European foreign languages. Nūr ul-ʿAin is described as a princess who "possesses all kinds of internal adornments, from various sciences to all sorts of amusement arts, famous Pantun poems and the forms of Arabic sociability that were common at the time." The modern image of women promoted by al-Hadi also included the fact that women are allowed to smoke. The romance novel Hikayat Taman Cinta Berahi contains an illustration of the cigarette smoking Iqbal Hanum.

The need for women's education

Another area to which al-Hadi paid much attention is women's education. In his book on the nature of women, al-Hadi tried to prove that Islam guarantees Muslim women the right to education. He referred to the alleged hadith , according to which the search for knowledge is a duty for every Muslim and every Muslim woman ( ṭalab al-ʿilm farīḍa ʿalā kull muslim wa-muslima ). He also pointed out that the West had only achieved progress and development because education was given to men and women in the same way. Al-Hadi also demanded that Muslims in general, and Malays in particular, stop glorifying uneducated and ignorant women because "stupid and ignorant mothers whose knowledge is limited to the bedroom and kitchen cannot produce good and victorious children." that knowledge spoils the good character of women, he rejected.

In October 1930, al-Hadi emphasized again in an article in his magazine al-Ikhwān that a change in the rearing of girls in Malaya was absolutely necessary. This must be more focused on developing their intellectual abilities. Here he argued that the progress of a community depends essentially on the situation of the progress of women in that community.

When al-Hadi learned in March 1930 that a young Malay woman named Zainun bint Sulaiman, who had received training in both Malay and English and had been entrusted with overseeing the girls' schools in Johor State, was about to do one Founding women's magazine Bulan Melayu , he wrote an enthusiastic welcome note in al-Ikhwān in which he exclaimed:

“Women, women, women! You are the honor of life, the guide to goodness. You are the magicians who so wisely sow the seeds of progress and the brilliance of life after which men strive after they have learned their true meaning (from you). "

- Sayyid Shaykh in al-Ikhwan in March 1930

In a letter to al-Hadi, Zainun binti Sulaiman expressed her hope that his book Alam Perempuan would open the eyes of those Muslims who do not grant Muslim women the rights to which they are entitled according to Islamic teachings.

Better position for women in marriage law

Al-Hadi also dealt with questions of marriage law. It was the aim of the novel Faridah Hanum to show that women should be given the right to choose their future husband themselves and that forced marriages are not acceptable from an Islamic point of view. The Hikayat Puteri Nur ul-ʿAin was supposed to clarify the dangers of hasty repudiation and criticized the institution of legalization marriage , which in Malay is called Cina Buta ("blind Chinese"). Al-Hadi stated in the book that Cina Buta was tantamount to adultery with the Qadi's permission . In the preface he expresses his hope “that all things that happen in this story will be of benefit and warning to the male and female readers and will cause all people of our religion to re-examine the matter, which is of the utmost importance for the life of the married ”.

Limits to Emancipation

One point that al-Hadi did not discuss was permission to practice polygamy . Ibrahim bin Abu Bakr attributes this to the fact that he himself lived polygamous for a while. During his time in Singapore, he was likely married to three women at the same time. One area in which al-Hadi clearly advocated the superiority of men over women was the household and family life. So too did the female characters in the romance novels accept that the man was considered the head of the family; the woman should obey him as long as he did not order anything against the Islamic teachings.

Sayyid Shaykh also considered the unequal treatment of women in Islamic inheritance law to be justified. In the Hikayat Faridah Hanum he has the father of Shafik Efendi, who appears as an Islamic modernist, give a long speech in defense of Islamic inheritance law, in which he explains that according to Islamic rules male heirs receive twice as much as women because they are obliged to support their wives and female relatives financially.

Sayyid Shaykh's house in Jelutong

Sayyid Shaykh's house at Jalan Jelutong No. 410, the plan of which Sayyid Shaykh himself designed, was purchased by a Chinese after his death and is still standing today. Sohaimi Abdul Aziz, Professor of Literary Studies at the Science University Malaysia , voted in 2007 to turn the house into a documentation center for Malay culture on Penang in order to honor Sayyid Shaykh.

literature

Collection of writings by and about Sayyid Shaykh

• Alijah Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady, with selections of his writings by his son Syed Alwi al-Hady. Malaysian Sociological Research Institute, Kuala Lumpur, 1999. Digitized - Review by Farish Noor in Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 73/2 (2000) 104-109. Digitized

Secondary literature

• Sohaimi Abdul Aziz: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. Cendekia dan Sasterawan Ulung . Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, 2003.
• Sohaimi Abdul Aziz: Syed Syeikh Al-Hadi: Sejauh mana kita menghormati dan menghargai ketokohan dan sumbangannya in Sohaimi Abdul Aziz (ed.): Dari Tanjung Penaga ke George Town: Membongkar Sejarah Negeri Pulau Pinang. Ministry of Culture, Art and Heritage, Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, 2007, pp. 73-88.
• Ibrahim bin Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya as reflected in Hadi's thought . PhD Dissertation, McGill University , 1992. Digitized
• Ibrahim bin Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya: the life and thought of Sayid Syekh al-Hadi, 1867–1934. University of Malaya Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1994.
• Ibrahim bin Abu Bakar: Al-Hādī's political thought in Hamdard Islamicus 18/1 (1995) 99-110.
• Ibrahim Abu Bakr and Rosnani Hashim: Sayid Shaykh al-Hadi. Reform of Islamic Education in Malaya in Rosnani Hashim (ed.): Reclaiming the conversation: Islamic intellectual tradition in the Malay Archipelago . Other Press, Kuala Lumpur, 2010. pp. 91-114.
• Farid Alatas: Ideology and utopia in the thought of Syed Shaykh al-Hady . Working Paper, Dep. of Sociology, National Univ. of Singapore, Singapore, 2005. - Reprinted as Syed Sheikh Ahmad Al-Hady, 1867–1934 and the reform of Malay society, ideological and utopian dimensions in Wazir Jahan Karim (ed.): Straits Muslims: diasporas of the northern passage of the Straits of Malacca . George Town: Straits GT, 2009. pp. 169-180.
• Ismail Fajrie Alatas: Circumlocutory Imperialism: The Concept of Watan in the Thoughts of Syed Shaikh bin Ahmad al-Hady in Studia Islamika 12/2 (2005) 247-297. Digitized
• Muhammad Ali: Islam and colonialism: becoming modern in Indonesia and Malaya . Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2016. pp. 59-64.
• Siti Amirah binti Abdullah: Al-Hadi, Syed Sheikh bin Ahmad in Loh Wei Leng et alii (eds.): Biographical Dictionary of Mercantile Personalities in Penang Think City and MBRAS, Penang, Kuala Lumpur, 2013. pp. 20f. Digitized
• Azyumardi Azra: The Transmission of al-Manārs Reformism to the Malay-Indonesian World. The Case of al-Imām and al-Munīr in Stéphane A. Dudoignon, Komatsu Hisao, Kosugi Yasushi (eds.): Intellectuals in the Modern Islamic World. Transmission, transformation, communication. Abingdon, Routledge, 2007. pp. 143-158. Here pp. 147–149.
• Mujahid M. Bahjat and Basil Q. Muhammad: The Significance of the Arabic-Modeled Malay Novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum in Journal of Arabic Literature 41 (2010) 245-261.
• Christine Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanom, an early Malay Novel by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi in Jan van der Putten, Mary Kilcline Cody (eds.): Lost Times and Untold Tales from the Malay World . NUS Press, Singapore, 2009. pp. 257-267.
• Ooi Keat Gin: Historical Dictionary of Malaysia . Scarecrow Press, Lanham, Maryland et al. a., 2009. p. 16.
• Alijah Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years & the Aspirations of the Subjugated Umma in Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 1-68.
• Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father in Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 69-83.
• Syed Mohamed Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes & the al-Hady Clan in Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 85-108.
• Virginia Matheson Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example: Women and Islam in 1920s Malay Fiction in Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 67/2 (1994) 93-118.
• Virginia Matheson Hooker: Writing a New Society: Social Change through the Novel in Malay . KITLV Press, Leiden, 2000.
• Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20 in Sohaimi Abdul Aziz: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. Cendekia dan Sasterawan Ulung . Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, 2003. pp. 9-36.
• Yahaya Ismail: "Sayid Syekh Ahmad al-Hadi: Pembuka Zaman Baru Dalam Bidang Novel di Bumi Pulau Pinang" in Abdul Latiff Abu Bakar: Warisan Sastera Pulau Pinang . Selangor Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1985. pp. 52-78.
• Michael Francis Laffan: Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia. The umma below the winds. Routledge, London / New York, 2003. pp. 149-151.
• Ahmad Murad Merican: Telling Tales, Print and the Extension of Media: Malay Media Studies beginning with Abdullah Munsyi through Syed Shaykh al-Hady and Mahathir Mohamad in Kajian Malaysia 24 (2006) 151-169. Digitized
• Mohammad Redzuan Othman: Idea Kemajuan dalam Pemikiran dan Perjuangan Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi in MR Othman u. a. (Ed.) Sejarah pembinaan negara bangsa . Penerbit Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 2006. pp. 125-144.
• Mohammad Redzuan Othman: Egypt's Religious and Intellectual Influence on Malay Society in Katha, Center for Civilizational Dialogue 1 (2005) 26–54. On-line
• William R. Roff: The mystery of the first Malay novel (and who was Rokambul?) In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 130 (1974) 450–464. Digitized
• William R. Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1967.
• Talib Samat: Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi: Sasterawan Progresif Melayu. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1992.
• Talib Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Kehidupan dan Pandangan Hidupnya yang Terpancar dalam Karya Sastera in Sohaimi Abdul Aziz: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. Cendekia dan Sasterawan Ulung . Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, 2003. pp. 73-98.
• Linda Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times in Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 109-162.
• Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928–1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society and the Development of a Malay World-view . PhD thesis, University of Hull, 2003. Digitized
• Zaba (Zain al-'Abidin bin Ahmad): Modern Developments in RO Winstedt: A History of Malay Literature in Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 17/3 (1940) 1–243. Here pp. 142–162.
• Hafiz Zakariya: Sayyid Shaykh Aḥmad al-Hādī's Contributions to Islamic Reformism in Malaya in Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk u. Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim (eds.): The Hadhrami Diaspora in Southeast Asia. Identity Maintenance or Assimilation? Brill, Leiden, 2009. pp. 203-224.
• Hafiz Zakariya: Colonialism, Society and Reforms in Malaya: A Comparative Evaluation of Shaykh Tahir Jalaluddin and Syed Shaykh Ahmad Al-Hady in Intellectual Discourse 25 (2017) 477–501. Digitized

Web links

• Warisan Syed Syeikh al-Hadi Malay article on the legacy of Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi in the Kalantan Times with images of his books and his house in Jelutong.

Individual evidence

1. ^ Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example. 1994, p. 116.
2. ^ Bahjat / Muhammad: The Significance of the Arabic-Modeled Malay Novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum. 2010. p. 249.
3. ↑ Alatas: Syed Sheikh Ahmad Al-Hady. 2009, p. 169.
4. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 51.
5. ↑ Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 69f.
6. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 155.
7. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 50.
8. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 69.
9. ↑ Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 69f.
10. ↑ So Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 70.
11. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 52f.
12. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 109.
13. ^ Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years. 1999, p. 3.
14. ↑ Ismail: "Sayid Syekh Ahmad al-Hadi". 1985, p. 53.
15. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, pp. 70-73.
16. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 59.
17. ^ Azra: The Transmission of al-Manārs Reformism to the Malay-Indonesian World. 2007, p. 148.
18. ^ Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years. 1999, p. 5.
19. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 111.
20. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 56.
21. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 72.
22. ↑ Amirah binti Abdullah: Al-Hadi, Syed Sheikh bin Ahmad. 2013, p. 20a.
23. ↑ Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 13.
24. ^ Laffan: Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia. 2003, pp. 149f.
25. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 58.
26. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 75.
27. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 63.
28. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 72.
29. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 111.
30. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 72.
31. ^ Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years. 1999, p. 7f.
32. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 112.
33. ^ Laffan: Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia. 2003, p. 150.
34. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 112f.
35. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 128.
36. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 77.
37. ^ Laffan: Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia. 2003, p. 150.
38. ^ Azra: The Transmission of al-Manārs Reformism to the Malay-Indonesian World. 2007, p. 149.
39. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 122.
40. ^ Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years. 1999, p. 11.
41. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 63.
42. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 58.
43. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 78.
44. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 122.
45. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 128.
46. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 78f.
47. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 114f.
48. ^ Gordon: Riau: The Milieu of Syed Shaykh's Formative Years. 1999, p. 14.
49. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 74.
50. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 68.
51. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 79.
52. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 115.
53. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 115.
54. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 79.
55. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 70.
56. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 52.
57. ↑ Alatas: circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005, p. 254.
58. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 73.
59. ↑ Abdul Aziz Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. Cendekia dan Sasterawan Ulung . 2003, p. 1f.
60. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 96.
61. ↑ Abdul Aziz Syed Syeikh Al-Hadi. 2007, pp. 81, 83.
62. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 79.
63. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 71.
64. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 80.
65. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 72.
66. ↑ Abu Bakr / Hashim: Sayid Shaykh al-Hadi. 2010, p. 104.
67. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 80.
68. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 82.
69. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 80.
70. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 71.
71. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 115.
72. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 89.
73. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, pp. 86, 96.
74. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 85f.
75. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 155.
76. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 152.
77. ^ Virginia Matheson Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example: Women and Islam in 1920s Malay Fiction in Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 67/2 (1994) 93-118. Here p. 95.
78. ↑ Amirah binti Abdullah: Al-Hadi, Syed Sheikh bin Ahmad. 2013, p. 21a.
79. ↑ The additional letters in the Arabic Jawi alphabet.
80. ↑ Quoted in Samat: Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi . 1992, p. 121f.
81. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 153.
82. ↑ Ismail: "Sayid Syekh Ahmad al-Hadi". 1985, p. 55.
83. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 143.
84. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 83.
85. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 153.
86. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 75.
87. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 47.
88. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 212.
89. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 153.
90. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 212.
91. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 212.
92. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 75.
93. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 166.
94. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 143.
95. ↑ Alatas: circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005, p. 276.
96. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 75.
97. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 47.
98. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 97.
99. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, pp. 82, 165.
100. ^ English translation in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 198-200.
101. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 236f.
102. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 95.
103. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 157f.
104. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 97.
105. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 96.
106. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 97.
107. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 96.
108. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 212.
109. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 97.
110. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 83.
111. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 155.
112. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 83.
113. ↑ Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 69.
114. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 100.
115. ↑ Amirah binti Abdullah: Al-Hadi, Syed Sheikh bin Ahmad. 2013, p. 21a.
116. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, p. 100f.
117. ↑ Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail: Sayyid Syaikh al-Hadi: Satu Catatan tentang Tarikh Lahir, Umur dan Kematiannya in Jurnal Ilmu Kemanusiaan 6 (1999) 132-141. Here p. 136.
118. ↑ Alwy al-Hady: Syed Sheikh: Through the Prism of a Child's Eyes. 1999, pp. 101, 104.
119. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 62.
120. ↑ Alatas: Syed Sheikh Ahmad Al-Hady. 2009, p. 177f.
121. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 153.
122. ↑ Roff: The mystery of the first Malay novel. 1974, pp. 450f.
123. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, pp. 259, 266.
124. ^ Bahjat / Muhammad: The Significance of the Arabic-Modeled Malay Novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum. 2010. p. 250.
125. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 267.
126. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 20.
127. ^ Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example. 1994, p. 109.
128. ^ Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example. 1994, p. 109.
129. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 155.
130. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 28.
131. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 266.
132. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 263.
133. ↑ Fadhlullah Jamil: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Pemikirannya terhadap Islam dan Perubahan in Sohaimi Abdul Aziz: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. Cendekia dan Sasterawan Ulung . Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Pulau Pinang, 2003. pp. 37-58. Here 54.
134. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 153.
135. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 135.
136. ↑ Ismail: "Sayid Syekh Ahmad al-Hadi". 1985, p. 64.
137. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 266.
138. ^ A. Wahab Ali: The emergence of the novel in modern Indonesian and Malaysian literature: a comparative study . Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1991. pp. 254-256.
139. ^ Hooker: Transmission Through Practical Example. 1994, p. 109f.
140. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 266.
141. ↑ Rosni bin Samah: The Impact of the Arabic Novel Zainab on the Emergence of the First Malaysian Novel Faridah Hanum in Middle-East Journal of Scientific Research 15/11 (2013) 1555-1559 digitized
142. ^ Bahjat / Muhammad: The Significance of the Arabic-Modeled Malay Novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum. 2010. p. 251.
143. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 135.
144. ↑ Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2003, pp. 87f.
145. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 275.
146. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 154.
147. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 154.
148. ↑ Roff: The mystery of the first Malay novel. 1974, pp. 460, 462.
149. ↑ Roff: The mystery of the first Malay novel. 1974, p. 460.
150. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 154.
151. ↑ Roff: The mystery of the first Malay novel. 1974, p. 460.
152. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 77.
153. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 152.
154. ↑ Zakariya: Sayyid Shaykh Aḥmad al-Hādī's Contributions to Islamic Reformism in Malaya. 2009, p. 211.
155. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 154.
156. ↑ Zakariya: Sayyid Shaykh Aḥmad al-Hādī's Contributions to Islamic Reformism in Malaya. 2009, p. 211.
157. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 79.
158. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 136.
159. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 137.
160. ↑ Alatas: Syed Sheikh Ahmad Al-Hady. 2009, p. 174a.
161. ↑ Zakariya: Sayyid Shaykh Aḥmad al-Hādī's Contributions to Islamic Reformism in Malaya. 2009, p. 212f.
162. ↑ Alatas: Syed Sheikh Ahmad Al-Hady. 2009, p. 174a.
163. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 77.
164. ^ Zaba: Modern Developments. 1940, p. 155.
165. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 33.
166. ^ Ali: Islam and colonialism: becoming modern in Indonesia and Malaya . 2016, p. 63.
167. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 79.
168. ↑ Zakariya: Sayyid Shaykh Aḥmad al-Hādī's Contributions to Islamic Reformism in Malaya. 2009, p. 212f.
169. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 83.
170. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 86.
171. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 88.
172. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 89.
173. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 91.
174. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 93.
175. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 94.
176. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 97.
177. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 219.
178. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 219.
179. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 222.
180. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 93.
181. ↑ Al-Hadi in al-Ikhwan March 16, 1929, quoted in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 201-203.
182. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 272f.
183. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 185.
184. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 251.
185. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 204f.
186. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 141.
187. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 87.
188. ↑ Syed Alwi al-Hady: The Life of my Father. 1999, p. 81f.
189. ↑ Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Kehidupan dan Pandangan. 2003, p. 21.
190. ↑ Al-Hadi: Qaḍāʾ dan Qadar in al-Ikhwān July 1906, cited above. at Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 156.
191. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 177f.
192. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 272f.
193. ↑ Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 24.
194. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 186f.
195. ↑ Abu Bakar: Al-Hādī's political thought. 1995, p. 101.
196. ↑ Quoted from Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 181f.
197. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 138.
198. ↑ Roff: The Origins of Malay Nationalism . 1994, p. 90.
199. ^ Azra: The Transmission of al-Manārs Reformism to the Malay-Indonesian World. 2007, p. 151.
200. ↑ Alatas: circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005, p. 266.
201. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 186f.
202. ↑ Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 27.
203. ↑ Engl. Trans. By Gordon (ed.): The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 189-191.
204. ↑ Abu Bakar: Al-Hādī's political thought. 1995, p. 106.
205. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 191.
206. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 191f.
207. ↑ Al-Hadi in al-Ikhwan November 16, 1926, quoted in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 192.
208. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 102f.
209. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 198-200.
210. ↑ Alatas: circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005, p. 271.
211. ↑ Samat: Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi . 1992, p. 122.
212. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 207.
213. ↑ Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 23.
214. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 138.
215. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 156.
216. ^ English translation by Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 186-188.
217. ↑ Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 19.
218. ↑ See also Alatas: Circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005.
219. ↑ Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2003, pp. 87f.
220. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 155.
221. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 160.
222. ↑ Quotation in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 184.
223. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 186.
224. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 189f.
225. ↑ Quotation from Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 25.
226. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 160.
227. ↑ Quotation from Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 25f.
228. ↑ Quotation from Ismail: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi: Penggerak Kebangkitan Melayu Abad ke-20. 2003, p. 26.
229. ↑ Samat: Syed Sheikh Al-Hadi . 1992, p. 122f.
230. ↑ Abu Bakar: Al-Hādī's political thought. 1995, p. 108.
231. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, pp. 145f.
232. ↑ Quotation in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 214.
233. ↑ Alatas: circumlocutory Imperialism. 2005, pp. 266, 268.
234. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 101.
235. ^ As-Syed Sheikh: Lebai Pondok in al-Ikhwān February 16, 1928, trans. in Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 230-233.
236. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 84.
237. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 85.
238. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 123f.
239. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 188.
240. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 206-208.
241. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 206.
242. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 206.
243. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 207.
244. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 207.
245. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 152.
246. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 215.
247. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 218.
248. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 225.
249. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 152.
250. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 73.
251. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 326f.
252. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, pp. 136f.
253. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 139.
254. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 140.
255. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 150.
256. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 32.
257. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 10.
258. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 147.
259. ↑ Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2003, p. 92.
260. ↑ Othman: Idea Kemajuan. 2006, p. 135.
261. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 141.
262. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 146.
263. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 147.
264. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 151.
265. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, pp. 226-228.
266. ^ Gordon: The real cry of Syed Sheikh al-Hady . 1999, p. 227.
267. ↑ Quoted in Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 154.
268. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 153.
269. ^ Bahjat / Muhammad: The Significance of the Arabic-Modeled Malay Novel Hikayat Faridah Hanum. 2010. p. 253.
270. ↑ Campbell: The Thread of Eroticism in Faridah Hanum. 2009, p. 266.
271. ↑ Tan: Syed Shaykh: His Life and Times. 1999, p. 156.
272. ↑ Samat: Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2003, p. 91.
273. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, pp. 73, 152.
274. ^ Abu Bakar: Islamic modernism in Malaya . 1994, p. 139.
275. ↑ Wan Suhana binti Wan Sulong: Saudara (1928-1941): Its Contribution to the Debate on Issues in Malay Society . 2003, p. 147f.
276. ^ Hooker: Writing a New Society . 2000, p. 27f.
277. ↑ Abdul Aziz Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2007, pp. 81, 83.
278. ↑ The house is visible here .
279. ↑ Abdul Aziz Syed Syeikh al-Hadi. 2007, p. 86.