Götz Kubitschek

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Götz Kubitschek at a Pegida demonstration on April 13, 2015

Götz Kubitschek (born August 17, 1970 in Ravensburg ) is a German publisher , publicist and political activist of the New Right .

Kubitschek, who comes from the ranks of Junge Freiheit , is a co-founder of the new right-wing think tank Institute for State Policy (IfS). Since 2002 he has been Managing Director of today Schnellroda based Antaeus publishing house (until 2012 Edition Antaios ), since 2003 also responsible editor of the journal secession and operator of the later-added blogs secession in the net . He initiated several political campaigns such as the Conservative-Subversive Action (KSA) and One Percent for Our Country and was also involved in the substantive and conceptual foundation of the right-wing extremist Identitarian Movement (IB) in Germany. In 2015 he appeared several times as the main speaker at the völkisch-nationalist Pegida demonstrations in Saxony. It also maintains close links with representatives of the former wing of the AFD as Björn Höcke .

Life

Kubitschek was born in Ravensburg in Upper Swabia . After graduating from high school in 1990, he did his military service with Fernspähkompanie 200 in Weingarten. He then studied from 1992 to 1999 at the Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz University of Hanover and the Ruprecht-Karls-University of Heidelberg in the subjects of German , geography and philosophy for teaching ( thesis on Friedrich Georg Jünger ).

Like his later comrades-in-arms Dieter Stein (founder of Junge Freiheit ) and Karlheinz Weißmann before, he became a member of the ethnic German Gildenschaft (DG), an alliance corporation . From 1996 to 2002 he was 2nd chairman and active spokesman. According to his own statements (2003), he later resigned.

Kubitschek is married to Ellen Kositza (formerly Ellen Schenke), who also wrote for Junge Freiheit , and has seven children. He lives on the former Schnellroda manor in Steigra .

Editor of the Junge Freiheit

In 1993 he took part as a speaker at the first "Summer University" of the Junge Freiheit (JF) at Veitsburg in Ravensburg, headed by right-wing extremist Hans-Ulrich Kopp , which was organized in July / August in cooperation with the FPÖ- Hochschulerverband Freiheitliche Studenteninitiative Innsbruck , the Edgar- Jung Institute and the fraternity Danubia Munich was organized conspiratorially. The readership leaned on the anti-democratic June club of the Weimar Republic. Kubitschek gave a lecture there on the “ national revolutionary ” author and right- wing terrorist Ernst von Salomon .

At the beginning of 1995 he was responsible for a JF special supplement about the “national revolutionary” author Ernst Jünger , who is considered by some to be a “pioneer of the New Right”. From June 1995 to January 1997, Kubitschek was the JF editor responsible for the security and military department . Even after working as an editor, Kubitschek remained the author of Junge Freiheit, also as the main article writer on the first page. In 2006 he published the anniversary publication 20 Years of Young Freedom in the 'Edition Antaios', which was coordinated with the editor-in-chief Stein .

As a JF guest author, Kubitschek sometimes used folk or folk-nationalistic text elements, as Kellershohn pointed out. Kubitschek also proposed a change in the democratic right to vote against the equality of elections , which reminded Kellershohn of the propaganda contributions of Walther Schottes , the chief ideologist of Franz von Papen .

In 1996, Kubitschek involved with which he founded in Frankfurt consortium Paul Church in the protests against the Wehrmacht exhibition of the Hamburg Institute for Social Research (HIS). In 2010 he took part in a “neo-Nazi-dominated 'memorial march' for the Dresden bomb victims ”.

Foreign assignment in Bosnia

From December 1997 to March 1998, Kubitschek volunteered as a reserve officer in the army as part of the SFOR mandate in the Bundeswehr's foreign deployment in Bosnia . He was a lieutenant of the reserve in Sarajevo stationed and was the platoon commander of the Tactical PSYOPS - train used. On the occasion of Ernst Jünger's death in February 1998, he organized a reading from the author's works while on duty. About his experiences using written with today's members of parliament AfD Peter Felser , who was then a member of the Republican was and the Military Counterintelligence Service (MAD) as V-man led the book a year later published Raki on Igman . These "texts and reports" were reprinted in 2001 by Antaios.

Foundation of new right platforms

Institute for State Policy, Secession and Edition Antaios

In 2000, Kubitschek founded the Institute for State Policy (IfS) together with the grammar school teacher Karlheinz Weißmann, a main representative of the New Right, which aims to promote ideally and financially new right ideas and people and, in the opinion of observers, since then with the neo-Nazi think- Tank Deutsches Kolleg arguing about the successor to the Political College for national-political school and educational work of the 1920s. The new right purpose is also served by the Sezession magazine , a bimonthly magazine that has been published by the IfS since April 2003 and of which Kubitschek is the editor in charge.

In 2006, he separated his institute from the Weikersheim study center, which was perceived as too moderate . Kellershohn brought the style of the IfS and its head in connection with the "fascist [rather cold] style" in the sense of Armin Mohler . As early as 2000, Kubitschek and Weißmann gave the laudation for Mohler's 80th birthday; In 2003 he was one of the signatories of the obituary notice of “friends and students” Mohler and held one of the funeral speeches at his grave. The political scientist Hajo Funke sees the Mohler student Kubitschek "[i] n the tradition of 'conservative revolution' and fascism ". Kubitschek gave up his position as managing director of the IfS in September 2008; his successor was the philosopher Erik Lehnert . In April 2020 the IfS was declared a "right-wing extremism - suspected case " by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution .

Since 2002 Kubitschek has been managing director of the Edition Antaios publishing house (from 2012 Antaios publishing house ), which is connected to the IfS.

Dismissed from the Bundeswehr for right-wing extremist activities

Kubitschek was on August 16, 2001, now lieutenant in the reserve, u. a. due to his former editorial work for the Junge Freiheit , which appeared in reports on the protection of the constitution at the time, and the publication of the book Raki am Igman from an ongoing military exercise at the Command Support Brigade 900 according to Section 29 Paragraph 1 No. 5 of the Conscription Act , as he was in the opinion of the Personnel Office the Bundeswehr (PersABw) was involved in “ right-wing extremist efforts” and would “seriously endanger the military order and the security of the troops” if it remained in the Bundeswehr .

As a result, Junge Freiheit published a call to the Bundeswehr in September 2001, which is part of several campaigns of this kind. The signatories of the declaration are against the dismissal of Kubitschek and protest against the "authorship for the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit as participation in right-wing extremist efforts."

In the first half of 2002, the Bundeswehr Personnel Office lifted the notice of dismissal following a complaint by Kubitschek. The communication scientist Lutz Hachmeister did not assess the move as a sign of the appeal's “impact”, but referred to the factual and legal imponderables presumably associated with the dismissal. Kubitschek was not rescheduled and not promoted any further.

Political positioning

New right metapolitics

Kubitschek represents völkisch positions and is considered to be one of the main actors of the New Right in Germany. While Kubitschek's companion Dieter Stein rejects the term “new rights” as useless and an obstacle, Kubitschek uses it as a self-term, sometimes as “self-styling”. Contrary to Stein's position, who wanted to develop Junge Freiheit in the direction of a more realistic right-wing conservatism , Kubitschek remained true to a traditional metapolitical orientation. He is supported by Martin Lichtmesz and Manfred Kleine-Hartlage , among others . In terms of character and politics, however, Kubitschek was criticized by Weißmann in 2015. Kellershohn sees in Kubitschek a fundamental overlap of the terms “' conservative ', ' conservative-revolutionary ' and ' fascist '”. With him, " Marinetti , Benn , Ernst Jünger, Primo de Rivera , Colonel Moscardó become key witnesses of a conservative style of action". The "vanishing point" of his political existentialism is the " total - authoritarian state", currently he is fighting the " liberally constituted institutions". Kubitschek himself wrote in the magazine Sezession in 2006 that the goal was "not to participate in the discourse , but to end it as a form of consensus , not to have a say, but another language, not standing in the salon, but ending the party". In 2007 he said in the text collection Provocation : “Let us wish for the crisis! It pressures, it threatens our sick fatherland, but it is precisely this that perhaps awakens the courage to jump into the unpredictable and dare to do what deserves the name 'politics': Just no relapse into infirmity, into latent, into endurance! ”It was“ to us ”,“ to use the crisis as an opportunity ”. “Our tasks” are to “sharpen the terms and identify the opponents”. While Kubitschek suggested that the freedom of expression of the political right would be suppressed, at the same time in 2010 he claimed in the Secession that Jews, on the other hand, were allowed to say anything: “If you want to be a Jew, nowadays, a Broder who is allowed to utter what he wants because he knows that nobody can do him? Maybe, sometimes. ”In March 2013, shortly after the AfD was founded, Kubitschek noted that the euro was the“ fine topic, the door opener topic, and our topics would be thrown in behind if we just stepped foot in it quickly and consistently enough Put the door ". In 2014 he demanded that the “conservative, the right, the reactionary, the untimely, the resistive, the everlasting” must be “strengthened”. In 2016 he published an essay in the Secession with the title Schleusenzeit (a term from grief research that describes the time span between the death of a person and their burial), which speaks of three types of politicians who were vying for power during this time of the locks would. Only the third type wants to “formulate and enforce a real alternative” and only this type does not care about the “ establishment [...]”.

Relationship to the NPD

Andreas Molau (at the time the NPD) accused him of "intellectual masturbation" and of being part of the "system" himself. In 2007, Kubitschek had expressed himself disparagingly to Molau about “overcoming the system” and negative about the NPD : “What I got to know here [in Saxony-Anhalt] in my area about the NPD structure or the apron structure - I mean my fellowships or something similar have, that is - with all due respect - under all cannon and does not do justice to the self-imposed claim to bring Germany forward. It starts with behavior, continues with the models and a dangerous half-knowledge and ends with the ideas of how things would be regulated after taking power. This competition, who is able to formulate the most radical solution and the most radical point of view, is alien to me. ”The intersections between the two protagonists are“ pretty small ”, says Kubitschek. His activities were viewed by Endstation Rechts (2010) as “non-extremist”, although Mathias Brodkorb expressly did not rule out historical revisionism . Nevertheless, Kubitschek gave an interview to the NPD organ German Voice (DS) in 2008. In an IfS lecture, Kubitschek also emphasized: “The way our state is built, it can hardly be stabilized. Many inclusions are found in its foundations that bring ruin to the nation. And through his current politics he is destroying the substance of the German people, which is the basis of a German future without any ifs or buts. ”Extremism researcher Uwe Backes rated the dispute in 2012 in a contribution on“ intellectual right-wing extremism in Germany ”as“ elitist [] Distance ". Also Armin Pfahl-Traughber said in 2008 that "the differences in the institutional path and the addressable target group in terms less in the front position in relation to the standards of the democratic constitutional state, but more" existed.

In 2016, the specialist journalist Andreas Speit u. a. Research that shows that Kubitschek and his wife are in contact with the NPD functionary Arne Schimmer . According to this, he is said not only to have participated in academies of the Institute for State Policy (IfS) and to have been a lecturer at the Edition Antaios (2003/04) until he started working for the parliamentary group of the NPD Saxony , but recent statements by himself suggested that he then wrote under a pseudonym for the magazine Sezession , which Kubitschek was also responsible for .

Relationship with the Republicans and the AfD

According to his own statements, Kubitschek was briefly advisor to the Baden-Württemberg state association of the right-wing party The Republicans in the early 2000s , which at the time was still included in reports on the protection of the constitution. In 2005 he accepted an invitation for the “Summer Congress of Liberal Youth” of the youth association Republican Youth in Mainz-Kostheim, where he lectured alongside representatives of right-wing populist and right-wing extremist parties from Europe such as the FPÖ and the Vlaams Belang .

Together with his wife, Kubitschek was accepted on January 27, 2015 by the Saale district association in Saxony-Anhalt, initially as a member of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which is located to the right of the Union parties ; the membership cards were then delivered on February 5th. On February 17, however, they received a notification from the AfD federal manager that their application for membership had been rejected. Kubitschek assessed the " Erfurt Resolution " initiated in March 2015 by the regional leaders Björn Höcke ( Thuringia ) and André Poggenburg ( Saxony-Anhalt ) positively and, according to Kellershohn, supports a "new right [...] collecting movement" within the party. According to Amann, Kubitschek acted as the source of ideas for the resolution and also formulated the first draft. Poggenburg was positive about Kubitschek's entry into the party and criticized the decision of the then federal executive around Bernd Lucke . In November 2015, Kubitschek made it possible for his friend Höcke to give a speech in Schnellroda, which was largely classified as biologistic - racist , a recording of which Kubitschek made available online for a short time in December 2015. After the state elections in Saxony-Anhalt in 2016 , Kubitschek, a guest at the “election party” of the AfD Saxony-Anhalt in Magdeburg, was quoted as saying: “I can assure you that these practitioners, who are now with 27 men here in the state parliament in Saxony-Anhalt are represented, and with large parliamentary groups also in Rhineland-Palatinate and Württemberg, very, very happy to adopt one or the other term, one or the other topic, one or the other prepared expertise from our projects and implement it politically. "In June 2016 he was a guest with his wife at the so-called "Kyffhäusertreffen" of the wing around Höcke and Poggenburg in Thuringia. Kellershohn classifies this trend as "völkisch". According to Pfahl-Traughber, Kubitschek is one of the “political circle of friends” of state chairman Höcke, in whose state association “German nationalist voices with clear orientations in a right-wing extremist direction” articulated. The Catholic theologian Sonja Angelika Strube , who also deals with right-wing extremism, sees Kubitschek as a "close political advisor [] to the AfD". According to Strobl and Bruns, there is a close relationship between Höcke, Elsässer and Kubitschek in the party-political context. Kubitschek defended the secession Hoecke of researchers as geschichtsrevisionistisch called Dresdner speech at Ballhaus Watzke January 2017 criticized her but "a dissonant pathos " and a "tendency to exaggerate sober stocktaking the fateful". One does not have to speak of “the complete victory of the AfD if one means government responsibility”, and the AfD is “also not the 'last evolutionary chance' for Germany, but simply a partisan necessity”. Höcke himself had also stated in his speech that if one lived in an orderly state, someone like Kubitschek would not have had to choose the profession of publisher. In July 2019, AfD politicians Alice Weidel and Björn Höcke decided, after being mediated by Götz Kubitschek, not to attack each other publicly. In August 2019, Weidel described Kubitschek as "a very important figure for the right-wing conservative spectrum of our party - even if he is not a member of the AfD". After Thomas Kemmerich was elected Prime Minister of Thuringia with the votes of the AfD parliamentary group at the beginning of February 2020, Kubitschek wrote on the Secession website that “nobody has acted as constructively and destructively as Höcke [...] from this party”. Höckes AfD was looking for majorities and "caught the opponent by surprise". “One hopes for an effect from such moments”, says Kubitschek. In May 2020, Kubitschek wrote that the party must not fall for the “opponent's tactics” and allow itself to be driven into “a split in the party”. Jörg Meuthen's approach to the exclusion of Andreas Kalbitz grows into a "wildfire".

In connection with the case of Wolfgang Gedeon , who had to leave the AfD parliamentary group in the Stuttgart state parliament because of anti-Semitic book publications , Kubitschek wrote publicly about the "world historical significance of Judaism, Zionism " and the "Holocaust industry". The journalist Alan Posener accused Kubitschek of anti-Semitism because of these justifying and trivializing publications. Kubitschek reacted with another anti-Semitic publication against the Jew Posener with the title A Poisoned Well - Alan Posener intended . In 2015, Kubitschek defended Björn Höcke, who spoke of an antagonism between Christianity and Judaism. With reference to the new right author Karlheinz Weißmann , Kubitschek explained: “Christianity as Christianity is not a variant of Judaism. The separation of the two was in God's plan or at least in the logic of historical development ”. One could therefore not speak of a “Christian-Jewish West”.

In the context of the Iran crisis in early 2020 and the question of Germany's behavior towards Iran, Kubitschek accused the AfD party leadership of pursuing "unconditionally Israel- friendly policies". He again criticized the "instrumentalization of the Holocaust "; Auschwitz is "used as an argument for 'regime change' in other countries". Party leader Jörg Meuthen and the foreign policy spokesman for the parliamentary group Petr Bystron described Kubitschek as "embarrassing model students". According to journalist Benjamin Konietzny , Kubitschek is calling for “ nothing less than a paradigm shift in relation to Israel”. For Kubitschek, the Holocaust and Auschwitz degenerate into “arguments of international politics” and he sees the Federal Republic as “morally politically” open to blackmail. According to Konietzny, this is essentially the call for an end to the so-called “ guilt cult ”.

Actions and events

For Volker Weiß , Kubitschek was “always more of an activist than an intellectual”. According to the social scientist Alexander Häusler , he is “one of the key players in an action-oriented right that tries to stage right-wing politics with actions on the street, with provocations with ethnic content”. In 2015, Kellershohn and Häusler characterized him as a “movement entrepreneur”. The literary scholar Helga Druxes , who also researches nationalism, attested Kubitschek in 2015 in an article about the new right manipulation of the media to be a right-wing extremist demagogue ("far-right demagogue"). The political scientist Karsten Grabow sees Kubitschek in an English article as a "far-right activist []".

Initiator of the "Conservative-Subversive Action"

Kubitschek traditionally adapts left strategies and terminology. In 2007 he initiated the “Conservative-Subversive Action” (KSA) with a few fellow campaigners, including primarily Felix Menzel, which was supposed to spread its own positions offensively and through spectacular actions. The name is based on the group Subversive Aktion of the 1960s, from which the West Berlin residential community Kommune I emerged. Highly publicized, provocative actions by the KSA included the disruption of a Berlin congress of Linken.SDS in May 2008, a speech by Egon Krenz , former SED General Secretary and State Council Chairman of the GDR, in Chemnitz in June and a reading by Nobel Prize winner Günter Grass in Hamburg in August 2008, the demonstration in "black shirts" in Berlin against the Chancellor's participation in the commemorations for the end of the First World War in France and the disruption of a discussion event with MEP Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Alliance 90 / The Greens) and the NRW generation minister Armin Laschet (CDU) in Frankfurt in November 2009. Kubitschek described this strategy in 2008 as follows: “Years of defense have worn down the New Right. What the scene needs is an offensive spirit and steadfastness. You only radiate both if you take a step forward when looking at your opponent. "

According to Gideon Botsch (2012), before founding the KSA, Kubitschek was “fascinated by the activism and voluntarism of radical left movements”. Karin Priester (2015) summed up that the activities of the essentially "one-man barracks" Kubitschek were an "inconsequential thirst for action with the charm of student happenings". They remained "far removed from the subcultural , national-revolutionary activism of the neo-fascist CasaPound network in Italy". According to Hajo Funke (2016), the KSA provided “recommendations for action for the development” of the IBD. For Alexander Häusler (2017) the rather unsuccessful KSA represents the "new right precursor of the IBD [Identitarian Movement Germany]".

Organizer of the "midday"

On October 6, 2012 organized Kubitschek occasion of the 50th issue of the journal secession along with Felix Menzel , editor in chief of the youth magazine Blue Narcissus , in Logenhaus Emser Straße in Berlin-Wilmersdorf "free trade " zwischentag for organizations, artists and companies from the environment of the New Right - according to Kellershohn, a "platform for self-expression and networking" - where right-wing extremist exhibitors could also be found. Over 700 visitors came. Such an event also took place in October 2013 under Kubitschek's direction: He integrated the Italian neo-fascist Gabriele Adinolfi into his program, whereupon Junge Freiheit decided not to have its stand.

Support of the Identitarian Movement

In 2012, Martin Lichtmesz , author of the Secession , and Götz Kubitschek visited the “Convent internationale” des Bloc identitaire in Orange , France. In 2014, Julian Bruns, Kathrin Glösel and Natascha Strobl , who wrote a fundamental volume on the youth movement of the Identitarians, listed several relevant projects for which Kubitschek was responsible, such as Antaios and Sezession , but also magazines and publishers cooperating with him, a book that was co-edited and networks and think tanks initiated by him such as KSA, IfS and “zwischentag”, a political and journalistic environment of identities. The collective of authors Gudrun Hentges , Gürcan Kökgiran and Kristina Nottbohm count Kubitschek, Lichtmesz, Menzel and Schüller among the central figures of the right-wing extremist identity movement in Germany. The Lower Saxony Ministry of the Interior stated on behalf of the state government in 2016 that Kubitschek "had repeatedly advertised the goals of the 'Identitarian Movement' in the past, both in publications and at public events". According to Weiß, he was “leading” in the dissemination of the “concept of the Identitarian Movement” in Germany. According to Funke, Kubitschek - a "key figure" of the IBD - and Menzel "received journalistic, logistical and ideological support" from the beginning of the identity groups.

Speaker at PEGIDA

In 2015, Kubitschek, supported by his family, was the main speaker at three Legida demonstrations in Leipzig, the first time alongside Jürgen Elsässer , who is responsible for the cross-front magazine Compact . According to both activists, the demonstration was also about “criticism of the system”. In January he presented a position paper on the subject of “Immigration and Identity”, in which, according to the sociologist Annette Treibel-Illian, he used integration as a political “ battle term ”.

Also at the Pegida event in Dresden, Kubitschek spoke several times as the main speaker, including a. alongside the Dutch right-wing populist Geert Wilders from the " Party for Freedom ". He sees himself as a kind of "mediator" (Kubitschek) between the offshoots. At a compact event, he later tried to find common ground with Alsatian. The right-wing extremism expert Olaf Sundermeyer interpreted the call for “ civil disobedience ” at a PEGIDA demonstration in autumn 2015 to mean that Kubitschek raised “violent protests by Heidenau as a model for others”. On the one hand he had distanced himself from violence, on the other hand his “political rigorism” was evident, according to Pfahl-Traughber. Kubitschek and other speakers provided the supporters of PEGIDA “with arguments for the Islamophobic and xenophobic discourse”. He practices political and media criticism and represents a “völkisch [] position”, which makes the “identitarian movements” compatible, as the Dresden political scientist Hans Vorländer and his colleagues found in a Pegida analysis. The specialist journalist for right-wing extremism Andreas Speit ultimately calls Kubitschek a “Pegida thought leader”; for Andrea Röpke , also an expert on right-wing extremism, he and Elsässer "contributed massively to radicalizing the racist Pegida movement".

In February 2015, Kubitschek was the guest of Matteo Salvini (party chairman) at a major event of the right-wing populist and xenophobic party Lega Nord in Rome; he appeared as a speaker and “PEGIDA-Understanding”. Before that, he got to know the neo-fascist movement CasaPound in Italy, whose “novel of the keys” he published with Antaios.

In retrospect, the public appearances as part of Pegida would have increased his awareness.

Main initiator of One Percent

In 2015 he was one of the main initiators of the registered association “ One percent for our country ”, together with the editor-in-chief of Compact magazine, Jürgen Elsässer , and the constitutional lawyer and activist, Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider , and has been their contact person since then. There is a close relationship with the Identitarian Movement through Martin Sellner , who temporarily stayed with Kubitschek as a guest. The initiative will be complemented by the AfD politician Hans-Thomas Tillschneider from the Patriotic Platform . The project, which sees itself as a right-wing resistance movement , is assigned to the New Right. It does public relations work in the online media primarily with donations . Outwardly, they are “bourgeois” and broadly effective, but for the sociologist Anna-Lena Herkenhoff they often provide a “glorifying and trivializing representation of racist protests”. One percent ultimately serves as “self-affirmation” of the right: A publicly effective constitutional complaint “against the policy of mass immigration” (Kubitschek) was rejected by the 3rd Chamber of the 2nd Senate of the Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) in Karlsruhe at the beginning of 2016 .

As an activist against the corona protective measures

In his blog Sezession im Netz , Kubitschek called for participation in an "anti-corona demo" on August 29, 2020 in Berlin: "Hardly anyone from my surroundings will stay at home, almost everyone will be on their way." He hoped for "contagion through resistance". According to the Berlin Senator for the Interior, Andreas Geisel , attempts are being made to deliberately infiltrate the corona protests “in order to make right-wing extremist ideas compatible”.

Further appearances and speaker activities

In 2011, Kubitschek was a speaker at the “Readers' Meeting” of the publishing house Reading & Schenken, organized by right-wing extremist publisher Dietmar Munier .

Kubitschek is often a speaker at events, for example in 2006 at the “Prussian Academy” of the right-wing extremist Junge Landsmannschaft Ostpreußen (JLO) and often at fraternities , especially members of the Burschenschaftliche Gemeinschaft (BG). He appeared at the Danubia Munich fraternity and the Teutonia Prague fraternity, and in 2009 at the “Turmkommers” of the German national fraternities in Linz . In 2015, he and Wilhelm Brauneder ( FPÖ ), formerly the third President of the National Council, gave the keynote address at the Burschentag of the Deutsche Burschenschaft (DB) in Eisenach.

In October 2018, Kubitschek reported that he had sold his publishing house to Thomas Veigel , a doctor and district chairman of the AfD, who wanted to continue it as the imprint of his newly founded Loci publishing house. The "sale", which later turned out to be a PR campaign and fake, found an echo in some newspapers. In this way, the Antaios publishing house managed to get a place in the middle of the book fair area through the fictitious "Loci-Verlag" and thus far away from the plot for right-wing book fair participants.

Publications

Among other things, Kubitschek publishes texts on Journalistenwatch , a platform of the New Right .

reception

Kubitschek is referred to by opponents as a "salon fascist ". In a lecture given at the Saarland Democracy Foundation, the Trier sociologist Roland Eckert (2011) explained how Kubitschek - similar to Weißmann - combines the ethnopluralism of Alain de Benoist with the ideologues of Carl Schmitt and Konrad Lorenz . Eckert concluded from Kubitschek's publications that when it came to migration, he was interested in an “offensive against Muslim immigrants”. It is to be expected that Kubitschek's strategy will "fuel conflicts [...]".

The majority of Kubitschek's books were published by his own publishing house, Antaios, including the book German victims, foreign perpetrators , published in 2011 together with Michael Paulwitz , which is counted as part of the identity movement. The “campaign” of the book, in which the authors used extreme right-wing fighting terms such as “ German hostility ”, is based on the “ National Liberated Zone ” of the Young National Democrats and the National Democratic University Association as well as the neo-fascist movement CasaPound . He met the latter - like Menzel - in Italy. The broadly effective book project is an example of how "discourses from a conservative-nationalist spectrum and the extreme right [...] are trying to link [...]". Kellershohn pointed out that Kubitschek already developed the “conceptual background” for the desired “space-grabbing strategy” of the IfS in his book Provokation (2007), in which he invoked a “ pre-civil war ” in the course of a developing multicultural society . For Kellershohn, the work is now one of the "basic texts of the Identitarian Movement".

Occasionally, Kubitschek's articles appeared in other right-wing media such as the quarterly New Order published by the Graz-based Ares Verlag by Wolfgang Dvorak-Stocker , who, according to the legal notice, was “editorial staff” of the Secession alongside Weißmann and Kubitschek . Andreas Peham from the documentation archive of the Austrian resistance classifies them as right-wing extremists.

In the editorial of Christ und Welt , the political scientist and journalist Christiane Florin described the literature of the Kubitschek-Kositza family as right-wing radical. The Munich sociologist Armin Nassehi published an exchange of letters with Kubitschek in 2015 in which he described the publisher as a “right-wing intellectual” and the publisher as a “right-wing conservative”. Volker Weiß criticized the fact that Nassehi had brought Kubitschek conceptually into connection with classical conservatism ; "Kubitschek's circles" have nothing in common with that. Rather, Kubitschek wants to make himself socially acceptable as a supposedly “'conservative' interlocutor”, something which Nassehi has partially favored through technical failures and incorrect assessments in his publication.

Fonts (selection)

Monographs

Editorships / Editions

conversations

Contributions

  • Ernst von Salomon . In: Michael Hageböck (Ed.): JF Summer University 1993 in Ravensburg . Junge Freiheit, Potsdam 1994, ISBN 3-929886-02-2 , p. 209 ff.
  • Prussia! And now? . In: Heiko Luge (Ed.): Grenzzüge. Liber amicorum for the national dissident Hans-Dietrich Sander on his 80th birthday . Ares-Verlag , Graz 2008, ISBN 978-3-902475-60-2 , p. 242 ff.

literature

  • Anna-Lena Herkenhoff: New right networks and the initiative “One percent for our country” In: Alexander Häusler , Fabian Virchow (ed.): New social movement from the right? Fear of the future. Descent of the middle. Resentment - A pamphlet . VSA, Hamburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-89965-711-1 , pp. 73-83.
  • Helmut Kellershohn : Götz Kubitschek and the Institute for State Policy . In: Helmut Kellershohn, Wolfgang Kastrup (Hrsg.): Kulturkampf von rechts. AfD, Pegida and the New Right (= Edition DISS . Volume 38). Unrast, Münster 2016, ISBN 978-3-89771-767-1 , pp. 92-106.
  • Helmut Kellershohn: Provocation elite from the right: The conservative-subversive action. In: Regina Wamper , Helmut Kellershohn, Martin Dietzsch (eds.): Right discourse piracy. Strategies for appropriating left-wing codes, symbols and forms of action (= Edition DISS . Volume 28). Unrast, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89771-757-2 , pp. 224-240.
  • Marc Felix Serrao: The cold look from the right: Götz Kubitschek wants to be the leader of a new conservative movement - his opponents call him a salon fascist and fear his aggressive actions. In: Project Work. 7 (2008) 2, pp. 50-55.
  • Volker Weiß : The roar of the alpha male . In: the daily newspaper , April 22, 2017, p. 59.

Web links

Commons : Götz Kubitschek  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c Helmut Kellershohn : "It's about influencing people's minds" - The Institute for State Policy . Federal Agency for Civic Education , right-wing extremism dossier , 7 July 2016, fn. 1.
  2. ↑ Ulrich Fröschle : Friedrich Georg Jünger and the "radical spirit". A case study of literary radicalism in the interwar period . Thelem, Dresden 2008, ISBN 978-3-939888-16-1 , p. 608.
  3. ↑ Andrea C. Ringelstetter: Mr. Kubitschek makes Goethe speak. In: Frankfurter Neue Presse . 99/10, p. 12.
  4. ↑ a b c Helmut Kellershohn : Resistance and provocation. Strategic options in the vicinity of the “Institute for State Policy”. In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 259.
  5. ↑ a b Karin Priester : "Recognize the situation!" About the right-wing populist temptation of West German conservatism . In: INDES - Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft 3/2015, pp. 84–92, here: p. 87. doi: 10.13109 / inde.2015.4.3.84
  6. ↑ a b Andreas Speit : "Political Correctness" undesirable . In: the daily newspaper , February 6, 2016, p. 3.
  7. ↑ Katja Riha, Clemens Riha (report): On the manor. An encounter with Germany's New Right . Kulturzeit ( 3sat ), August 15, 2011.
  8. ↑ cf. Juliane Wetzel : The mesh of the right net. National and international connections in the right-wing extremist spectrum . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Right-wing extremism in Germany: Requirements, connections, effects (= Fischer Geschichte . 12276). Updated and ext. New edition of the volumes "Right-Wing Radicalism" and "Right-Wing Extremism in the Federal Republic", Fischer-Taschenbuch, Frankfurt am Main 1994, ISBN 3-596-12276-7 , pp. 154-178, here: p. 174.
  9. ↑ Jens Mecklenburg (Hrsg.): Handbook of German Right-Wing Extremism (= Antifa Edition ). Elefanten-Press, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-88520-585-8 , p. 200.
  10. ↑ cf. Kurt Lenk , Günter Meuter , Henrique Ricardo Otten : Pioneers of the New Right (= Campus Introduction . Vol. 1094). Campus-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main u. a. 2000, ISBN 3-593-35862-X , p. 124 ff.
  11. ↑ Horst Seferens: "People from the day after tomorrow and from the day before yesterday". Ernst Jünger's Iconography of the Counter-Enlightenment and the German Right after 1945 . Philo, Berlin a. a. 1998, ISBN 3-86572-110-9 , p. 259.
  12. ^ Helmut Kellershohn : Götz Kubitschek and the Institute for State Policy . In: Helmut Kellershohn, Wolfgang Kastrup (Hrsg.): Kulturkampf von rechts. AfD, Pegida and the New Right (= Edition DISS . Volume 38). Unrast, Münster 2016, ISBN 978-3-89771-767-1 , pp. 92–106, here: p. 93.
  13. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn : People, State and Nation. Contours of völkisch nationalism in the "Junge Freiheit". In: Stephan Braun , Ute Vogt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15421-3 , p. 141.
  14. ↑ a b Helmut Kellershohn : People, State and Nation. Contours of völkisch nationalism in the "Junge Freiheit". In: Stephan Braun , Ute Vogt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15421-3 , p. 126.
  15. ↑ Elmar Vieregge : Right-wing intellectual longing for acceptance (review). In: Uwe Backes , Eckhard Jesse (eds.): Yearbook Extremism & Democracy , 19th year (2007), Nomos, Baden-Baden 2008, ISBN 978-3-8329-3168-1 , p. 409.
  16. ^ Helmut Kellershohn : Götz Kubitschek and the Institute for State Policy . In: Helmut Kellershohn, Wolfgang Kastrup (Hrsg.): Kulturkampf von rechts. AfD, Pegida and the New Right (= Edition DISS . Volume 38). Unrast, Münster 2016, ISBN 978-3-89771-767-1 , pp. 92-106, here: p. 101, fn. 25.
  17. ↑ Fabian Virchow : Against civilism. International relations and the military in the political conceptions of the extreme right . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 3-531-15007-3 , p. 426.
  18. ↑ Volker Weiß : The "Conservative Revolution". Spiritual place of remembrance of the "New Right". In: Martin Langebach , Michael Sturm (Ed.): Places of Remembrance of the Extreme Right (= Edition right-wing extremism . Vol. 101). Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-658-00130-8 , p. 114.
  19. ^ A b Fabian Virchow : Foreign and military policy for people and nation. In: Stephan Braun , Ute Vogt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15421-3 , p. 185.
  20. ↑ Stefan Kubon : The West German newspaper "Junge Freiheit" and the legacy of the "conservative revolution" of the Weimar Republic. An investigation to determine the continuity of “conservative-revolutionary” political ideas (= spectrum of political science . Volume 35). Ergon Verlag, Würzburg 2006, ISBN 3-89913-527-X , p. 140.
  21. ↑ Volker Weiß : Modern Antimodern. Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and the change in conservatism . Schöningh, Paderborn u. a. 2012, ISBN 978-3-506-77146-9 , p. 370.
  22. ^ A b c Samuel Salzborn : Right-wing extremism: manifestations and explanatory approaches . 2nd, updated and expanded edition, Nomos (UTB), Baden-Baden 2015, ISBN 978-3-8252-4476-7 , p. 72.
  23. ^ Helmut Kellershohn : Strategic Options of Young Conservatism . In: Regina Wamper , Helmut Kellershohn, Martin Dietzsch (eds.): Right discourse piracy. Strategies for appropriating left-wing codes, symbols and forms of action (= Edition DISS . Volume 28). Unrast, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89771-757-2 , p. 24 f .; Helmut Kellershohn: Provocation elite from the right: The conservative-subversive action. In: Wamper, Kellershohn, Dietzsch 2010, p. 233 ff.
  24. ^ Anton Maegerle : Leaves against the spirit of the times and decadence. Profiles and relationships with the latest periodicals using examples. In: Wolfgang Gessenharter , Thomas Pfeiffer (Eds.): The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 , p. 203.
  25. ^ Hajo Funke (with the collaboration of Ralph Gabriel ): Von Wutbürgern und Arsonstiftern. AfD - Pegida - violence networks. vbb, Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-945256-64-0 , p. 123.
  26. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn : Resistance and Provocation. Strategic options in the vicinity of the “Institute for State Policy”. In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 287.
  27. ↑ Wolf Wiedmann-Schmidt : Protection of the Constitution: Kubitschek's think tank becomes a right-wing extremism "suspected case". In: Spiegel Online . Retrieved April 23, 2020 .
  28. ^ Jobst Paul : The decline - the overthrow - the nothing. Racist demagogy and suicidal perspective in Björn Höcke's Schnellrodaer IfS speech . In: Helmut Kellershohn , Wolfgang Kastrup (Hrsg.): Kulturkampf von rechts. AfD, Pegida and the New Right (= Edition DISS . Volume 38). Unrast, Münster 2016, ISBN 978-3-89771-767-1 , pp. 122–146, here: p. 124, fn. 7.
  29. ^ A b Gunnar Adolphi and others: Appeal to the Bundeswehr: Against the dismissal of conservative soldiers. The "Götz Kubitschek case" . In: Young Freedom . 40/01, September 28, 2001.
  30. ↑ Margret Chatwin: Reach for the sovereignty of opinion. Internet campaigns by “Junge Freiheit” using the example of Wikipedia. In: Stephan Braun , Ute Vogt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15421-3 , p. 254.
  31. ^ A b Mathias Brodkorb : Visiting Jünger's disciples: Where the conservative world is still in order . Right end of the line , April 3, 2010.
  32. ↑ Lutz Hachmeister : Heidegger's Testament [electronic resource]. The philosopher, SPIEGEL and the SS . Ullstein eBooks, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-8437-0766-4 , o. P.
  33. ^ Helmut Kellershohn : Provocation elite from the right: The conservative-subversive action. In: Regina Wamper , Helmut Kellershohn, Martin Dietzsch (eds.): Right discourse piracy. Strategies for appropriating left-wing codes, symbols and forms of action (= Edition DISS . Volume 28). Unrast, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89771-757-2 , p. 228.
  34. ↑ see, among others: Thomas Pfeiffer : Avantegarde und Brücke. The new right from the point of view of the protection of the constitution in NRW In: Wolfgang Gessenharter , Thomas Pfeiffer (Eds.): The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 , p. 64.
  35. ^ Hajo Funke : Right-wing extremist ideologies, strategic orientations and violence. In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 27.
  36. ^ Martin Langebach , Jan Raabe : The ›New Right‹ in the Federal Republic of Germany . In: Fabian Virchow , Martin Langebach, Alexander Häusler (eds.): Handbook right-wing extremism (= right-wing extremism edition ). Volume 1: Analyzes . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-531-18502-6 , p. 583, fn. 42.
  37. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: The AfD as "vacuum cleaner" and "edging scissors". Turbulence in the young conservative camp . In: DISS-Journal. 27 (2014), p. 9 (11).
  38. ↑ a b Helmut Kellershohn : "It's about influencing people's minds" - The Institute for State Policy . Federal Agency for Civic Education , right-wing extremism dossier , 7 July 2016, fn. 34.
  39. ^ Helmut Kellershohn : Provocation elite from the right: The conservative-subversive action. In: Regina Wamper , Helmut Kellershohn, Martin Dietzsch (eds.): Right discourse piracy. Strategies for appropriating left-wing codes, symbols and forms of action (= Edition DISS . Volume 28). Unrast, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89771-757-2 , p. 237.
  40. ^ Kellershohn: Provokationselite , 2010, p. 239.
  41. ↑ Patrick Gensing, Konstantin Kumpfmüller: Power struggle in Thuringia: The "constructive-destructive" AfD strategy. www.tagesschau.de, February 6, 2020
  42. ↑ Volker Weiß : The authoritarian revolt. The New Right and the Fall of the West. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2019, pp. 25, 130
  43. ↑ Elke Rajal: “Open, coded, structural. Anti-Semitism among the 'identitarians'. ”In: Judith Goetz, Joseph Maria Sedlacek, Alexander Winkler (eds.): Untergangster des Abendlandes. Ideology and reception of the right-wing extremist 'identitarians'. Marta Press, Hamburg 2018 (2nd edition), p. 326
  44. ↑ Maria Fiedler: Götz Kubitschek - the strategist of the new right. www.tagesspiegel.de, September 8, 2018
  45. ↑ Björn Höcke splits Kulmbach. www.infranken.de, February 16, 2020
  46. ↑ Mathias Brodkorb : Molau (NPD) wants an alternative to the "intellectual masturbation" of the IfS . Malfunction report , May 9, 2008.
  47. ↑ Florian Hartleb : The "German Voice" - The intellectual mouthpiece of the NPD? In: Uwe Backes, Henrik Steglich (ed.): The NPD. Conditions for success for a right-wing extremist party (= extremism and democracy . Volume 17). Nomos, Baden-Baden 2007, ISBN 978-3-8329-3122-3 , p. 379.
  48. ↑ Mathias Brodkorb : Anti extremism of the center. In: Antifascist information sheet . 86, 1/2010, p. 14 (15).
  49. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: Resistance and Provocation. Strategic options in the vicinity of the “Institute for State Policy”. In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 285.
  50. ↑ Uwe Backes : The disenchantment of the extremists? Conditions for success of the NPD in an international comparison . Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung , Sankt Augustin 2008, ISBN 978-3-940955-20-3 , p. 62.
  51. ↑ Uwe Backes : Intellectual right-wing extremism in Germany . Right-wing extremism dossier , Federal Agency for Civic Education , December 14, 2012.
  52. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber : The "second spring" of the NPD . Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung , Sankt Augustin 2008, ISBN 978-3-940955-22-7 , 59 f.
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  55. ↑ Uwe Backes : Polarization from the East ?. Left and right wing parties in the 2005 Bundestag election . In: Eckhard Jesse , Roland Sturm (Hrsg.): Balance of the Bundestag election 2005. Requirements, results, consequences . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2006, ISBN 978-3-531-14968-4 , p. 164.
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  116. ^ Tilmann Kleinjung: Soaring of the Italian right . Deutschlandfunk , March 23, 2015.
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  119. ↑ Jasmin Siri : The example of the movements against equality in the FRG . In: Sabine Hark , Paula-Irene Villa (ed.): Anti-Genderism. Sexuality and gender as arenas of current political disputes (= gender studies ). Transcript, Bielefeld 2015, ISBN 978-3-8376-3144-9 , p. 241.
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  122. ↑ Anna-Lena Herkenhoff: Neurerechte networks and the initiative "One percent for our country" In: Alexander Häusler, Fabian Virchow (ed.): New social movement from the right? Fear of the future. Descent of the middle. Resentment - A pamphlet . VSA, Hamburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-89965-711-1 , pp. 73–83, here: p. 76.
  123. ↑ Anna-Lena Herkenhoff: Neurerechte networks and the initiative "One percent for our country" In: Alexander Häusler, Fabian Virchow (ed.): New social movement from the right? Fear of the future. Descent of the middle. Resentment - A pamphlet . VSA, Hamburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-89965-711-1 , pp. 73–83, here: p. 73.
  124. ↑ Anna-Lena Herkenhoff: Neurerechte networks and the initiative "One percent for our country" In: Alexander Häusler, Fabian Virchow (ed.): New social movement from the right? Fear of the future. Descent of the middle. Resentment - A pamphlet . VSA, Hamburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-89965-711-1 , pp. 73–83, here: p. 74.
  125. ^ Andreas Speit : Bourgeois agitators. Germany's new center-right - from AfD to Pegida . Orell Füssli Verlag, Zurich 2016, ISBN 978-3-280-05632-5 , p. 187.
  126. ↑ Anna-Lena Herkenhoff: Neurerechte networks and the initiative "One percent for our country" In: Alexander Häusler, Fabian Virchow (ed.): New social movement from the right? Fear of the future. Descent of the middle. Resentment - A pamphlet . VSA, Hamburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-89965-711-1 , pp. 73–83, here: p. 80.
  127. ↑ Julius Betschka: “Querdenker” demonstration in Berlin: This is how the extreme right wants to subvert the Corona protest. In: tagesspiegel.de . August 25, 2020, accessed August 25, 2020 .
  128. ^ Anton Maegerle : "Insider tip" for patriots . Look to the right , February 3, 2011.
  129. ↑ Julian Bruns, Kathrin Glösel, Natasha Strobl : The identitary. Handbook on the youth movement of the New Right in Europe . Unrast, Münster 2014, ISBN 978-3-89771-549-3 , p. 137.
  130. ↑ Federal Ministry of the Interior (ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2006 . Berlin 2007, p. 129.
  131. ^ Andrea Röpke : Real estate purchases by right-wing extremists. In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 256.
  132. ↑ Robert Scholz: "Room without people" - Götz Kubitschek lectures at Danubia . Right end of the line , November 20, 2009.
  133. ^ Dpa: Another lecture by CDU politicians in front of the fraternity. In: Berliner Morgenpost . May 26, 2013, No. 139, p. 11.
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  138. ↑ http://www.belltower.news/artikel/und-dann-doch-antaios-auf-der-buchmesse-als-loci-verlag-14373
  139. ↑ Die Zeit on July 18, 2019: Jounalistenwatch [1]
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  141. ↑ Roland Eckert : Cultural homogeneity, friend-foe politics and aggressive intolerance: A criticism of the new right . Lecture given on November 14, 2011 in the house of the Saarland Democracy Foundation , Saarbrücken 2011, p. 2 (see: audio and presentation ); also contained in: ders: The dynamics of radicalization. About conflict regulation, democracy and the logic of violence (= Sociology Edition ). Beltz Juventa, Weinheim u. a. 2012, ISBN 978-3-7799-2254-4 .
  142. ^ A b Roland Eckert : Cultural homogeneity, friend-foe politics and aggressive intolerance: A criticism of the new right . Lecture given on November 14, 2011 in the house of the Saarland Democracy Foundation , Saarbrücken 2011, p. 12 (see: Audio and presentation ); also contained in: ders: The dynamics of radicalization. About conflict regulation, democracy and the logic of violence (= Sociology Edition ). Beltz Juventa, Weinheim u. a. 2012, ISBN 978-3-7799-2254-4 .
  143. ↑ Julian Bruns, Kathrin Glösel, Natasha Strobl : The identitary. Handbook on the youth movement of the New Right in Europe . Unrast, Münster 2014, ISBN 978-3-89771-549-3 , p. 142 f.
  144. ↑ see: Bernhard Steinke: Deutschfeindlichkeit . In: Bente Gießelmann, Robin Heun, Benjamin Kerst, Lenard Suermann, Fabian Virchow (eds.): Concise dictionary of right-wing extremist fighting terms . Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach 2015, ISBN 978-3-7344-0155-8 , pp. 76-89.
  145. ^ A b c Helmut Kellershohn: The Institute for State Policy and the Young Conservative Hegemony Project . In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right: Backgrounds - Analyzes - Answers . 2nd updated and expanded edition, Springer Fachmedien, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-658-01983-9 , p. 454.
  146. ^ Heiko Klare, Michael Sturm : Forms of action and offers of action by the extreme right . In: Fabian Virchow , Martin Langebach , Alexander Häusler (eds.): Handbook right-wing extremism (= right-wing extremism edition ). Volume 1: Analyzes . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-531-18502-6 , p. 191.
  147. ↑ see: Helmut Kellershohn : Pre-Civil War . In: Bente Gießelmann, Robin Heun, Benjamin Kerst, Lenard Suermann, Fabian Virchow (eds.): Concise dictionary of right-wing extremist fighting terms . Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach 2015, ISBN 978-3-7344-0155-8 , pp. 326–339; ders .: The young conservative New Right in the "pre-civil war" . In: Regina Wamper , Ekaterina Jadschenko, Marc Jacobsen (eds.): "It has nothing to do with us!". The attacks in Norway in German-language media (= Edition DISS . Vol. 30). Unrast, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-89771-759-6 , pp. 106-118.
  148. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: The young conservative New Right between Realpolitik and political existentialism. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 63 (2015) 9, pp. 721–740, here: p. 731.
  149. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn : People, State and Nation. Contours of völkisch nationalism in the "Junge Freiheit". In: Stephan Braun , Ute Vogt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15421-3 , p. 129.
  150. ^ Andreas Peham : Leopold Stocker Verlag (Austria, since 1917) . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus . Hostility to Jews in the past and present . Volume 6: Publications . On behalf of the Center for Research on Antisemitism at the Technical University of Berlin. De Gruyter Saur, Berlin a. a. 2013, ISBN 978-3-11-025872-1 , 424 (425).
  151. ↑ Christiane Florin : Editorial: Joy in Faith, naturally cloudy . In: Christ und Welt , edition 32/2015.
  152. ↑ Armin Nassehi : The last hour of truth. Why right and left are no longer alternatives and why society has to be described very differently . Murmann, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-86774-377-8 , o. P.
personal data
SURNAME Kubitschek, Götz
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German publisher, publicist and activist
DATE OF BIRTH 17th August 1970
PLACE OF BIRTH Ravensburg