Karl Alexander von Müller

Karl Alexander von Müller (1929)

Karl Alexander von Müller (born December 20, 1882 in Munich , † December 13, 1964 in Rottach-Egern ) was a German historian who stood out as an opponent of the Weimar Republic , held leading positions in the indoctrinated scientific community under the National Socialists and for almost a decade the historical magazine published.

During the First World War , he advocated an undiminished continuation of the war. From 1914 to 1933 he was co-editor of the increasingly radical nationalist Süddeutsche Monatshefte . In 1917 he was appointed syndic of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences . In the Weimar Republic he was a sought-after speaker and publicist for numerous anti-republic groups. After several unsuccessful appointment procedures , Müller became professor of Bavarian history at the University of Munich in 1928 .

In Nazi Germany , Müller rose to become one of the most influential historians and in 1942 he was at the height of his career. His aim was to integrate German historical studies into National Socialism. At the same time, he consistently pursued the exclusion of Jewish employees from science. From 1935 to 1944 he was the editor of the renowned historical magazine . From 1936 to 1943 he held an influential position in the organization of science as President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In the first year of the war he devoted himself to the propaganda struggle against England. His most successful work in the Nazi era was a propaganda brochure about the German-English relationship. He also advocated the reorganization of Europe in line with National Socialist Germany.

For Müller, the collapse of the Nazi regime in 1945 meant the loss of all offices. In the last two decades of his life, Müller fought for his rehabilitation. This went hand in hand with his largely successful endeavor to make his own lifetime achievement appear as cheap as possible by publishing his memoirs . This and his publications on Bavarian nationality met with a great response; Public honors such as the award of the Bavarian Order of Merit in May 1961 were not lacking. After 1945, Müller no longer played a role in historical studies. His academic students avoided a critical examination of Müller's work during the Nazi era, just as critical voices on this remained the exception in historical studies as a whole. Müller's suggestive self-staging with the help of his memoirs has only recently been juxtaposed with neutral results from extensive archive research.

Life

Origin and youth

Ludwig August von Müller before 1877

Karl Alexander von Müller was born on December 20, 1882 as the first of four children of Ludwig August von Müller and his wife Marie von Burchtorff (1857–1933) in Munich. He came from the upper class. His father was King Ludwig II's cabinet secretary , became Police President of Munich in 1887 and Bavarian Minister of Education in 1890 , and in 1891 he was ennobled . Both Müller's father and his maternal grandfather, Karl Alexander von Burchtorff , belonged to the Bavarian elite of civil servants. From 1893 he attended the Wilhelmsgymnasium in Munich until his Abitur in 1901 . There he was one of the best students with consistently very good grades. Müller lost his father in 1895 at the age of twelve. Due to his origins, he enjoyed a culturally stimulating home and received an excellent education.

Education

Like his father once did, Müller began studying law at the University of Munich in the fall of 1901 . He was supported by the Maximilianeum Foundation, which finances the study of a small selection of talented Bavarian students. In autumn 1903 Müller was one of the first five German Rhodes scholarship holders , which enabled him to study at Oxford University . He went to the Oriel College there . This stay in England, which was only two semesters due to illness, encouraged Müller to pursue a lifelong study of English history. After his return, he never left his home in Munich for any length of time in the decades to come. In March 1905 he passed the intermediate legal examination with "distinction". Despite successful exams, Müller decided to study history in 1906. Decades later, Müller presented this change to history in his memoirs as an experience of awakening. From autumn 1906 he studied history at the Ludwig Maximilians University. His most important academic teachers were Hermann von Grauert , Michael Doeberl and especially Sigmund von Riezler . In July 1908 he was with the Sigmund Riezler and Karl Theodor von Heigel refereed manuscript Bayern in 1866 and the appointment of Prince Hohenlohe doctorate . The study, compiled from printed sources, dealt with the history of the Hohenlohe Ministry . Müller's study was received positively. Influential historians such as Michael Doeberl, Walter Goetz , Hermann Oncken and Erich Marcks expressed their approval. The work was published in June 1909 by Oldenbourg Verlag , one of the leading publishers for historical literature. Due to his first work, Müller was seen as a promising historical hope for the next generation. He found his first job in January 1911 as a file editor at the Munich Historical Commission , where he worked in the Letters and Files Department on the History of the Thirty Years' War until November 1917 .

First World War

Müller signed up for military service on August 6, 1914, shortly after the start of the First World War . However, the 32-year-old was retired after a few days because of his unstable health. Müller was secretary and cashier of the Red Cross for Munich and Upper Bavaria. He received the King Ludwig Cross and the Cross of Merit for War Aid for his work . His medical service was a rare exception among German historians. The “ August experience ” had a major impact on his further professional career. The young historian turned into a war journalist. In war journalism, he developed an extensive activity through lectures and publications in the Süddeutsche Monatshefte . At the same time his scientific work came to a standstill. Müller was a co-founder of the “People's Committee for the Rapid Fighting of England” in Munich and was one of the founding members of the Bavarian state association in the German Fatherland Party . Unlike almost all of his colleagues and peers, he did not share the “front-line experience”. The war nevertheless had a profound effect on him and led to a radical stance in his journalism. Ernst Schulin counted Müller in his generational analysis - despite differing experiences - among the "front generation" of those born between 1880 and 1899.

Müller's involvement in war journalism in no way harmed his reputation as a scientist. Rather, the historians of the late Empire accepted his contributions with enthusiasm. In 1929 Siegfried A. Kaehler thanked him "for so many suggestions which I, as a constant, if not uncritical, reader of the Süddeutsche monthly magazine have taken from your [...] work". Registration for the Habilitation had Erich Marcks "for years and expected. desired ". For Marcks, Müller was a "first-rate hope". His academic teacher Riezler wanted Müller to continue and end his history of Baiern , which was published in eight volumes up to 1914 . In 1916, Müller was accepted as an extraordinary member of the historical commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences without habilitation or further research results since the dissertation . At the institutional level he had caught up with his teachers and sponsors. In 1917 he completed his habilitation through Joseph Görres . In December 1917, while the war was still in progress, he was appointed Syndic of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences . He remained in this position until 1928. As a syndic, he was responsible for the business operations of the academy and the administration of the state's scientific collections. Due to the frequent changes in the presidency, Müller assumed an important position, since every new president had recourse to the counsel of the syndic in everyday business. At the same time he was appointed honorary professor at Munich University on December 1, 1917 .

For Riezler, Müller was the preferred candidate for his own successor to the chair of Bavarian regional history. He particularly emphasized Müller's services on the "home front". With this he wanted to rebut the criticism of the young age of his pupil, the recently completed habilitation, the lack of teaching experience and Müller's little research on the Middle Ages and the Reformation . Müller's application for the successor to his teacher Sigmund von Riezler in 1917 was unsuccessful: Michael Doeberl , who was more scientifically experienced and more than twenty years older, was appointed .

Weimar Republic

Relationship to the Weimar Republic

After the war ended, Müller continued his work as a political publicist. He excelled especially in the journalistic fight against the Versailles Treaty and the " war guilt lie ". According to Matthias Berg , most of the time he remained under “opposition to the republic”. Müller became a sought-after speaker and publicist for various anti-republic groups, but without committing to one.

In June 1919, Müller received a full chair for history at the Technical University of Karlsruhe . The President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences Hugo von Seeliger , however, advocated Müller's stay in Munich and made the proposal to make him financially better as compensation and to appoint him to the government council. Müller turned down the call to Karlsruhe, was appointed to the government council in 1919 and remained in his post at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. He also did not accept an appointment as director of the Reichsarchiv in Potsdam in 1920 .

Müller became engaged to Irma Richter, daughter of the Munich factory owner Georg Richter , in January 1919 , and married her in the same year. The marriage had two children. Through his wife, Müller was related by marriage to Gottfried Feder , the economic theorist of the National Socialists. Even before the First World War, Feder had married a sister of Müller's wife. Through Elsa Bruckmann , an early supporter of Adolf Hitler , Müller had repeatedly come into direct contact with Hitler. Müller and Hitler had already met in person in July 1919. Müller gave a lecture to members of the Reichswehr in the context of " anti-Bolshevik education courses" . Hitler attended a course given by Müller who gave a lecture on “the question of guilt”. In doing so, Müller claims to have become aware of Hitler for the first time. There is no record of any ties between Müller and any party, and his voting decisions are unknown. After Elina Kiiskinen he was close to the DNVP .

In the 1920s, despite the initial placement, several appeal procedures failed. As a successor to Fritz Hartung at the University of Kiel , Friedrich Wolters was appointed instead of Müller in 1923 . The report issued by Willy Andreas referred to Müller's unwillingness to leave Munich and the lack of scientific work. At the University of Cologne in 1925, Müller's appointment to Cologne's Lord Mayor Konrad Adenauer failed . The faculty, the Prussian Ministry of Culture and the expert colleagues who gave their opinion had spoken out in favor of Müller. With regard to Richard Fester's succession at the University of Halle , the Prussian Ministry of Education decided against the Müller proposed by the faculty in the summer semester of 1927 and appointed the politically liberal Otto Becker . Müller was also first at the University of Breslau and was rejected by the Prussian Ministry in 1928. In the third volume of his autobiography, Müller justified his rejection of the republic with his rejection of the many appointments. However, according to Matthias Berg, the years between 1916 and 1928 were by no means a failure for him. He received recognition and support in political journalism and for his historiographical publications. His rank as a historian was recognized in letters and reports. Berg identified a late rapprochement with the Weimar Republic for Müller in the mid-1920s. The Roaring Twenties and the acquisition of the professorship in Munich in 1928 were decisive for this. Müller approached nationally minded people who were not opposed to the Weimar Republic. With Lujo Brentano , Thomas Mann and the Mayor of Munich Karl Scharnagl , Müller was involved in the Munich section of the Kulturbund . In March 1929 Elsa Bruckmann was appalled by Müller's dealings with the “Bolsheviks”. Together with Thomas Mann, Müller was a founding member of the Rotary Club in November 1929 .

Teaching activity in Munich

NSDAP meeting in the Bürgerbräukeller, around 1923

Hermann Oncken (1933)

On the evening of November 8, 1923, Müller wanted to hear a speech by Gustav von Kahr in the Bürgerbräukeller in Munich . Thereby he witnessed the Hitler putsch , with which the Weimar Republic should be eliminated starting from Munich. The following day, Müller asked the students in his seminar to stand up for a minute's silence in honor of the dead putschists, while other historians such as the Republic-friendly Hermann Oncken condemned the attempted coup. The political ideas of the two historians increasingly diverged. As one of Müller's early supporters, Oncken distanced himself from him in the 1920s. According to Matthias Berg, however, mutual acceptance as a specialist colleague and membership of the historians often bridged political differences.

In 1923 Müller took on a teaching position for "historical politics". Current political issues were regularly dealt with in his seminars. This gave him an influx of students from all political directions. The National Socialists Rudolf Hess , Hermann Göring and Baldur von Schirach sat in his lectures . But young socialist historians such as Wolfgang Hallgarten or Michael Freund also attended Müller's courses. In 1923 Müller became a full member of the Historical Commission, in 1927 he was appointed to the newly established Commission for Bavarian State History and in 1928 he was accepted as a full member of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In his nomination, Hermann Oncken praised Müller's “literary formal talent” and the dissertation published two decades ago. At the election meeting in February 1928, Müller received all 19 votes cast. In the same year he became secretary of the Munich Historical Commission.

Michael Doeberl died unexpectedly in March 1928. Only three months later, Müller took over his chair for Bavarian history. His lectures were well attended; the lecture German History in the Mirror of Bavarian Development had 179 participants. In the years that followed, the number of listeners at Müller's events was between 300 and 400. His number of students also increased significantly. By the winter semester of 1927/28 he had only supervised eight dissertations. When he took over the chair, the number of supervised dissertations rose sharply. As an academic teacher, Müller had 228 doctoral students. The focus of the work was on Bavarian history. The best works have been published since 1933 in the series Münchner Historische Abhandlungen, First Series: General and Political History , co-edited by Müller . His academic students included the later professors Kurt von Raumer , Alexander Scharff , Theodor Schieder , Karl Bosl , Heinz Gollwitzer , Fritz Valjavec and Wolfgang Zorn , the later Catholic-Conservative Minister of Culture and Agriculture Alois Hundhammer and the National Socialists Walter Frank , Wilhelm Grau , Ernst Hanfstaengl , Karl Richard Ganzer and Reinhold Lorenz . Other students of Müller were Georg Franz-Willing , Anton Hoch , Wilhelm von Kloeber , Michael Schattenhofer and Klaus Schickert . As an academic teacher, however, he was less known among his students for precise science and work with unpublished sources; rather, according to Wolfgang Zorn, he conveyed more as an "essayist on nature and inclination in a captivating, sometimes touching art of storytelling, joy in the subject and in learning through listening".

From 1930 to 1936 Müller headed the Institute for Research on German Ethnicity in the South and Southeast , although he did not speak any South or East European language and had not made any publications in this field. Due to his professorship for Bavarian regional history and the previous recognition of his work, however, he was considered suitable for a mediating role between science and politics. Müller made the focus of the institute's tasks "in the east, in the defensive struggle against the advancing Czechs". In 1931, Müller supported the so-called “scientific defense work” against Polish historians in order to prevent them from being able to use archival holdings in German archives to prove that “the entire area of ​​the Polish Ostmark was old Polish property”.

National Socialism

The appointment of Adolf Hitler as Reich Chancellor on January 30, 1933 did not see Müller as a “turning point in an era”, but merely as the assumption of office of another “government that was considered short-lived”. As early as 1933, Müller's closest personal circle was affected by the terror of the new Nazi regime. His friends Erwein von Aretin and Paul Nikolaus Cossmann were arrested in March and April 1933. Later, his academic student Hundhammer was also arrested. Through the arrest of long-term political companions, Müller learned early on that the new rulers were ready to use violence against conservative, monarchist- oriented opponents of National Socialism. Nevertheless, he consciously turned to National Socialism. When Aretin was released from prison, Müller advised him to join the “national awakening”, which Aretin refused. For Müller to participate in power under National Socialism, a complete change of role was not necessary. His federal, monarchist and denominational ties were relatively weak and did not prevent him from participating quickly and actively in the new regime. According to Nikola Becker, Müller was Catholic, but opposed to political Catholicism ; after 1918 his sympathy was rather with the German national camp, whereby he developed a strong tendency towards National Socialism.

In view of the National Socialists' distrust of the Munich Rotary Club, Müller resigned from this association. The last time he had attended a Rotarian meeting was March 14, 1933. For this he joined the NSDAP on August 1, 1933 . No other chair of the Munich Faculty of Philosophy and no other member of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences became a member of the NSDAP as early as 1933. However, Müller was forced to justify his late entry into the party. As a reason for this, he stated in his application for membership of August 27, 1933, personally endorsed by Rudolf Hess, that as a university professor he had been able to work far more freely to spread the National Socialist German view of the state and history because he was not a member of the party. So he quietly trained historians for the Third Reich. By opting for National Socialism, he was able to make a career under the new rulers. In the following years he was given numerous functions and memberships. His teaching assignment was expanded in 1934. At the same time, the regional historical orientation was devalued. From then on, Müller's professorship was called “Medieval and Modern History with Consideration of the Bavarian State History”.

His lectures dealt mainly with topics from Bavarian national history, German history especially of the 19th century and the British Empire . From 1933 to 1935 Müller was Dean of the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Munich. This was his first important office during the Nazi era. Müller is classified as a "transitional dean", who adapted himself to the political requirements and ensured the establishment of a faculty based on National Socialist requirements. In 1935 he took over the editing of the historical magazine . In January 1936 he received the Verdun Prize for his collection of historical and political essays on German History and German Character . In the opinion of the Reich Science Minister Bernhard Rust , the award was a "well-deserved recognition of your scientific thoroughness, artistic creative power and national political educational talent". On the day of the founding of the Reich in 1936, Müller praised Hitler as the man who had “the tough peasant blood of old Germany in his veins”, but who, as a “worker of the forehead and the fist at the same time”, “sprang from the bosom of the great, silent people” I decided to turn the misery around. In the autumn of 1936 he took over the management of the “Research Department Jewish Issues” of the Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany . In the same year, Arnold Oskar Meyer moved to the Berlin Friedrich Wilhelms University . Müller then took over his chair for modern history. Also in 1936, against the wishes of the members, he was appointed President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences by the responsible ministry, and remained in this position until 1944. In April 1937, Müller was elected a corresponding member of the Württemberg Commission for State History . For the “Anschluss” of Austria in 1938 he glorified the achievements of the Führer in front of the assembled teachers in the auditorium of the University of Munich.

The National Socialist reports paint von Müller's image of an exemplary National Socialist and assess him as a reliable party member. His “National Socialist sentiment” was “impeccable in every respect. He is an avid visitor to party meetings. When it comes to collections, he always has an open hand and gives a lot. "

Successful influence on the appointment to a historical chair is an indicator of rank and reputation in the scientific community of the National Socialist era. When the chair for modern history was filled again in 1938, Müller ensured the appointment of Ulrich Crämer and thus prevailed against his student Walter Frank, who wanted to bring one of his employees to the chair with Kleo Pleyer . Müller did not act openly against Frank, but formulated an expert opinion in which he weighed the two candidates against each other and took the position: “But if for any university, then for the university in the capital, the movement must be unconditionally attached to the university on this point Fuehrer and obedience to his instructions be given complete and positive security. ”According to Müller's report, Pleyer appeared to be less reliable. One reason for Müller's vehement advocacy of Crämer was that he hoped for greater relief in teaching and more freedom for his numerous honorary posts.

The Austrian Academy of Sciences elected Müller in 1939 as a corresponding member. In the same year the Wehrmacht called him on as an expert on England; he should investigate the world historical role of the English Commonwealth . In the opinion of the SS , thanks to the reputation he had acquired so far, Müller was also suitable for working with “the neutrals” abroad. From this activity came the propaganda brochure Germany and England. A picture of world history emerges.

In July 1942 Müller was accepted into the Prussian Academy of Sciences . On his 60th birthday on December 20, 1942, he was at the height of his professional success. For the Bavarian Gauleiter Paul Giesler , Müller was a “staunch National Socialist” and “one of the most important living German historians” in 1942. With the award of the Goethe Medal on his 60th birthday, Müller reached the climax of his recognition by the regime. A few weeks earlier, his former long-time friend and co-editor of the Süddeutsche Monatshefte, Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, had died in the concentration camp. Müller had avoided contact with him since Cossmann was released from Gestapo detention in April 1934.

Kurt Huber

Müller was informed about the war on the Eastern Front because his student Hans Rall told him about it during a home vacation. In September 1941, Müller was still enthusiastic about the military conquests: “The successes so far on this scene have been tremendous; what you hear about our reorganization plans goes into perspectives that can make you dizzy. "

For many years Müller maintained a friendship with the philosophy professor Kurt Huber , a close confidante of the Scholl siblings , who was executed in 1943, but remained inactive after his friend's arrest in February 1943. When Kurt Huber wanted to have Müller called as an exonerating witness at his trial , he asked for an excuse, according to Falk Harnack's eyewitness report, saying that “he was absent from Munich on business”. After Huber's murder, Müller maintained good contact with his widow Clara; the Müller couple supported Clara financially.

Matthias Berg argued that Müller had slowly withdrawn from the Nazi regime from 1942 onwards. According to Berg, this replacement did not result from Huber's conviction and execution, but from the regime's increasing failures. In late autumn 1941, his brother Albert was killed in the war. According to Berg, this was the first personal reason to rethink journalistic support for the National Socialist war. However, this change of opinion was not carried out consistently and did not affect Müller's public appearance. In February 1943, Müller gave a speech on England to Gauleiter Giesler and Reich Governor Franz Ritter von Epp . In March 1943 at a “young academics conference in Luftgaukommando VII” and the following year at the SS Junker School in Bad Tölz , he gave lectures on “Shape and Change of the Reich”. In June 1944 he was invited to an “anti-Jewish” congress in Krakow . There he was supposed to give a lecture on the "role of Judaism in the history of Germany and how to combat it". In the course of the planning for the congress, it was not the Slovak Minister of State Alexander Mach but Mueller who was supposed to give a lecture on the Jewish question in Europe. However, the conference was canceled because of the course of the war. According to Matthias Berg, the invitation to the congress illustrates Müller's role as a leading historian in National Socialist Germany.

In 1943, Müller took over the editing of the Swiss literary and cultural magazine Corona . He continued his teaching as a professor. In the last two years of the war, Heinz Gollwitzer and Wolfgang Zorn were among his most important students. Zorn completed his doctorate with Müller a few days before the end of the war. Müller's apartment was destroyed by an Allied air raid. From the winter of 1943/44 he stayed away from the increasingly destroyed Munich and lived almost continuously in Rottach-Egern in Upper Bavaria on the Tegernsee . In January 1945, due to illness, he signed off from university with the dean. The doctor certified that he was physically and nervously overloaded.

post war period

Denazification and loss of all offices and functions

In the first years after the war, Müller was largely isolated. His two sons were captured on the Eastern Front. In 1944, Müller was replaced as President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences by Mariano San Nicolò . He had tried in vain to prevent members from electing the president. He later claimed he had voluntarily retired from the presidency.

The academy accused Müller of having taken on the presidency against the will of the members and of having restricted their institutional autonomy. On August 29, 1945, Müller submitted a sixteen-page defense in which he contradicted the allegations. According to his presentation, thanks to his administration, the Academy was able to enter a new era “as one of the few surviving German institutions without fundamental changes”. His work as president was aimed at reconciliation. He wanted to combine the “positive” aspects of National Socialism with German culture and history. His argument was only partially convincing in the academy. On December 23, 1945, on the advice of some academy members, Müller declared his “voluntary resignation” from the academy to Mariano San Nicolò. In doing so, however, he did not acknowledge the justification of the allegations against himself, but instead kept his defense “fully upright”. At the beginning of 1946, Müller was dismissed as a university lecturer on the instructions of the military government. With that he lost all his offices and functions in the spring of 1946. In March 1946 he registered as unemployed. The 63-year-old Müller worked as a medicinal herb collector in Rottach-Egern for the receipt of food cards .

According to Müller's own account, which he submitted to the Austrian Academy of Sciences for the years between 1933 and 1949 in 1949, when he took over the historical journal it was his intention to “bring together old and new on the common ground of factual critical science this task became more difficult from year to year […]. A related curve also developed in the management of Bayer. Academy of Science". However, it was possible "to maintain the independence of the corporation, despite some difficulties, and not only to maintain but to expand its activity in the cartelized as well as in its own commissions".

In the denazification process , Müller stated in his "registration form" that he had "no party book". He was only a candidate for the NSDAP. To his relief, he cited the "close connection" with Kurt Huber and his protection for those who were racially persecuted. Müller therefore classified himself in group 4 of followers . He tried to reinterpret his influential position as President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences by portraying himself as the “protective power” of an oppressed scientific institution: he wanted to maintain the autonomy and scientific independence of the academic institutes and protect their members against hostility and denunciations. By the spring of 1948, Müller began to collect a large number of exonerating certificates. All of his " Persilscheine " came from his own students and younger colleagues, not from his colleagues. In his petitions, he stated that his actions had not changed after 1933. He asked his student Fritz Wagner to confirm that he had promoted his habilitation and professional advancement despite Wagner's Christian attitude. In his report, Wagner emphasized Müller's scientific nature and emphasized his "strictly methodical scientific training". Müller was denazified as a "fellow traveler" in February 1948 and fined 2000 RM . The fine presented him with financial difficulties. The largely income-free miller was apparently partly able to pay for the award by selling National Socialist literature to Kurt Huber's widow Clara.

After Müller had paid his fine, he began to formulate claims in May 1948. He applied to the Philosophical Faculty of Munich University for the “reinstatement of civil servants' rights for the purpose of retirement ”. However, the Ministry of Culture refused to retire him. In view of his exposed position in the Nazi regime, the faculty was also unable to agree to his retirement and applied at the beginning of June to be reinstated in his civil service rights for the purpose of retirement. In fact, Müller was retired on July 5, 1948 by his first doctoral student, who was now Minister of Education and Cultural Affairs Hundhammer. However, he was denied the academic rights of a professor emeritus. In 1950, Müller described the retirement in a letter to the former academy employee Wilhelm Reif as “wrong”. He continued to hope for the conversion to a formal retirement, which he finally achieved after several applications in 1956. Müller received an annual pension of 11,600 DM plus housing allowance.

Attempts at rehabilitation and journalistic restart

Müller's almost two years of activity as a medicinal herb collector gave him sufficient time to concentrate on historical and regional journalism. He also began working on his memoirs up to 1914. In June 1949, he published a short article about rural Fischhausen in 1903 in the regional culture magazine Zwiebelturm. He also worked on a chronicle for the 100th anniversary of Haindl's paper mills . His pupil Zorn gave a positive review of the chronicle, which was largely written without comments. Wilhelm Treue would have wished for more detailed information about economic and social conditions, for example, instead of “the beautiful description of situations”. He therefore considered “advice from an economic historian” to be appropriate.

Despite faithful criticism, Müller tried to continue to be recognized in the historical discipline. But he needed a presentable job for that. He had written a historical essay on Danton . His previous in-house publisher, the Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt , congratulated him "on the success of this unique piece of historical essay writing". Müller therefore pushed for a speedy publication. In the autumn of 1949 his Danton was published by the Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. The reviews of Max Braubach and Martin Göhring emphasized the author's art of representation, but noted more clearly than before the technical deficits of the work.

In addition, Müller began to work on the journalistic legacy of some victims of the Nazi regime who were once associated with him. Müller commented several times on the fate of Cossman. In an article published in 1949 for the Catholic magazine Hochland , he described Cossmann's life story and mentioned his own guilt, albeit very abstractly. He can only measure Cossmann's “rising in martyrdom”, who perished in the “relatively best Jewish concentration camp”, by his “own failure”. In 1957, Müller also wrote the article about Cossmann in the New German Biography . In Cossmann's personal environment, Müller's journalistic work was received with gratitude. Since the late 1940s, Müller appeared again as a speaker. In Rottach-Egern he gave lectures on Bavarian history from 1948 to 1951, to which 100 to 120 visitors came regularly. Since the mid-1950s, he worked on a continuation of his memories beyond 1919. Between 1951 and 1966 a total of three volumes of his autobiography were published .

However, Müller's perception as a specialist remained low after the war. He did not consider his older works to be out of date in the post-war period. However, not even publishers friendly to him were interested in a new edition of his older works. Müller wanted to make his most recent work known to a larger group of experts. He became a member of the newly founded Association of Historians . In 1949 he attended the German Historians' Day in Munich. In the previous decades, however, Müller had only attended the Vienna Historians' Day in 1913.

Müller was also able to establish friendly contacts in Oxford again. The poor level of information of the English historians gave him the opportunity to spread a glossy version of his commitment to the scientific community in National Socialist Germany. When George Norman Clark became Provost at Oriel College , Oxford, in March 1948 , Müller contacted him and congratulated him on the election. In further correspondence he described to him that he had taken over the editing of the historical magazine in order to prevent the end of the magazine and a candidate of the party. He also managed to return to the circle of the Oxford Rhodes Scholars.

Even as a contemporary witness of National Socialism, Müller remained powerful and received a lot of attention. In the spring of 1959, the Jewish journalist Hans Lamm inquired about the National Socialist "Jewish research". It was not clear to him whether there were one or two institutes in Munich or Frankfurt. In his answer, Müller distinguished himself from the NSDAP and emphasized the strict scientific nature of his actions and the Munich Institute, which then led to the establishment in Frankfurt. Helmut Heiber visited Müller in Rottach-Egern in 1959 for his study of Walter Frank and the Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany . Even Ernst Deuerlein , Georg Franz , Helmut Neubauer and Reginald H. Phelps turned for their studies at him.

Müller received a lot of attention in the 1950s and 1960s through his radio reports on Bavarian Broadcasting . In 1951 he took over the broadcast on the 300th anniversary of the death of Elector Maximilian I. Not only in the radio reports, but also in a large number of articles, he worked for the “Bavarian people”. From 1953 to 1963 he was co-editor of the home magazine Tegernseer Tal and authorized with the abbreviation KAM. He published regularly in Merian and in the magazine Schönere Heimat of the Bavarian State Association for Homeland Care .

With the journalistic resumption, Müller also hoped for an institutional return up to and including a complete rehabilitation. After completing his denazification process, he was unanimously reassigned to the Commission for Bavarian State History in 1949. The Austrian Academy of Sciences also recognized Müller as a member again. The historical commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences, however, refused to accept him again. He found it hard to come to terms with that. In a letter to Walter Goetz in September 1950, he wrote: “When I see what other rehabilitation is going on all around, the permanent exclusion of Srbik and me from history wants me . The commission is difficult to enter. ”His further efforts to re-join the commission and academy were unsuccessful. After all, he was elected to the Academy of Fine Arts in May 1953 .

Last years (1961–1964)

Grave of Karl Alexander von Müller in the Egerner Friedhof

In May 1961, Müller was awarded the Bavarian Order of Merit together with Franz Schnabel . He received the award from Hans Ehard , whose second wife Sieglinde Odörfer had received her doctorate with him in the summer semester of 1939. In 1962 Müller became an honorary member of the Bavarian State Association for Homeland Care . The Institute for Bavarian History celebrated his 80th birthday with a small conference, and his students organized a commemorative publication. This was published two years later with contributions from his students Bosl, Zorn, Raumer and Gollwitzer as well as other Bavarian regional historians. Müller died after a long illness on December 13, 1964, a few days before his 82nd birthday. He was buried in the cemetery of the St. Laurentius Church in Egern .

Act

Publications

Scientific and popular history work

Müller's dissertation on Bavaria in 1866 was, with 228 pages, unusually extensive for the time. It remained his most extensive scientific work. He had not used archival material for this. Müller's Bavarian history focused primarily on Otto von Bismarck and the unification of the empire. He did not write a monograph on Bavarian history. He also did not continue Riezler's work on "The History of Bavaria". In view of the economic crisis, the publishing house had to ask Müller to cancel the agreement in July 1932. At the turn of the year 1924/25, von Müller published a monograph on Karl Ludwig Sand , the murderer of August von Kotzebue . The representation, which was created against the background of the political murders of Kurt Eisner († 1919), Matthias Erzberger († 1921) and Walther Rathenau († 1922), was published several times. Müller's sympathies were historically and contemporary with the assassin. A few days after the publication, he sent Anton Graf von Arco auf Valley , Eisner's murderer, a copy. The book was well received by both the public and professionals. Georg von Below , who is considered extremely critical, praised Müller for this work as “one of the best actors that Germany z. Z. owns at all ”.

Müller's publications were mostly short articles and essays, which were praised primarily for their style. He provided his essays with personal addresses of homage, with which he gave almost all important representatives of the history of science. Through necrology and praise, he emerged in public as a representative of the science of history. As a young historian, Müller wrote an obituary for his academic teacher Karl Theodor von Heigel , his doctoral supervisor Sigmund von Riezler and for his predecessor as syndic Karl Mayr . He published numerous articles on birthdays, such as those of Dietrich Schäfer , Erich Marcks or Friedrich Meinecke , and took care of the posthumous publication of Adalbert von Raumer's dissertation .

When choosing his topics, he was always careful to balance. His first article in the historical magazine in 1913 was devoted to Otto von Bismarck and Ludwig II. In September 1870. The article followed in detail the Bavarian part in the unification of the empire, because, as Müller concluded, “the work and that are growing all the more before our eyes Merit of Bismarck ”. After his dissertation, Müller chose Joseph Görres, who was not only promising for Catholic historians, as the subject of his research. In March 1912 he published a short edition of his letters without any comments on the content. The contribution was positively received by Hermann von Grauert , Sigmund von Riezler, Georg Maria Jochner and Max Lenz . In autumn 1912 Müller presented the first results of his work on Görres at the conference of the general association of German history and antiquity associations in Würzburg . Before the First World War, it was hoped that he would have an important Görres biography. However, Müller made no research contributions for several years. In January 1922 he published in the entertainment supplement of the Münchner Neuesten Nachrichten with the title Joseph Görres. A German leader and prophet, some excerpts from works by and about Görres. Müller's concept of leadership remained imprecise and gained its attractiveness from its connectivity. In 1926 - in line with Görres' 150th birthday - the habilitation thesis that Müller had submitted in 1917 was published. The work, with annotations and an annex to the sources, corresponded to scientific practice. In it, Müller concentrated entirely on Görres' stay in Strasbourg from October 1819 to May 1820, without classifying it in the scholar's further life and work. The linguistically convincing work was not a problem-oriented analysis. The habilitation did not raise any new questions and did not want to create any controversy in the professional world, but was primarily geared towards consensus. It corresponded to the common Görres reception during the Weimar Republic as a "seer and caller to national self-confidence".

Müller's publications were aimed primarily at a larger audience. With Erich Marcks he edited the three-volume compilation “Masters of Politics”. According to the preface, this was intended to shed light on “the decisive fateful hours in history”. The work was directly related to the present. The need for leaders in the present should also be shown in terms of personalities from history. The work bundles essays by well-known historians such as Karl Hampe , Erich Brandenburg or Willy Andreas on a number of historical personalities from Perikles to Otto von Bismarck. The first two volumes appeared in 1921/22 and had a total of almost 1400 pages. Karl Brandi's review in the historical magazine was extremely positive . However, he lamented the lack of contributions to Cecil Rhodes , British Prime Minister William Pitt the Elder, and Neville Chamberlain . Müller should have written these chapters. In the third volume, which appeared in 1923, Müller was also represented as an author with a study of William Pitt comprising more than a hundred pages. It was Müller's only longer contribution to English history. The “masters of politics” met with a high level of acceptance from the public. The public success of Müller's work in turn increased his recognition as a scientifically proven historian.

In 1925 Müller took over the editing of the third volume of the "Memoirs of the Reich Chancellor Time of Prince Clovis of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst ". The edition was published in 1931. However, the publisher's sales expectations were not fulfilled. In June 1931, Müller gave a lecture on “Memorabilia” at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. The edition and the published lecture are among his few scientific publications.

As a new professor, Müller shifted his focus from the development of Prussia to the "importance of Bavaria for the intellectual culture of Germany". Since 1933 he tried to bring the young historians with a national socialist orientation together with the classically national and nationalist history professors in a harmoniously harmonized history for the Nazi state. His commitment to National Socialism, however, also harbored the danger of alienation from his previous colleagues. Müller tried to document his ties to the historiographical discipline of the late German Empire through his publication of the Twelve Historian Profiles in the spring of 1935 . In it he bundled his obituaries and birthday wishes. The contributions dealt with Müller's sponsors and teachers Marcks, Meinecke, Heigel and Riezler. He dedicated it to his students. The anthology was not only popular with the older generation, but was also well received by its students.

Müller's career advancement brought him numerous publishing offers. However, he often did not keep his promises. The numerous offices also meant that Müller hardly published any more between 1936 and the start of the war. In the 1950s, Müller again published numerous articles, but scientific papers remained a rare exception. His account of Georges Danton , published in 1949, corresponded to Müller's historiographical profile of the 1920s. Using the example of Danton, he described the work of individual "great" men who would have shaped the respective time. For his work he chose the "freer form of a historical essay, which is not faced with the armament of source-based individual evidence".

memoirs

Müller's memoirs From Gardens of the Past: 1882–1914 (1951), Mars and Venus: 1914–1919 (1954) as well as the volume Im Wandel einer Welt: 1919–1932 (1966) edited by his son Otto Alexander von Müller from the estate a traditional autobiography with a strongly justifying character. It broke off in 1932 and he decided not to present the period from 1933 to 1945. Müller only speaks of being “spoiled by National Socialism”. The description of the time in which the National Socialists rose gives the reader the impression that the author is only a marginally burdened scholar.

The memoirs were particularly well received in the daily press and achieved high sales figures. According to Müller's propaganda pamphlet Germany and England, the first volume was his greatest success with the public. Müller's memoirs gave several generations of German educated citizens a common reference point for memory. They corresponded to the need of an insecure generation to remember a time without National Socialism and world wars.

Use in war journalism

In the First World War and in the Weimar Republic

From 1910 onwards, Müller worked for the Süddeutsche Monatshefte . Between 1914 and 1933 he was its editor with Paul Nikolaus Cossmann . Between 1919 and 1925 the magazine and its two editors primarily dealt with the fight against the Versailles Treaty and against the " war guilty lie ". According to Hans-Christof Kraus, this phase ended with the Munich stabbing process . The magazine then concentrated more on cultural and social issues. In the years that followed, the number of Müller's articles in the Süddeutsche Monatshefte steadily decreased.

In September 1914, the first “war issue” of the Süddeutsche Monatshefte could appear. The “war books” changed the initially culturally oriented paper into a battle paper against Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg . Müller submitted a dozen articles by 1918 that established his reputation as a political journalist. During the First World War, Müller saw England as the “bitterest enemy” and the “real culprit of this war”. As motives of England he made envy and lust for power. In contrast to Walter Goetz, Friedrich Meinecke and Hermann Oncken, Müller also advocated intensifying the war.

Even after the end of the war and the November Revolution of 1918, Müller continued his journalistic activities unchanged. In December 1918 he dealt with the "end of the German fleet" in the Süddeutsche monthly magazine . He could not understand the sailors' refusal to continue the war. Even in the fall of 1918, he believed that a German victory was still possible. It is unprecedented that "a mighty fleet [...], unbeaten, in full order at the command of the enemy, took captivity without a fight and lowered their colors forever without defending them." He and Cossmann represented the idea in a journalistic way an ongoing "war in peace". According to Müller's statements from 1940, the war was “replaced by a peace that wasn't; now the war follows this again ”. The basic constants in which Müller saw the causes of the catastrophic developments were a lack of unity, a lack of goal and an unsuitable form of rule. In his contribution, published in 1920 for the July edition of the Süddeutsche Monatshefte , he claimed that Germany was divided by “disruptive internal parties”, especially during the war. For both the war and the post-war period, there was a lack of a “creative goal”. The parliamentary system in the then form it had accepted only as a result of the defeat.

In National Socialism

Involvement in war propaganda against England

In 1938 Müller published an introduction to the German edition of George Macaulay Trevelyan's Edward Gray . He sent the tape to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and his predecessor Stanley Baldwin . He also hoped to get noticed in the Times . In his words, his introduction was “the first attempt to do justice to Grey's personality from a German point of view”. However, the hoped-for response in the Times did not materialize. After Matthias Berg, Müller's disappointed hope of reception in England contributed to his concentration on the war propaganda against England. In August 1939 Müller gave the lecture The English Empire and Greater Germany through the Centuries at the Salzburg Science Weeks . The resulting brochure Germany and England. A picture of world history was published in September 1939 by the Berlin “ Ahnenerbe-Stiftung-Verlag ”. The brochure was advertised in all party offices. The Foreign Office had already requested 5,000 copies when the propaganda pamphlet appeared. A year later, over 120,000 copies had been sold. Müller also benefited noticeably financially from this success. He received ten percent of the sales proceeds. Siegfried A. Kaehler said in retrospect in 1946 that Müller had “completely lost his head in his“ insane speech in England ”in the summer of 1939 and made a speech about the near future that was not previously expected of a good England connoisseur. In a speech that Müller gave to the Bavarian Gauleiter Paul Giesler and the Reich Governor of Bavaria Franz Ritter von Epp in 1943 , he described England as the real "enemy of life and death", who first met the " Bolshevism of the East" and the " plutocracy beyond of the Atlantic Ocean ”against Germany.

Reorganization of Europe

From 1940, Müller began to work for a new order in Europe in line with National Socialist Germany. On January 30, 1940, on the seventh anniversary of the National Socialist takeover , he wrote an article for the Völkischer Beobachter entitled Why Germany Must Victory? The historical foundations of the German victory . In it he outlined his idea of ​​an “ordered Europe” under German leadership. It is about "the limited goal of a Europe that is organically ordered from the responsible German center on the new social foundations as a community of fate of historically adult peoples, each of whom has living space and freedom for its own creation according to its strength and characteristics and for their entirety, with the racial strength and talent of our continent, thereby opening up a new, unheard of possibility of worldwide impact ”. In 1940 Müller took part in another propaganda project of the "Ahnenerbes". He was responsible for the conception and design of the “19th Century "for the exhibition" German size ". In doing so, he exceeded the organizers' expectations, who therefore entrusted him with the drafting of the introductory chapter for the exhibition catalog. There, Müller sketched the course of history so far as a recurring sequence of rise and fall. This development was stopped by the Hitler Reich. Adolf Hitler had "barely fourteen years after Versailles established a new strong, the first ethnic German state" and now wanted to create a "new European order". The exhibition opened in November 1940 in Munich and was shown in various German cities as well as in Brussels, Prague and Strasbourg and attracted more than 650,000 visitors. According to Karen Schönwälder , the exhibition was “the simplest historical propaganda in the service of the apology of National Socialist rule”.

The military successes motivated Müller to increase his journalistic commitment to National Socialist Germany. For the magazine of the National Socialist German Student Union , he wrote an article on “German history at war”, which he delivered with unusual punctuality. In July 1940, the Reich leadership of the NSDAP applied to relieve Müller of his examination obligations. He submitted the article in September 1940. From January 1941 he worked for the Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda on "a popular historical work on the development of the German Empire". According to Matthias Berg, the work could not appear due to Müller's unreliability as an author. In April 1941, the office commissioned Rosenberg Müller to publish “a larger picture atlas on German history using the material from the exhibition”. He received the generous fee of 3000 RM for his work . His longer contribution to the picture atlas on German history was published at the end of 1944 by Rosenberg's head of department, Hans Hagemeyer . In his remarks, Müller followed up on his earlier treatment of the subject, but unlike in the past clearly emphasized Germany's struggle on “two fronts”, against “Marxist Bolshevism” and “democratic plutocracy”.

Activity as a science organizer

Promotion of the National Socialist "Jewish Research"

Müller's pupil Walter Frank was appointed President of the newly created Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany in the summer of 1936 , whereupon he made his teacher head of the new “Research Department on Jewish Issues”. According to Müller's opening speech in November 1936, the establishment was “itself an act of revolution, the great National Socialist revolution of Adolf Hitler”. The research department should “be the first to prepare the scientific pioneers for journeys to a largely unknown country”. The science of history could "not lead the direct struggles for power", but "it can forge weapons for them, armor it can provide, fighters can train them". The research department fulfills its purpose as an "arsenal". Müller was not particularly involved in the work of the department, and he did not make any substantive contributions to “Jewish research”. But almost all authors (were Wilfried Euler , Clemens Hoberg , Hermann Kellenbenz , Walter Frank, William Gray and Klaus Schickert) in the Department of the National Institute and later by Alfred Rosenberg founded Institute for Study of the Jewish Question students miller. As early as May 1935, Frank and Müller had agreed to recruit “capable minds” among Müller's students. A large part of the National Socialist “Jewish research” emerged from this group.

Arnold Oskar Meyer (1942)

In the scientific community, Müller considered political concerns of the National Socialists at the expense of quality. Despite a lack of professional qualifications, he sponsored Wilhelm Grau, the director of the Jewish question research department, for his habilitation. In March 1936, Arnold Oskar Meyer had written a damning report on Graus' habilitation thesis, which dealt with Wilhelm von Humboldt and the problem of the Jew. In addition to stylistic deficiencies, Meyer criticized the unclear delimitation of the terms Enlightenment and Judaism . In addition, according to Meyer Graus' thesis, "the destructive effect of Judaism on Humboldt was untenable". With Meyer's report, Graus' scientific reputation and that of his research department were at risk. In his report, Müller referred to Graus' leading position in the new research department; from his point of view, habilitation and management belonged together. As a middle ground, Müller suggested for proof of academic qualification that the license to teach should be waived. He praised the book as a first "groundbreaking attempt" in this field. According to his judgment, the stylistic deficiencies could not shake "the overall impression of a thorough and conscientious work". The medieval historian Rudolf von Heckel followed Müller's recommendation in the final judgment. Almost two years after submitting the habilitation application, Grau was able to get his habilitation at the Philosophical Faculty in August 1937, despite the unfavorable course of the habilitation examination, mainly thanks to Müller's advocacy. Müller also promoted further work in the area of ​​emerging “Jewish research” and prevented unwanted contributions.

Editor of the historical journal (1935–1943)

After the National Socialists came to power, the position of Friedrich Meinecke , a staunch left-liberal supporter of the Weimar Republic, as editor of the historical magazine became increasingly untenable. The publisher of the periodical, Wilhelm Oldenbourg , made a change in the editorial office , who asserted both age reasons and Meinecke's political views. In addition, Oldenbourg feared the establishment of a National Socialist rival magazine. Under the pressure of supposed or real economic interests, he bowed to the pressure of the new rulers and looked for a new editor. In the discussion about Meinecke's successor, Müller was, according to Gerhard A. Ritter's analysis (2006), “despite his close ties to the publisher and the party, he was more of an important figure on the chessboard than a driving force”. For Albert Brackmann only Müller came into consideration for the position, although in Brackmann's opinion he lacked leadership qualities. Oldenbourg expressed a reservation: “As far as the personality of Prof. KA von Müller is concerned, his name would undoubtedly be an ornament for the HZ, but we have to be aware that any work, especially regular and punctual work , would not be done by him. ”Also Meinecke himself found Müller too“ soft and not too hardworking ”for the position as editor intended for him. Fritz Hartung , Rudolf Stadelmann and Helmut Berve were also discussed as possible candidates between Oldenbourg, the head of the publishing house in Berlin, Max Bierotte, and other historians . On April 11, 1935, Oldenbourg finally separated from Meinecke, but still no successor had been found. The avowed National Socialists Günther Franz and Walter Frank played an important role in the decision to go with Müller . Despite concerns, Oldenbourg spoke out on his behalf: "I would by far prefer if he took over the magazine if I didn't know that he was on the one hand overloaded and on the other hand very late." The decisive factor was a letter, Walter Frank addressed the publisher Oldenbourg to the publisher Oldenbourg on May 24, 1935, as the “advisor for history to the Führer’s deputy and to the Führer’s representative for the entire ideological education of the NSDAP”. He suggested Müller as director and as co-editor Erich Marcks and Heinrich von Srbik . Eventually, Müller became the sole editor and Walther Kienast had to do the editorial work.

One of the first steps taken by the new publisher was to make the magazine “ judenfrei ”. According to a letter to Wilhelm Engel in November 1936, Müller himself was “surprised and shocked at how many Jews were nested here, often under quite harmless-sounding names. It was often not easy to get certainty; but the purge was urgently needed. "After a letter from Walther Kienast to Wilhelm Oldenbourg in November 1935, under the new editor Müller, the" Gleichschaltung [...] turned out to be a little stronger than some initially expected ".

Müller strove for the widest possible representation of the historical journal . For him it was about a science united for National Socialism, whereby he wanted to take on the role of the link between traditional and National Socialist historians. In his preface to the first issue, he already pledged to actively support historical science for the regime. German historical studies do not come to the new German state and its youth empty-handed. The first article appeared in the first issue under Müller Walter Frank's contribution Zunft und Nation . It was Frank's speech at the opening of his Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany. In it he set out his ideas about National Socialist history and attacked his colleagues who were critical of the "new Germany" in the sharpest possible way. In the following article, Erwin Hölzle examined national and racial consciousness in the English Revolution. With his approach, Müller earned the approval of Heinrich von Srbiks and Arnold Oskar Meyers . He continued his course in the second issue. Arnold Oskar Meyer took on the role of traditional historical studies with a detailed discussion of the publication of files on Prussia's foreign policy from 1858 to 1871 . With Kleo Pleyer and Ernst Anrich , two representatives of the National Socialist orientation had their say. In addition, the heading “History of the Jewish Question”, which Wilhelm Grau oversees , was set up in this issue .

Müller provided the forewords of the historical magazine with political introductions to the "Anschluss" of Austria in 1938 or the situation after the French campaign in 1940 and with eulogies for the Führer. He introduced the 158th volume with his foreword on April 10, 1938 . According to Müller, it was the first issue that appeared “in the new Greater German Reich ”. With the Anschluss, "one of the bitterest wounds of our past will be healed, the last grave legacy of the half-millennium years of national fragmentation of our people is concluded." From the beginning of the war, the contributions focused on recent military history. The 166th volume from 1942 was dominated by a detailed obituary by Walter Frank for the model National Socialist Kleo Pleyer.

According to a quantitative analysis by Ursula Wiggershaus-Müller, 44 articles - a share of 15.6 percent - show a National Socialist tendency during the entire Nazi period. None of them appeared under Meinecke's editorship. In contrast, seven articles in this category were published in the first issue after Müller took office, which corresponds to a percentage of 27 percent. According to Andreas Fahrmeir, the historical journal under Müller went through a change from a scientific journal “to an organ in which historical appeals of a low degree of scientific innovation and a noticeable naiveté critical of sources appeared more frequently, which wanted to prove that Germany did not end the last world war because of the failure of the own elite or a structural inferiority, but simply because of the lack of will to win ”.

With the exception of his forewords and forewords, Müller himself was hardly represented with articles in the magazine. In 1935 he published an essay entitled An Unknown Lecture by Rankes from 1862 , which essentially consisted of a text by Leopold von Rankes , which Müller provided with a short introduction and an afterword. Müller proceeded in a similar way with the publication of texts by Heinrich von Sybels . He wanted to emphasize his affiliation to the historical discipline.

In 1943, Müller organized a double issue in honor of Meinecke, who was celebrating his 80th birthday. The first issue dedicated to Meinecke brought together contributions by Fritz Hartung, Rudolf Stadelmann, Heinrich von Srbik, Wilhelm Mommsen , Gerhard Ritter , Siegfried A. Kaehler and Willy Andreas. National Socialist historians were not involved. Berg sees Müller's approach to his predecessor as the beginning of a “detachment” from National Socialism. The historical magazine was discontinued in 1943 with volume 168 due to the war.

President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences (1936–1943)

The takeover of power by the National Socialists did not bring about any drastic changes for the scientific academies. The unexpected move of the incumbent President Leopold Wenger to Vienna opened up new possibilities for those in power. The academy lost its right to elect the president. In June 1935 the Ministry of Culture banned a presidential election scheduled by the Academy. In January 1936, the appointment of the President was transferred to the Reich Minister of Science through an amendment to the statutes. The academy could only suggest a suitable personality. Although Müller had not been particularly prominent as a member of the academy, the Bavarian Ministry of Culture proposed him to the Reich Minister of Science in November 1935. On March 2, 1936 he was appointed president of the academy. In its own proposal, however, the Academy had spoken out in favor of Eduard Schwartz .

In June 1937 Müller gave his first address as President, glorifying the Nazi state and Adolf Hitler. As President of the Academy, Müller implemented the exclusion of Jewish members consistently and even before the ministerial orders. At the beginning of September 1938 he gave the office secretary Gottlob Klingel the "confidential" order to determine in questionnaires and personal forms "which of the current members were or are Jews or Jewish mixed race , Jewish mixed race , and members of a Masonic lodge or another lodge -like organization". Even before the relevant decree of November 15, 1938, the Bavarian Ministry of Culture reported to the Reich Ministry of Science that the four non-Aryan members Lucian Scherman , Alfred Pringsheim , Richard Willstätter and Heinrich Liebmann had been informed that “they could no longer belong to the Academy”. In the next year, the "Jewish kinky" members were urged to resign.

There are no major changes to the content of the Academy under Müller's presidency. The ongoing projects were continued. However, the war worsened the financial situation.

Reception in posterity

Scientific aftermath

In posterity, Müller has a certain fame as the editor of the historical magazine and as a Munich academic teacher, since after the First World War later Nazi figures attended his events. Unlike Gerhard Ritter with his biography of Stein or Friedrich Meinecke with his portrayal of cosmopolitanism and the nation state , Müller was not remembered with a “big book”. As a scientist, he was not a formative personality. There was no content or methodological orientation for historical studies from him. Due to the change in the humanities and cultural studies since the 1960s, Müller's historiography was no longer up-to-date. He only found recognition as the author of writings on his Bavarian homeland and his autobiography. Particularly in view of the fundamental methodological and thematic change in historical studies, his students tried to establish continuity and demonstrate a supposedly unbroken scientific tradition.

Müller's memoirs, published in the 1950s, are often cited in historical studies as testimony to Munich and Bavaria in the early 20th century. The third volume of the eyewitness report on the 1923 Hitler putsch is an important source for early Nazi history. For Matthias Berg, Müller achieved his status as a historian not with his scientific publications but with his autobiography.

Discussion about Müller's role in National Socialism

Many contemporaries did not perceive Müller as a National Socialist. His academic students did not seek critical discussion with their teacher, but devotedly paid homage to him even during his lifetime. In 1952, Theodor Schieder said in a speech on Müller's seventieth birthday: "It has been a long time since we were allowed to sit at your feet." Wilhelm Fichtl, another student, wrote Müller in 1951 after one of his lectures on Bavarian Radio that he had " suddenly heard on the radio, without being prepared for it, 'the voice of my Lord' ”. A few days after Müller's death, Schieder vehemently denied in a letter to Kurt von Raumer the accusation of “moral failure” made against the deceased between 1933 and 1945 because of his behavior. In 1982 - on his 100th birthday - several of his students, including Theodor Schieder, Fritz Wagner , Wolfgang Zorn , Heinz Gollwitzer and Karl Bosl , laid a fresh wreath on his grave.

Müller's students Heinz Gollwitzer and Karl Bosl emphasized in their obituaries that their teacher was not a National Socialist. Theodor Schieder, as editor of the historical magazine , tried to get a "worthy" obituary. He himself did not want to write it because "my relationship with Müller was so personal that it is so well known that I better not come out directly in this case". Hermann Heimpel , who was initially asked for the obituary, declared himself unable to do so in September 1965. Therefore Schieder turned to Heinz Gollwitzer , who then complied with the publisher's request. Gollwitzer described Müller as a national conservative who behaved passively towards National Socialism and was forced to join the NSDAP. In March 1968, Gollwitzer's obituary sparked a scandal: History students at the Free University of Berlin complained about what they thought was euphemizing and sent a protest resolution with a list of signatures to all historical seminars in Germany. Far more critical than Gollwitzer, but also with a certain respect, Helmut Heiber judged in his 1966 book about Walter Frank and his Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany . According to Heiber, Müller was “undoubtedly a National Socialist out of conviction, who was not doctrinal, not narrow-minded”. Schieder had previously examined Heiber's manuscript. He tried to get through the deletion of some sections that burdened his doctoral supervisor. In 1989, Klaus Schwabe saw Müller as the “type of the unreservedly convinced National Socialist”. However, the efforts of historians to relativize Müller's work during the Nazi era remained predominant. In view of the locked estate, the depictions of Müller's life and work were often based on his suggestive self-testimonies. This enabled Müller to establish benevolent interpretations of his work in science.

Up until the 1960s, the majority of history professors were trained during the Nazi era or were decisively influenced by it. Only in the course of the university expansion and the increase in professorships did the generation of those born after 1930 slowly begin to gain influence. Since the mid-1990s, historical studies have been increasingly concerned with the entanglement of their representatives in the “Third Reich”. The fact that German historiography began to critically examine the role of some prominent historians during the Nazi era sparked heated debates at the Frankfurt Historians' Day in 1998 . The section on German historians under National Socialism , which was headed by Otto Gerhard Oexle and Winfried Schulze , received the greatest attention on September 10, 1998 . The role of Karl Alexander von Müller in National Socialism was not the focus of the discussion. Rather, the research concentrated on Karl Bosl , Theodor Schieder and Werner Conze , who were aspiring young historians during the Nazi era and only held important chairs in history between 1950 and 1980. Only Karen Schönwälder , who already examined the role of historians in National Socialism on a larger scale in the early 1990s, dealt with Müller in more detail. In doing so, she relied on his speeches and the forewords in his publications. For Schönwälder, Müller was a "figurehead of the Third Reich". With her dissertation published in 1997, Margareta Kinner presented a biographical study without evaluating the estate. According to their conclusion, Müller had to "live in a time that he was not up to, for which he himself was too soft"; he added "himself to the great willless herd of 'fellow travelers'". A year later, Ferdinand Kramer examined Müller's far more critical role in Bavarian national history.

More recently, Winfried Schulze has dealt with Müller in two articles. For Schulze, Müller was without a doubt a National Socialist. However, a monographic representation remained a research gap that was only closed by Matthias Berg's biography published in 2014. Berg evaluated numerous archive holdings for his work. For the first time, Müller's estate was fully included in the Bavarian Main State Archives . Berg describes Müller as a prime example of a historian for whom crossing the boundaries between science, politics and society was the order of the day. Especially in the Nazi era, he acted as a link between the generations.

Fonts (selection)

A list of publications appeared in Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism (= series of publications by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Volume 88). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2014, ISBN 978-3-525-36013-2 , pp. 465-490.

Monographs

• Bavaria in 1866 and the appointment of Prince Hohenlohe. A study (= historical library. Volume 20). Oldenbourg, Munich, Berlin 1909.
• Karl Ludwig Sand. Beck, Munich 1925.
• German history and character. Articles and lectures. German publishing company, Stuttgart 1926.
• Twelve historian profiles. German publishing company, Stuttgart 1935.
• From the old to the new Germany. Essays and speeches 1914–1938. German publishing company, Stuttgart 1938.
• Germany and England. A picture of world history. Ahnenerbe-Stiftung-Verlag, Berlin 1939 ( online ).
• Danton. A historical essay. German publishing company, Stuttgart 1949.
• From gardens of the past. Memoirs 1882–1914. Kilpper, Stuttgart 1951.
• Mars and Venus. Memories 1914-1919. Kilpper, Stuttgart 1954.
• In a changing world. Memories. Volume 3: 1919-1932. Published by Otto Alexander von Müller. Kilpper, Stuttgart 1966.

Editorships

• with Erich Marcks: Master of Politics. A world historical series of portraits. 3 volumes. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1922–1923.
• Memories of Prince Clovis zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst. Volume 3: Prince Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst. Memories of the time of the Reich Chancellor (= German historical sources of the 19th century. Volume 28). Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1931.

literature

• Matthias Berg : Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism (= series of publications by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Volume 88). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2014, ISBN 978-3-525-36013-2 ( reviews ) / review by Michael Pammer in: H-Soz-Kult , October 30, 2015 ( online ).
• Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Michael Fahlbusch , Ingo Haar , Alexander Pinwinkler (Hrsg.): Handbuch der Völkischen Wissenschaften. Actors, networks, research programs. With the assistance of David Hamann. 2nd, fundamentally expanded and revised edition. De Gruyter Oldenbourg, Berlin / Boston 2017, ISBN 978-3-11-043891-8 , pp. 525-532.
• Bernd Faulenbach : Müller, Karl Alexander von. In: Rüdiger vom Bruch , Rainer A. Müller (Hrsg.): Historikerlexikon. From antiquity to the 20th century. 2nd, revised and expanded edition. Beck, Munich 2002, ISBN 3-406-47643-0 , p. 232 f.
• Hans Wolfram v. Hentig:  Müller, Karl Alexander v., Historian. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 18, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-428-00199-0 , pp. 440-442 ( digitized version ).
• Karen Schönwälder : Historians and Politics. History in National Socialism (= historical studies. Volume 9). Campus-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main et al. 1992, ISBN 3-593-34762-8 (At the same time: Marburg, University, dissertation, 1990).
• Winfried Schulze : Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-58511-1 , pp. 281-306.
• Wolfram Selig : Müller, Karl Alexander von. In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Hostility to Jews in the past and present . Vol. 2/2: People L – Z. De Gruyter Saur, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-598-24072-0 , p. 565 f.

Web links

• Literature by and about Karl Alexander von Müller in the catalog of the German National Library

Remarks

1. ^ Annual report on the k. Wilhelms-Gymnasium Munich , 1900/01, p. 61.
2. ↑ On origin and youth, cf. Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 27–35.
3. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 35. Cf. Karl Alexander von Müller: From Gardens of the Past. Memoirs 1882–1914. Stuttgart 1951, p. 420.
4. ↑ Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: p. 645 ( online ).
5. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 54 and 70.
6. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 23 and 53.
7. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 72–74.
8. ↑ See the listing by Christoph Cornelißen: The generation of German historians at the front and the First World War. In: Jost Dülffer , Gerd Krumeich (ed.): The lost peace. Politics and war culture after 1918. Essen 2002, pp. 311–337, here: p. 316.
9. ^ Ernst Schulin: World War II Experience and Historians' Reaction. In: Wolfgang Küttler , Jörn Rüsen , Ernst Schulin (Hrsg.): Geschichtsdiskurs. Vol. 4: Crisis Awareness, Disaster Experience and Innovations 1880–1945. Frankfurt am Main 1997, pp. 165–188, here: p. 174.
10. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: p. 645 ( online ).
11. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 176.
12. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 181.
13. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert , Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406, here: pp. 344-350.
14. ↑ Cf. Karl Alexander von Müller: Des Deutschen Volkes Not and the Treaty of Versailles. Munich 1922.
15. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 155.
16. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 88.
17. ↑ Othmar Plöckinger: Among soldiers and agitators. Paderborn 2013, p. 109.
18. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Mars and Venus. Memories 1914-1919. Stuttgart 1954. p. 338.
19. ^ Elina Kiiskinen: The German National People's Party in Bavaria (Bavarian Middle Party) in the government policy of the Free State during the Weimar period. Munich 2005, p. 21.
20. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: In the changing world. Memories. Volume 3: 1919-1932. Published by Otto Alexander von Müller. Stuttgart 1966, pp. 255-257. Cf. Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 133; Nikola Becker: Civil life and politics in Munich. Autobiographies about the Fin de Siècle, the First World War and the Weimar Republic. Kallmünz 2014, p. 491.
21. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 154.
22. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 171.
23. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 94; Christoph Nonn : Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 31.
24. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 107 and 228.
25. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 178.
26. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 160 f.
27. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 153.
28. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert, Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406, here: p. 376.
29. ↑ Wolfgang Zorn: Study of history in the experience of history before and after the end of the war. In: Hartmut Lehmann , Otto Gerhard Oexle (Hrsg.): Memorabilia. Paths to the past. Dedicated to Rudolf Vierhaus on the occasion of his 75th birthday. Vienna et al. 1997, pp. 249-270, here: pp. 251 f. Cf. with further references Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 36 f.
30. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 192.
31. ^ Ingo Haar : Historians in National Socialism. German history and the “national struggle” in the east. 2nd, revised and improved edition. Göttingen 2000, p. 108.
32. ^ Christian Jansen : Professors and Politics. Political thinking and acting of the Heidelberg university professors 1914–1935. Göttingen 1992, p. 229; Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 203.
33. ↑ Winfried Schulze : Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). In: Katharina Weigand (ed.): Munich historian between politics and science. 150 years of the historical seminar of the Ludwig Maximilians University. Munich 2010, pp. 205–231, here: p. 215.
34. ↑ Nikola Becker: Civil life and politics in Munich. Autobiographies about the Fin de Siècle, the First World War and the Weimar Republic. Kallmünz 2014, p. 556.
35. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert, Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406, here: p. 371.
36. ↑ Helmut Böhm: From self-administration to the leader principle. The University of Munich in the first years of the Third Reich (1933–1936). Berlin 1995, p. 404.
37. ↑ Monika Stoermer: Commentary on Matthias Berg's lecture. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 203–208, here: p. 203.
38. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 212.
39. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 227.
40. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert, Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406, here: p. 376.
41. ↑ Helmut Böhm: From self-administration to the leader principle. The University of Munich in the first years of the Third Reich (1933–1936). Berlin 1995, p. 404.
42. ↑ Helmut Böhm: From self-administration to the leader principle. The University of Munich in the first years of the Third Reich (1933–1936). Berlin 1995, p. 408.
43. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 233.
44. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 293.
45. ↑ Cf. Matthias Berg: The "Research Department Jewish Question" of the Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany. In: Ingo Haar and Michael Fahlbusch (eds.): Handbook of völkischen Wissenschaften. People - institutions - research programs - foundations. Munich 2008, pp. 168–178.
46. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: April 10, 1938 in German history. Speech given to the lecturers at Munich universities. Munich 1938 ( online ).
47. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 316.
48. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, pp. 117-130.
49. ↑ Quoted from Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 126.
50. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 127.
51. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 328.
52. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 108.
53. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Germany and England. A picture of world history. Berlin 1939 ( online ).
54. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 327.
55. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 303 f.
56. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 297.
57. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 332.
58. ↑ Rosemarie Schumann: Passion and suffering. Kurt Huber in contradiction to National Socialism. Düsseldorf 2007, p. 138 ff.
59. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 341.
60. ↑ Quoted from Bernhard Lübbers : Habent sua fata libelli. Observations on the library of the “artist among the learned”, Karl Alexander von Müller, from the development phase of the Regensburg University Library. At the same time a contribution to modern provenance research in libraries. In: Leipziger Jahrbuch zur Buchgeschichte 18 (2009) pp. 197–244, here: p. 214.
61. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 378.
62. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 332, 340 and 342.
63. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 340.
64. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 346.
65. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 347 f.
66. ↑ Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: p. 672 ( online ).
67. ↑ Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: pp. 674 f. ( online ).
68. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 198.
69. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 360.
70. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: p. 643 ( online ).
71. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 199.
72. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 364 f.
73. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 366.
74. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 367 f.
75. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 370.
76. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 382.
77. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 301.
78. ↑ Karl Alexander von Müller: Fischhausen in 1903. In: Der Onion Tower 4 (1949), pp. 133-137.
79. ↑ Review of Wolfgang Zorn in: Zeitschrift für Bavarian Landesgeschichte 16 (1951), p. 396 ( digitized version ).
80. ^ Review of Wilhelm Treue in: Historische Zeitschrift 170 (1950), p. 659 f.
81. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 373.
82. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 375.
83. ^ Winfried Schulze: German History after 1945. Munich 1989, p. 128.
84. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Paul Cossmanns Ende. In: Hochland 42 (1949/50), pp. 368–379, here: pp. 373–374, 379. Cf. Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). In: Katharina Weigand (ed.): Munich historian between politics and science. 150 years of the historical seminar of the Ludwig Maximilians University. Munich 2010, pp. 205–231, here: p. 228.
85. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller:  Cossmann, Paul Nikolaus. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 3, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1957, ISBN 3-428-00184-2 , p. 374 f. ( Digitized version ).
86. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 381.
87. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 344, note 78.
88. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 411.
89. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 384 f.
90. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 403.
91. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 435–437.
92. ↑ Digital register of the "Tegernseer Tal Hefte" since 1956 .
93. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 422–427.
94. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 344.
95. ↑ Quoted from Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 300.
96. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 442.
97. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281-306, here: p. 305; See also the directory of the dissertations supervised by Müller Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 498.
98. ↑ Land and people, rule and state in the history and historical research of Bavaria. Festschrift for Karl Alexander von Müller on the 80th Munich 1964 ( digitized version ).
99. ^ Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 36.
100. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 172.
101. ↑ Review of Georg von Below in: Deutschlands Erneuerung, monthly for the German people 9 (1925), issue 12, p. 760. See Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 178.
102. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 110.
103. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Bismarck and Ludwig II. In September 1870. In: Historische Zeitschrift 111 (1913), pp. 89–132, here: p. 124.
104. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 129.
105. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Görres in Strasbourg 1819/20. An episode from the beginning of the demagogue persecutions. Stuttgart 1926.
106. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 131 f.
107. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 129; Florian Krobb: Seer and caller to national self-confidence: To Goerres reception during the Weimar Republic. In: Thomas Pittrof, Walter Schmitz (Hrsg.): Free recognition of supra-historical ties. Catholic perception of history in the German-speaking area of ​​the 20th century. Freiburg i. Br. Et al. 2010, pp. 141–159, here: pp. 143 and 158.
108. ^ Review of Karl Brandi in: Historische Zeitschrift 127 (1923), pp. 283–286.
109. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 114.
110. ↑ Karl Alexander von Müller: The elder Pitt. In: Masters of Politics. A world historical series of portraits. Vol. 3. Stuttgart 1923, pp. 297-408.
111. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 115.
112. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 178 f.
113. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 134.
114. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 110, 244 f., 260.
115. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 270.
116. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 412.
117. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 374.
118. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: Danton. A historical essay. Stuttgart 1949, p. 140.
119. ↑ Nikola Becker: Civil life and politics in Munich. Autobiographies about the Fin de Siècle, the First World War and the Weimar Republic. Kallmünz 2014, p. 609.
120. ↑ Nicolas Berg: Between Individual and Historiographical Memory. National Socialism in autobiographies of German historians after 1945. In: BIOS. Journal of Biography Research and Oral History. 13 (2000), pp. 181-207, here: pp. 191-193, here: p. 202; Karl Alexander von Müller: In a changing world. Memories. Volume 3: 1919-1932. Published by Otto Alexander von Müller. Kilpper, Stuttgart 1966, p. 316 f.
121. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 344.
122. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 395-399.
123. ↑ Hans-Christof Kraus : Cultural conservatism and stab-in-the-back legend - The "South German monthly books" 1904-1936. In: Hans-Christof Kraus (Hrsg.): Conservative magazines between the Empire and the dictatorship - five case studies. Berlin 2003, pp. 13–43, here: p. 15.
124. ↑ Hans-Christof Kraus: Cultural conservatism and stab-in-the-back legend - The "South German monthly books" 1904-1936. In: Hans-Christof Kraus (Hrsg.): Conservative magazines between the Empire and the dictatorship - five case studies. Berlin 2003, pp. 13–43, here: p. 26.
125. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 72.
126. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 77.
127. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 303.
128. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 80.
129. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 307.
130. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 307 f.
131. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 311.
132. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). In: Katharina Weigand (ed.): Munich historian between politics and science. 150 years of the historical seminar of the Ludwig Maximilians University. Munich 2010, pp. 205–231, here: p. 217.
133. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 109.
134. ↑ Quoted from Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 294; Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 361.
135. ↑ Quoted from Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 111.
136. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 320.
137. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: German greatness. In: Exhibition German size. Berlin 1940, pp. 9-37.
138. ↑ See Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, p. 113; Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 318.
139. ^ Karsten Jedlitschka: Science and Politics. The case of the Munich historian Ulrich Crämer (1907–1992). Berlin 2006, pp. 111-114.
140. ^ Karen Schönwälder: Historians and Politics. History in National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main et al. 1992, p. 235.
141. ↑ Karl Alexander von Müller: The German historical science in the war. In: The Movement. Central organ of the NSD student union , issue 1/2 of January 14, 1941, p. 11.
142. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 383.
143. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 324.
144. ^ The quotations after Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 324. Karl Alexander von Müller: Shape and change of the empire. In: Hans Hagemeyer (ed.): Shape and change of the empire. A picture atlas on German history. Berlin 1944, pp. 9–35, here: pp. 34–35.
145. ↑ Karl Alexander von Müller: Address for the opening of the research department on the Jewish question of the Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany, given on November 19, 1936 in the large auditorium of the University of Munich. In: Walter Frank: German science and the Jewish question. Speech at the opening of the research department on the Jewish question of the Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany. Hamburg 1937, pp. 5-14. Compare the quotations from Matthias Berg: “The 760 boxes will go to Frankfurt the day after tomorrow.” From the paradigmatic to the physical appropriation of archival material by the National Socialist “Jewish research”. In: Matthias Berg, Jens Thiel and Peter Th. Walther (ed.): With pen and sword. Military and Science - Scientists and War. Stuttgart 2009, pp. 241-257, here: p. 245.
146. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 266.
147. ↑ Matthias Berg: “The 760 boxes will go to Frankfurt the day after tomorrow.” From the paradigmatic to the physical appropriation of archival material through the National Socialist “Jewish research”. In: Matthias Berg, Jens Thiel and Peter Th. Walther (ed.): With pen and sword. Military and Science - Scientists and War. Stuttgart 2009, pp. 241-257, here: p. 244.
148. ↑ Karsten Jedlitschka: Professor by Hitler's grace: The Munich modern historian Ulrich Crämer (1907-1992). In: Elisabeth Kraus (Ed.): The University of Munich in the Third Reich. Essays. Part I, Munich 2006, pp. 299–344, here: p. 307.
149. ^ Patricia von Papen-Bodek: Research on Jews and persecution of Jews. The habilitation of the managing director of the research department Jewish question, Wilhelm Grau, at the University of Munich 1937. In: Elisabeth Kraus (Hrsg.): The University of Munich in the Third Reich. Essays. Vol. 2, Munich 2008, pp. 209-264, here: pp. 249-257.
150. ↑ Quoted from Patricia von Papen-Bodek: Research on Jews and Persecution of Jews. The habilitation of the managing director of the research department Jewish question, Wilhelm Grau, at the University of Munich 1937. In: Elisabeth Kraus (Hrsg.): The University of Munich in the Third Reich. Essays. Vol. 2, Munich 2008, pp. 209-264, here: p. 249.
151. ↑ Quoted from Patricia von Papen-Bodek: Research on Jews and Persecution of Jews. The habilitation of the managing director of the research department Jewish question, Wilhelm Grau, at the University of Munich 1937. In: Elisabeth Kraus (Hrsg.): The University of Munich in the Third Reich. Essays. Vol. 2, Munich 2008, pp. 209-264, here: pp. 251 f.
152. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 262–268.
153. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 247; Gerhard A. Ritter : The repression of Friedrich Meinecke as editor of the historical magazine 1933–1935. In: Dieter Hein , Klaus Hildebrand , Andreas Schulz (eds.): History and life. The historian as a scientist and contemporary. Festschrift for Lothar Gall on his 70th birthday. Munich 2006, pp. 65–88, here: p. 66.
154. ^ Gerhard A. Ritter: The displacement of Friedrich Meinecke as editor of the historical journal 1933-1935. In: Dieter Hein, Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Schulz (eds.): History and life. The historian as a scientist and contemporary. Festschrift for Lothar Gall on his 70th birthday. Munich 2006, pp. 65–88, here: p. 88.
155. ↑ Both quotations from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 248.
156. ^ Gerhard A. Ritter: The displacement of Friedrich Meinecke as editor of the historical journal 1933-1935. In: Dieter Hein, Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Schulz (eds.): History and life. The historian as a scientist and contemporary. Festschrift for Lothar Gall on his 70th birthday. Munich 2006, pp. 65–88, here: p. 87.
157. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 248.
158. ^ Gerhard A. Ritter: The displacement of Friedrich Meinecke as editor of the historical journal 1933-1935. In: Dieter Hein, Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Schulz (eds.): History and life. The historian as a scientist and contemporary. Festschrift for Lothar Gall on his 70th birthday. Munich 2006, pp. 65–88, here: p. 82.
159. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 251.
160. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 253.
161. ↑ Karl Alexander von Müller: For guidance. In: Historische Zeitschrift 153 (1936), pp. 1–5, here: p. 4.
162. ^ Walter Frank: Guild and Nation. Speech at the opening of the “Reich Institute for the History of New Germany” on October 19, 1935 at the University of Berlin. In: Historische Zeitschrift 153 (1936), pp. 6–23.
163. ^ Erwin Hölzle: People and race consciousness in the English revolution. In: Historische Zeitschrift 153 (1936), pp. 24–42.
164. ↑ See also Ursula Wiggershaus-Müller: National Socialism and History. The history of the historical journal and the historical yearbook 1933–1945. Hamburg 1998, pp. 128-133.
165. ↑ Quoted from Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 302.
166. ↑ Walter Frank: Kleo Pleyer: A fight for the realm. In: Historische Zeitschrift 166 (1942), pp. 507-533.
167. ↑ Ursula Wiggershaus-Müller: National Socialism and History. The history of the historical journal and the historical yearbook 1933–1945. Hamburg 1998, p. 95 f.
168. ↑ Andreas Fahrmeir : Place of Consensus or Historical Dispute? On the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the historical journal. In: Historische Zeitschrift 289 (2009), pp. 199–222, here: p. 203.
169. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 332.
170. ^ Karl Alexander von Müller: An unknown lecture by Rankes from 1862. In: Historische Zeitschrift 151 (1935), pp. 311–331; Karl Alexander von Müller: Sybel's historical-political memoranda for King Maximilian II of Bavaria from the years 1859–1861. In: Historische Zeitschrift 162 (1940), pp. 59–95, pp. 269–304.
171. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 245.
172. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 332.
173. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 183.
174. ↑ See Monika Stoermer: The Bavarian Academy of Sciences in the Third Reich. In: Acta historica Leopoldina 22 (1995), pp. 89-111, here: pp. 92-94.
175. ↑ Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: p. 657 ( online ).
176. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 284.
177. ↑ Matthias Berg: “Tomorrow the first detonations will begin”. Karl Alexander von Müller and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 72 (2009), pp. 643–681, here: pp. 661 f. ( online ).
178. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 283 f .; Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy under National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 189.
179. ^ Matthias Berg: National Socialist Academy or Academy in National Socialism. The Bavarian Academy of Sciences and its President Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (ed.): Turning points in the history of the academy. Studies on the history of science at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Regensburg 2011, pp. 173–202, here: p. 186.
180. ^ Matthias Berg: Apprenticeship years of a historian. Karl Bosl under National Socialism. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 59 (2011), Issue 1, pp. 45–63, here: p. 61; Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 446.
181. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 17 and 447 f.
182. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 462.
183. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert, Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406, here: p. 372.
184. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 420.
185. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 425.
186. ↑ Quoted from Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 259.
187. ^ Matthias Berg: Apprenticeship years of a historian. Karl Bosl under National Socialism. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 59 (2011), Issue 1, pp. 45–63, here: p. 59.
188. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 284. Cf. for example the obituary by Karl Bosl: Karl Alexander von Müller †. In memoriam. In: Journal for Bavarian State History 28 (1965), pp. 920–928, here: p. 924 ( digitized version ).
189. ↑ Quoted from Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 260.
190. ^ Heinz Gollwitzer: Karl Alexander von Müller 1882–1964. In: Historische Zeitschrift 205 (1967), pp. 295–322. Compare with Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 261.
191. ^ Helmut Heiber: Walter Frank and his Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany. Stuttgart 1966, p. 575.
192. ^ Christoph Nonn: Theodor Schieder. A bourgeois historian in the 20th century. Düsseldorf 2013, p. 261.
193. ^ Klaus Schwabe: German university professors and Hitler's war. In: Martin Broszat , Klaus Schwabe (Hrsg.): The German elites and the way into the Second World War. Munich 1989, pp. 291–333, here: p. 303.
194. ^ On the status of research, see Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 17–26; Nikola Becker: Civil life and politics in Munich. Autobiographies about the Fin de Siècle, the First World War and the Weimar Republic. Kallmünz 2014, p. 138.
195. ^ Matthias Berg: Apprenticeship years of a historian. Karl Bosl under National Socialism. In: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 59 (2011), Issue 1, pp. 45–63, here: p. 62.
196. ↑ The lectures and discussion contributions of the section on historians in National Socialism in: Winfried Schulze, Otto Gerhard Oexle (Ed.): German Historians in National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main 1999.
197. ↑ Winfried Schulze, Otto Gerhard Oexle (ed.): German historians in National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main 1999.
198. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 226.
199. ^ Karen Schönwälder: Historians and Politics. History in National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main et al. 1992.
200. ↑ Karen Schönwälder: "Teacher of the peoples and the youth". Historians as Political Commentators 1933-1945. Peter Schöttler (Ed.): Historiography as a science of legitimation 1918–1945. Frankfurt am Main 1997, pp. 128-165, here: p. 140.
201. ^ Margareta Kinner: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian and publicist. Dissertation, University of Munich 1997, p. 361.
202. ↑ Ferdinand Kramer: The chair for Bavarian national history from 1917 to 1977. In: Wilhelm Volkert, Walter Ziegler (ed.): In the service of Bavarian history. 70 years of the Commission for Bavarian State History. 50 years of the Institute for Bavarian History. Munich 1998, pp. 351-406.
203. ↑ Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). Historian, lawyer and president of the academy in the “Third Reich”. In: Dietmar Willoweit (ed.): Thinker, researcher and discoverer. A history of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in historical portraits. Munich 2009, pp. 281–306, here: p. 306; Winfried Schulze: Karl Alexander von Müller (1882–1964). In: Katharina Weigand (ed.): Munich historian between politics and science. 150 years of the historical seminar of the Ludwig Maximilians University. Munich 2010, pp. 205–231, here: p. 230.
204. ↑ See the reviews by Willi Oberkrome : in: sehepunkte 15 (2015), No. 3 [15. March 2015] online ; Christoph Nonn in: Archives for Social History 55, 2015, [14. October 2014] online ; Wolfgang Hardtwig : Vanity and hunger for power. The life of the influential Nazi historian Karl Alexander von Müller. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , No. 53, March 15, 2015, p. 14; Karsten Jedlitschka in: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 301 (2015), pp. 557–559; Thomas Gerhards in: Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 63 (2015), pp. 94–96; Edgar Liebmann in: Das Historisch-Politische Buch 63 (2015), p. 482 f .; Bernhard Lübbers in: Journal for Bavarian State History 77 (2014), pp. 992–995; Dirk Walter : biography about Karl Alexander von Müller. "Expert" of the National Socialists. In: Münchner Merkur , No. 119, 24./25. May 2014, p. 13. The reviews are available here . See also the review by Michael Pammer in: H-Soz-Kult , October 30, 2015 ( online ).
205. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, p. 15.
206. ^ Matthias Berg: Karl Alexander von Müller. Historian for National Socialism. Göttingen 2014, pp. 26, 215, 223, 245, 459.

predecessor	Office	successor
Leopold Wenger	President of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences 1936–1944	Mariano San Nicolò

This article was added to the list of excellent articles on June 12, 2017 in this version .