Aldo Moro

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Aldo Moro
Signature of Aldo Moro

Aldo Moro ( listen ? / I ; born September 23, 1916 in Maglie , Apulia , † May 9, 1978 in Rome ) was an Italian politician of the Democrazia Cristiana . From the 1950s he held top political positions and was Prime Minister of the country from 1963 to 1968 and from 1974 to 1976 . As such, he endeavored to work together between the right and left political camps ( compromesso storico ). He was kidnapped by the Red Brigades terrorist organization and murdered by Mario Moretti . The Moro case, which has never been fully resolved, is surrounded by speculation about the involvement of state and secret service actors. Audio file / audio sample

Life

Family and youth

Moro's birthplace with a statue inaugurated in 1998 in Maglie - controversial because Moro is holding a Communist Party newspaper here

The second-born Moro had three brothers and a sister. He grew up in a middle-class family that was shaped by his mother's deep Catholic faith. Like his grandfather on his father's side, his parents worked in elementary school education. His father Renato, whose family came from Apulia , was a teacher and later a school inspector, his mother, who came from Calabria , was a teacher with cultural and philosophical interests. Both showed loyalty to the state, but no particular reverence for Benito Mussolini or the regime of fascism . In 1920 the family moved to Taranto and in 1934, when Aldo Moro had shown his first commitment to the Catholic youth and had completed school at the Liceo Archita , to Bari .

Studies, family and academic career

Aldo Moro, who was very religious, studied law at the University of Bari from 1934 , graduated summa cum laude in 1938 and then became an employee of the university. His academic teacher was the criminal lawyer Biagio Petrocelli . In the same year Moro became a member of the lay branch or third order of the Dominicans ; from 1935 he was a member and from 1939 to 1941 chairman of the board of the National Association of Catholic Student Union Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana (FUCI). In 1941 Moro became a lecturer in legal philosophy and colonial policy and was drafted into the World War in the same year , but was deployed in the south, which is why he did not experience any fighting. In April 1945 he married the high school teacher Eleonora Chiavarelli (1915-2010), who was active in Catholic groups; they had three daughters and finally their son Giovanni, born in 1958. In 1947 he became a full professor of criminal law at the University of Bari.

Early political career

After Mussolini's fall in 1943, Moro became interested in politics and founded the newspaper La Rassegna . He initially sympathized with the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI), especially with its moderate (“right”) wing, but then turned to Christian Democracy due to his pronounced Catholic faith . In 1945 he became president of the Alumni Association of Italian Catholic Action and editor of the magazine Studium . In the Democrazia Cristiana (DC) he was assigned to the left wing founded by Giuseppe Dossetti , which stood for a common good-oriented and state interventionist variant of Christian democracy. The Archbishop of Bari Marcello Mimmi , who had become aware of Moro in 1934, convinced him to stand for election to the Constituent Assembly in 1946 . From then until his death, Moro represented the constituency of Bari in the Italian parliament.

He was a member of the Camera dei deputati from its first session in 1948. From July 1948 to January 1950, Moro was State Secretary in the Foreign Ministry. In contrast to the decidedly pro-American Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza ( PRI ), like other representatives of the left wing of the DC, he was critical of Italy's entry into NATO in 1949. Instead, he favored a union of neutral European states under American protection. Joining NATO would prevent Italy from striving for greater international autonomy and a mediator position in conflicts. He stayed away from the decisive parliamentary vote on this issue, which he justified with the birth of his second child. Subsequently, his relationship with the Prime Minister and DC Party President Alcide De Gasperi , who had been very committed to joining NATO, was strained.

Rise to the top of the DC

After Dossetti left politics, Moro founded the Iniziativa Democratica wing, together with Amintore Fanfani , Mariano Rumor and Paolo Emilio Taviani , to which (with the important exception of Giulio Andreotti ) most of the up-and-coming young party functionaries belonged and which for years after De Gasperi's death in 1954 Took leadership within the party. From 1955 Moro was minister several times: between July 6, 1955 and May 15, 1957 Minister of Justice , then Minister of Education until 1959; During this time, civic education (educazione civica) was introduced as a subject in 1958 .

In 1959 he became National Secretary (roughly equivalent to a party chairman) of the DC and remained so until January 1964. Like Giovanni Gronchi and Amintore Fanfani, Moro supported the opening of the DC to the left (apertura a sinistra) and the formation of a center-left coalition the PSI. At the 7th DC party congress (1962) he declared that the market “had to be shown the way through political decisions”. However, his line was controversial within the party from the left as from the right; the right wing, classically economically liberal Primavera led by Andreotti defended itself against the nationalization of the energy sector under Moro, while the left wing Base saw itself as the true heir of Dossetti, rejected Moro's policy as too pragmatic and a transformation of the social order from the model of the liberal, bourgeois middle class to the working class . However, the nationalization of key industries ensured that it was no longer technocrats but party functionaries that took over the leading positions in the economy and, through the opening to the left, were also filled with politicians from the socialists, so that until the 1980s a system of political patronage was established by the Italian with a broad consensus Economy ruled.

Terms of office as prime minister

After the general election in April 1963 , Moro nearly succeeded in forming a center-left government. The cabinet list was already fixed and the program had largely been negotiated, when the PSI refused its chairman Pietro Nenni and let the coalition fail. After another six months of sole DC government, DC, PSI, Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano (PSDI) and Partito Repubblicano Italiano (PRI) agreed in December 1963 to form the so-called “organic” center-left government; Moro became prime minister. Pietro Nenni from PSI was his deputy. The government planned to reform the university and school system (including the introduction of a nine-year compulsory school). The administration was to be partially decentralized to the level of the regions, and a program was planned for the economically weak southern Italy (mezzogiorno) . Urban planning was also on the agenda.

After only six months, however, tensions arose in the government, the PSI made far-reaching demands - especially on the school issue - and threatened to break the coalition otherwise. During this time, President Antonio Segni - a representative of the right wing of the DC and opponent of the center-left government - appointed the general of the Carabinieri , Giovanni De Lorenzo , who then worked out a coup plan (piano solo) . It is unclear whether the latter was really considering seizing power, the plan was only drawn up as a precaution in the event of potential uprisings or even just to put pressure on the coalition parties. In any case, the PSI suddenly gave in and returned to the government, giving up its demands. With cabinet reshuffles in July 1964 and February 1966, Moro's coalition government lasted until the end of June 1968. By Italian standards, Moro's first term in office was considered a fairly stable phase.

From August 1969 to July 1972 and from July 1973 to November 1974 Moro was Italian Foreign Minister .

From November 23, 1974 to July 29, 1976 he was once again Prime Minister. This time he headed a minority government made up of DC and PRI (the latter only until the cabinet reshuffle in February 1976), which, however, was tolerated in Parliament by PSI and PSDI. His deputy was the PRI politician Ugo La Malfa . This term of office fell in the so-called "leaden years" ( anni di piombo ), which were marked by terrorist attacks by the extreme left and right. After Alcide De Gasperi , Giulio Andreotti and Silvio Berlusconi, he was the longest-serving head of government in Italy after the Second World War .

In 1976, Moro was elected President of the DC National Council. He advocated the " historical compromise " (compromesso storico) proposed by the head of the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), Enrico Berlinguer , in 1973 , a solidarity pact between the Eurocommunists of the PCI and the DC to solve the problem of the economic crisis. One such took shape in the form of Giulio Andreotti's third government , which came into office in July 1976 and was called the "Government of National Solidarity". Although it consisted only of DC ministers, it was based on the promise of the PCI not to overthrow it by a vote of no confidence in parliament and was therefore dependent on it. Moro was the main proponent of this pact.

Kidnapping and murder

Aldo Moro in captivity with the Brigate Rosse

Aldo Moro was kidnapped by the Brigate Rosse on Thursday March 16, 1978 when he was on his way to Parliament. His five bodyguards were murdered in the attack. The Brigate Rosse wanted to prevent the " historic compromise " between DC and PCI that Moro was working on after the parliamentary elections in Italy in 1976 because they saw in it a threat to the revolution they had hoped for . The kidnappers demanded the release of like-minded prisoners, but on the day of the kidnapping the Council of Ministers under Andreotti refused to negotiate with them (“linea della fermezza”). The two big parties, DC and PCI, stuck to this line, while radical left groups and, after some hesitation, the PSI socialists, advocated talks. At demonstrations in Milan, 40,000 people stood up for the fermezza and 10,000 for negotiations. Amid intensifying charges against the political elite, Moro wrote more than 80 letters to fellow party members, his family and Pope Paul VI while he was being held hostage . who offered himself in vain as a hostage in exchange for his friend. Some letters, replies to them and texts from the kidnappers were reprinted in extracts in the Corriere della Sera and caused a heated public debate. A new era began for Italian television as it was the first to report live around the clock. The public was therefore confronted with a wide variety of reports, some with great emotional intensity, which caused a “mixture of facts, speculations and emotions” and promoted an “extreme fictionalization ” of the event.

On May 9, 1978, after being held hostage for 55 days, Moro was found dead in the trunk of a red Renault 4 that was parked in Via Michelangelo Caetani - right between the entrance to the Centro Studi Americani and the Chiesa di Santa Caterina dei Funari , in downtown Rome , not far from the headquarters of PCI and DC. He was killed with eight shots. For a long time Prospero Gallinari was considered his murderer, but later it turned out that Mario Moretti was the culprit.

Legal and political processing

Moretti and 17 other members of the Red Brigades were sentenced to life imprisonment in 1983. In 2006 the public prosecutor's office reopened proceedings on Moro's death, and in 2013 possible entanglements from abroad and politics were examined again. In 2008, all convicts were either released or, like Moretti, outdoors . Moretti was granted a conditional pardon in 1994.

Politically, the events were discussed in several committees of inquiry , in which between 1979 and 2001 - six legislative terms long - over 270 parliamentarians were involved. From May 23, 1980 to April 19, 1983 a commission of inquiry met specifically on the death of Aldo Moro. The Italian Senate's "Terrorism and Massacre" commission of inquiry, set up from May 1988 to July 2000, also dealt in detail with Moro's kidnapping and murder and, in the course of a political dispute, did not come to a final conclusion. The Mitrochin Commission , which was also concerned with Moro and met from 2002 to 2006, remained without conclusive results and once again served to discredit and delegitimize the respective political opponents. For example, Romano Prodi , who took part in a spiritualistic session during the kidnapping , heard the name "Gradoli" and did nothing - Moro was detained in Via Gradoli in Rome - was accused of having more extensive knowledge and of suppressing him. Another investigative commission set up by the Italian parliament in 2014 presented an interim report in 2015 according to which the imprisoned Camorra leader Raffaele Cutolo could allegedly have saved Moro, as he had done in another kidnapping case in 1981. Cutolo was said to have been visited by several politicians and secret service employees in custody during the Moro kidnapping. The exact content of his statement remained under lock and key.

Conspiracy theories and historical reappraisal

The background to the act is still controversial today; numerous conspiracy theories surround the involvement of secret services - including the CIA , BND , KGB , Mossad and Gladio  - as well as Freemasons (meaning the pseudo-Masonic Lodge Propaganda Due ) or foreign governments. Historian Richard Drake considers the conspiracy theories in Italy to be even more intense and widespread than those of the assassination attempt on John F. Kennedy in the USA. In January 1982, 58 percent of Italians believed, according to a survey, that the terrorists were controlled by a foreign power, and there was a dichotomy of interpretation between the supporters of these conspiracies and those of the official declaration. These interpretations took up the suspicious mood of the left-wing intellectual public in particular towards the repressive Italian state and the right-wing parties during the anni di piombo , so that an officially covered strategy of tension was seen as possible, while the right was speculating about controlling the left-wing terrorists were scattered by Warsaw Pact governments . The transitions between plausible and extreme speculations are fluid.

The starting point of the conspiracy literature is Leonardo Sciascia's L'affaire Moro from 1978, followed by Robert Katz 's Days of Wrath in 1980 and Sergio Flamigni's Tela del ragno in 1988. Katz's book served as the basis for the feature film The Aldo Moro Affair , which was widely debated in Italy triggered. In the German language, journalist Regine Igel , among others, fueled these speculations. Moro's murderer, Mario Moretti, also commented on the circumstances; its presentation is not considered reliable and its role as unclear. In 2008, the psychiatrist Steve Pieczenik , who, as a representative of the American government, had advised the crisis team during the Moro kidnapping, claimed that the Red Brigades had been instrumentalized to kill Moro and to prevent the PCI from participating in the government. The then US Ambassador to Rome, Richard N. Gardner , contradicted these claims; Pieczenik's credibility - who had previously published a thriller about the Moro case with the help of Tom Clancy - is considered dubious. According to historian Tobias Hof, the continued popularity of these speculations is fueled by the deep divide in Italy's political landscape between left and right.

The cultural scientist David Moss ruled in 2012 that the highly politicized parliamentary commission of inquiry had largely remained speculative. The historical processing of the meanwhile all available documents on the Moro kidnapping is pending, since the previous occupation with the topic had been strongly guided by political intuitions and speculations. The work by Vladimiro Satta on the details of the kidnapping, by Agostino Giovagnoli on the reactions of the elites , by Miguel Gotor on Moro's letters from captivity and by Renato Moro on his uncle's world of ideas would have helped to dissolve the previous dichotomies of interpretation. As a result of this incipient historicization, unintended consequences of complex relationships came into view instead of interpreting the event as an inevitable consequence of structural conditions such as the violence of secret groups or the confrontation in the Cold War. In particular, the two historians Richard L. Drake and Vladimiro Satta - who for the first time comprehensively evaluated the results of the parliamentary commission of inquiry - have given answers to the conspiracy theories that have arisen. While Satta considers only a few marginalia of the case to be unresolved, other weighty publicists see a far greater need for information. The historian Tobias Abse criticizes Satta and Drake for defending the official version without recognizing and differentiating serious, dubious voices. Abse, for example, considers the accusation made by family members of Moro to the DC leadership that they have refused possible negotiations with the kidnappers and obstructed the search for Moro ( Jens Petersen : "Strategy of not wanting to find") to be worth discussing.

Commemoration and reception

The place where Moro's body was found on Via Michelangelo Caetani in Rome
Memorial plaque at the place of discovery

There was no reconciliation between Moro's bereaved relatives and the party leadership of his ruling Christian Democratic party friends - unlike after the Schleyer kidnapping in Germany in 1977. Aldo Moro had expressly asked in one of the letters he had been held hostage not to allow any representatives from the state, authorities or parties to attend his funeral. Following this request, his widow did not release the body for a state funeral and stayed away from the official funeral service. The Pope, who had known Moro since his student days, held a memorial service for the laity in breach of Vatican protocol . According to the cultural scientist Pierpaolo Antonello, Moro had already evaded the role of political victim while being held hostage by indicting the political elite. Since the case did not find a conciliatory end, it remained open to the public.

After Moro's death, public perception shifted: if he had long been held responsible for the difficult economic, social and political conditions in the country, after his death many - including those on the left - considered him a political martyr . The historian Tobias Hof exemplifies this change in Leonardo Sciascia , who had sharply criticized Moro with his book Todo modo , published in 1974 and filmed in 1976 , but in L'affaire Moro 1978 he drew the image of a sabotaged bearer of hope. Moro is considered a patient, well-networked thoroughbred politician who is legendary for the lack of transparency of his ideas and for his pleonastic rhetoric, which is characterized by word creations such as “converging parallels” . A plaque was placed on the spot where Moro's body was found in downtown Rome. The then Minister of the Interior, Francesco Cossiga , who resigned on the day of Moro's assassination, knelt here on the 30th anniversary of 2008. The Partito Democratico (PD), which was founded in 2007 as a center-left rallying movement and is made up of left-wing Christian Democrats and ex-communists, refers explicitly to Moro's political legacy . Moro was featured by the PD in the 2008 parliamentary election campaign . The University of Bari was named in 2008 after Aldo Moro, who studied and taught there. To mark the 40th anniversary of the kidnapping, a memorial for Moro and those murdered there was inaugurated in Via Fani on March 16, 2018 in the presence of President Sergio Mattarella .

Several books and articles about Moro appear every year, in 2008 about 25 books. Most of them do not concern themselves with the person and their political thinking and work, but with the Moro case , i.e. the kidnapping and murder, so that the view of the rest of life is obscured to this day. Aldo Moro's estate has not yet been fully evaluated for a scientific biography. The large number and range of publications on the Moro case - “across all media, narrative modes and genres ” - shows, according to media scientist Tanja Weber, the ongoing “collective trauma” of Italian society. Your “unfinished business” is particularly processed by Italian films ; According to media scholar Alan O'Leary, the case is a key theme in any feature film with a political message from Italy. Most of them use the appeal of conspiracy theories and allude to international entanglements.

Movies

  • 1986: The Aldo Moro Affair (Il caso Moro (I giorni dell'ira)) , directed by Giuseppe Ferrara . With the inclusion of original film material. A reconstruction of the events from the kidnapping to the murder, which also throws a critical light on the Italian political class of the time.
  • 1991: In Love with Danger (Year of the Gun) , directed by John Frankenheimer . The feature film is about journalists who write a novel which, among other things, deals with the murder of Aldo Moro shortly before the Red Brigades really want to murder him and therefore pursues the journalists.
  • 2000: Political Murders: Death in Rome - The Aldo Moro Case, directed by Michael Busse, Maria-Rosa Bobbi. Documentation. Fourth part of the 6-part series.
  • 2003: The day Aldo Moro died (Piazza delle cinque lune) , directed by Renzo Martinelli . The film refers to the connections between international secret services, the Catholic Church and the Mafia.
  • 2003: Buongiorno, notte - The case of Aldo Moro (Buongiorno, notte) , director: Marco Bellocchio . By renaming the protagonists and also using dream sequences, the film tries to imagine an alternative course of events.
  • 2008: Il Divo , directed by Paolo Sorrentino . Film about the former Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti, who also deals with Moro.
  • 2012: Romanzo di una strage, directed by Marco Tullio Giordana . Film about the alleged conspiracy in connection with Moro's hostage-taking.

Fonts

  • Fondazione Aldo Moro (Ed.): L'intelligenza e gli avvenimenti. Testi 1959-1978. With essays by Gianni Baget Bozzo , Mario Medici , Dalmazio Mongillo and a conversation with George L. Mosse . Garzanti, Milan 1979.
  • Giorgio Campanini (ed.): Al di là della politica e altri scritti. Studies, 1942–1952. Studies, Rome 1982.
  • Giuseppe Rossini (Ed.): Scritti e discorsi. 6 volumes. Cinque Lune, Rome 1982–1990.

literature

A bibliography on Aldo Moro is available online from the Archivio Flamigni .

to live

  • Renato Moro: La formazione giovanile di Aldo Moro. In: Storia contemporanea. Volume 14, 1983, No. 4-5, pp. 893-968.
  • Gianfranco Pasquino: Aldo Moro. In: David Wilsford (Ed.): Political Leaders of Contemporary Western Europe. A Biographical Dictionary. Greenwood Press, Westport CT 1995, pp. 339-345.
  • Richard Drake: Moro, Aldo. In: Roy P. Domenico, Marc Y. Hanley (Eds.): Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics. Greenwood Press, Westport CT / London 2006, pp. 385-387 (preview) .
  • David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18-27 (preview).
  • Piero Craveri: Moro, Aldo. In: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani . Volume 77. Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, Rome 2012, pp. 16-29.
  • Alessandro Cortesi: Aldo Moro OPL (1918–1978). In: Word and Answer. Volume 54, 2013, No. 4, pp. 179-183 wort-und-response.de (PDF).

to assassination

Web links

Commons : Aldo Moro  - Collection of Images
Wikiquote: Aldo Moro  - Quotes (Italian)

Individual evidence

  1. ^ David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18–27, here p. 20.
  2. ^ David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18–27, here p. 20 ; Piero Craveri: Moro, Aldo. In: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani . Volume 77. Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, Rome 2012.
  3. ↑ Alessandro Cortesi: Aldo Moro OPL (1918–1978) . In: Word and Answer. Volume 54, 2013, pp. 179-183, here p. 179.
  4. ^ David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18–27, here p. 20.
  5. ^ Antonello Di Mario: L'attualità di Aldo Moro negli scritti giornalistici, 1937–1978. Tullio Pironti, Naples 2007, Chapter 6: Il Movimento laureati e la direzione di “Studium” , p. 83 ff.
  6. ^ Carlo Masala : The Democrazia Cristiana 1943-1963. To the development of the partito nazionale. In: Wolfram Kaiser, Michael Gehler , Helmut Wohnout (eds.): Christian Democracy in Europe in the 20th Century (= European Integration Working Group. Historical Research. Volume 4). Böhlau, Wien 2001, pp. 348–369, here pp. 360–361.
  7. ^ David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18–27, here p. 20. Richard Drake: The Aldo Moro Murder Case. Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA / London 1995, p. 4.
  8. ↑ a b Richard Drake: The Aldo Moro Murder Case. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 1995, p. 15.
  9. ^ Marta Dassù: Italo-Soviet Relations. The Changing Domestic Agenda. In: Gregory Flynn (ed.): The West and the Soviet Union. Politics and Policy. Palgrave Macmillan, Houndmills, London 1990, pp. 109-155, here pp. 121 f. On Moro's criticism of joining NATO in his letters from hostage custody, see Richard Drake: The Aldo Moro Murder Case. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 1995, p. 214.
  10. ↑ Eliana Versace: Fanfani, Amintore. In: Roy P. Domenico, Marc Y. Hanley (Eds.): Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics. Greenwood Press, Westport, CT / London 2006, pp. 202–204, here p. 203.
  11. ^ Carlo Masala: The Democrazia Cristiana 1943-1963. To the development of the partito nazionale. In: Michael Gehler u. a .: Christian Democracy in Europe in the 20th Century. Böhlau, Vienna 2001, pp. 348–369, here p. 360.
  12. ^ Massimo Drago: Educazione civica. Edizione Alpha text, Milan 2012, p. 7.
  13. ^ Dietmar Stübler: Italy's accession to the European Economic Community. The positions of the parties in the debates of the Chamber of Deputies (1957). In: Journal of History . Volume 48, 2000, pp. 607-623, here p. 610.
  14. ^ Carlo Masala: The Democrazia Cristiana 1943-1963. To the development of the partito nazionale. In: Michael Gehler u. a .: Christian Democracy in Europe in the 20th Century. Böhlau, Wien 2001, pp. 348–369, here p. 361.
  15. ^ Hans Woller: History of Italy in the 20th century. Beck, Munich 2010, p. 283.
  16. ^ Paola Bernasconi: Between activism and violence. The roots of Italian neo-fascism. In: Massimiliano Livi u. a. (Ed.): The 1970s as a black decade. Politicization and mobilization between Christian democracy and the extreme right. Campus, Frankfurt / New York 2010, pp. 171–189, here p. 178.
  17. ^ Friederike Hausmann : Brief history of Italy from 1943 to today. Wagenbach, Berlin 2002, p. 70.
  18. ↑ Tobias Hof: State and Terrorism in Italy 1969–1982. Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, pp. 29-30; Ginsborg: A History of Contemporary Italy. 2003, pp. 276-277; Spencer M. Di Scala: Renewing Italian Socialism. Nenni to Craxi. Oxford University Press, New York / Oxford 1988, p. 154.
  19. ^ Peter Weber: Coalitions in Italy. Frenetic fighting in the network of party interests. In: Sabine Kropp, Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer, Roland Sturm (eds.): Coalitions and coalition actions in Western and Eastern Europe. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, pp. 167–196, here p. 173.
  20. ↑ Harvey W. Kushner: Red Brigades aka Brigate Rosse . In: same: Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks / London / New Delhi 2003, p. 306.
  21. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here p. 144.
  22. ^ Friederike Hausmann : Italy. CH Beck, Munich 2009, p. 182 f.
  23. ^ Tobias Hof: The Moro Affair - Left-Wing Terrorism and Conspiracy in Italy in the Late 1970s. In: Historical Social Research. Volume 38, 2013, No. 1, pp. 232-256, here p. 237; ssoar.info (PDF).
  24. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here pp. 144 f.
  25. ↑ Marcel Ludwig: Aldo Moro: Murder case is reopened. In: Kurier.at , June 19, 2013.
  26. ↑ Birgit Schönau : Italy: Aldo Moro's shadow. In: Die Zeit , March 21, 2008.
  27. ↑ Nikolas Dörr: The Red Danger. Italian Eurocommunism as a Security Policy Challenge for the USA and West Germany 1969–1979 (= contemporary historical studies. Volume 58). Böhlau, Cologne, Weimar, Vienna 2017, p. 84, fn. 96.
  28. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here p. 146.
  29. ^ Tobias Hof: The Moro Affair - Left-Wing Terrorism and Conspiracy in Italy in the Late 1970s. In: Historical Social Research. Volume 38, 2013, No. 1, pp. 232-256, here pp. 234, 241 and 249-251; ssoar.info (PDF).
  30. ↑ Birgit Schönau : Italy: Aldo Moro's shadow. In: Die Zeit , March 21, 2008.
  31. ↑ Oliver Meiler: Brigate Rosse. New confession in the Moro case. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung. December 21, 2015.
  32. ↑ Richard Drake: Moro, Aldo. In: Roy P. Domenico, Marc Y. Hanley (Eds.): Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics. Greenwood Press, Westport, CT / London 2006, pp. 385-387, here p. 387.
  33. ↑ Harvey W. Kushner: Red Brigades aka Brigate Rosse. In: same: Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks / London / New Delhi 2003, p. 306; Tobias Hof: The Moro Affair - Left-Wing Terrorism and Conspiracy in Italy in the Late 1970s. In: Historical Social Research. Volume 38, 2013, No. 1, pp. 232-256, here pp. 233-235, 237; ssoar.info (PDF).
  34. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here p. 147.
  35. ↑ Bertrand Crettez, Regis Deloche: An Economic Analysis of the Aldo Moro kidnapping and Assassination. Preprint, April 2008, p. 3 researchgate.net (PDF). Tobias Hof: State and Terrorism in Italy 1969–1982 (= sources and representations on contemporary history. Vol. 81). Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, p. 64 ; Tobias Hof: The Aldo Moro Case and Terrorism in Italy. In: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries . Volume 87, 2007, pp. 437-446, here p. 445 perspectivia.net (PDF).
  36. ^ Mario Moretti: Brigate Rosse. An Italian story. Interview Rossana Rossanda and Carla Mosca. Translated from the Italian by Dario Azzellini . Association A, Berlin 1996 (updated edition 2006), ISBN 3-935936-38-9 . See Philip P. Willan: Puppetmasters. The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy. Authors Choice Press, San Jose et al. a. 2002, p. 254 f. ; Anna Cento Bull, Philip Cooke: Introduction. In this. (Ed.): Ending Terrorism in Italy. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2013, pp. 1–14, here p. 10 . Generally Emmanuel Betta: Memorie in conflitto. Autobiography della lotta armata. In: Contemporanea. Volume 12, 2009, No. 4, pp. 673-702, doi: 10.1409 / 30644 .
  37. ↑ Jessica Kraatz Magri, Bruno Franceschini: "My blood come on you!" Dossier. In: Deutschlandfunk , May 2, 2008 (PDF, pp. 3 and 13).
  38. ↑ Richard Drake: The Aldo Moro Murder Case. Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA 1995, p. 301, end note 20 ; Petra Terhoeven : German autumn in Europe. Left-wing terrorism in the 1970s as a transnational phenomenon. Oldenbourg, Munich 2014, p. 645 f .; Vladimiro Satta : I nemici della Repubblica. Storia degli anni di piombo. Rizzoli, Milan 2016, pp. 538-540, 558 f .; Simon Clark: Terror Vanquished. The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism. Center for Security Policy Studies, George Mason University 2018, ISBN 978-1-7329478-0-1 , pp. 84 f.
  39. ^ Tobias Hof: The Moro Affair - Left-Wing Terrorism and Conspiracy in Italy in the Late 1970s. In: Historical Social Research. Volume 38, 2013, No. 1, pp. 232–256, here pp. 233–235, 237, 253 ssoar.info (PDF).
  40. ^ David Moss: Lost Leaders. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro. The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder (= Italian Perspectives. Volume 23). Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 38–61, here p. 41 . About the individual authors Vladimiro Satta: Il caso Moro ei suoi falsi misteri. Rubbettino, Soveria Mannelli 2006, ISBN 88-498-1392-9 ; Agostino Giovagnoli: Il caso Moro. Una tragedia repubblicana. Il Mulino, Bologna 2005; Miguel Gotor: Aldo Moro. Lettere dalla prigionia. Einaudi, Turin 2008; Renato Moro: Aldo Moro negli anni della FUCI. Edizioni Studium, Rome 2009. Tobias Hof discusses the work of Satta and Giovagnoli in detail, see ders .: The Aldo Moro case and terrorism in Italy. In: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries. Volume 87, 2007, pp. 437-446, here pp. 439-443; perspectivia.net (PDF).
  41. ^ Alan O'Leary: Moro, Brescia, Conspiracy. The Paranoid Style in Italian Cinema. In: Pierpaolo Antonello, Alan O'Leary (Eds.): Imagining Terrorism. The Rhetoric and Representation of Political Violence in Italy 1969-2009 (= Italian Perspectives. Volume 18). Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2009, pp. 48–62, here pp. 60 f., Endnote 30 . For satta see above; Richard L. Drake: The Aldo Moro Murder Case. Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA 1995 (preview) , updated as Why the Moro Trials Have Not Settled the Moro Murder Case. A Problem in Political and Intellectual History. In: The Journal of Modern History. Volume 78, 2001, pp. 359-378; ders .: The Aldo Moro Murder Case in Retrospect. In: The Journal of Cold War Studies. Volume 8, 2006, No. 2, pp. 114-125.
  42. ^ David Moss: Memorialization Without Memory. The Case of Aldo Moro. In: Pierpaolo Antonello, Alan O'Leary (Eds.): Imagining Terrorism. The Rhetoric and Representation of Political Violence in Italy 1969-2009 (= Italian Perspectives. Volume 18). Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2009, pp. 168–182, here p. 168; Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi: Introduction. In this. (Ed.): Remembering Aldo Moro. The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder (= Italian Perspectives. Volume 23). Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 1–17, here p. 8.
  43. ↑ Tobias Abse: The Moro Affair. Interpretations and Consequences. In: Stephen Gundle, Lucia Rinaldi (eds.): Assassinations and Murder in Modern Italy. Transformations in Society and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, Basingstoke 2007, pp. 89-100, here pp. 91 , 93. On Abse, see Dr Toby Abse ( memento of October 17, 2016 in the Internet Archive ). In: Gold.ac.uk (English); Dr. Tobias Abse. In: History Online (English); Contributions by Toby Abse for the Weekly Worker . For Petersen see the review: K. Kellmann, The State lets morden. Politics and Terrorism - Secret Allies, 1999. In: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries. Volume 79, 1999, pp. 744-746, here p. 745, perspectivia.net (PDF).
  44. ↑ Michele di Sivo : Le lettere di Aldo Moro dalla prigiona alla storia. Direzione generale per gli archivi - Archivio di Stato di Roma, Rome 2013, ISBN 978-88-7125-329-9 , pp. 71 and 773.
  45. ^ Petra Terhoeven : The Red Army faction. A history of terrorist violence. CH Beck, Munich 2017, p. 90.
  46. ^ Frederic Spotts, Theodor Wieser: Italy. A Difficult Democracy: A Survey of Italian Politics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge u. a. 1986, p. 241.
  47. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here pp. 145 f.
  48. ^ Tobias Hof: The Moro Affair - Left-Wing Terrorism and Conspiracy in Italy in the Late 1970s. In: Historical Social Research. Volume 38, 2013, No. 1, pp. 232–256, here pp. 232 f., 243, ssoar.info (PDF).
  49. ^ Frederic Spotts, Theodor Wieser: Italy. A Difficult Democracy: A Survey of Italian Politics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge u. a. 1986, p. 29 . Friederike Hausmann : Italy. CH Beck, Munich 2009, p. 173.
  50. ↑ Birgit Schönau : Italy: Aldo Moro's shadow. In: Die Zeit , March 21, 2008. See also keyword Aldo Moro. In: PartitoDemocratico.it (Italian).
  51. ^ BR graffiti on new Moro monument (2). In: Ansa.it , March 22, 2018.
  52. ↑ Luciano d'Andrea: Aldo Moro - a picture of life. In: Konrad Adenauer Foundation , April 1, 2009.
  53. ^ David Moss: Prelude: A Long Preparation for Dying? The Life of Aldo Moro, 1916-1978. In: Ruth Glynn, Giancarlo Lombardi (eds.): Remembering Aldo Moro: The Cultural Legacy of the 1978 Kidnapping and Murder. Routledge, Abingdon / New York 2012, pp. 18–27, here p. 26, endnote 7.
  54. ↑ Tanja Weber: Nostalgia and Trauma in Series - The "Romanzo Criminale" case. In: Pablo Abend, Marc Bonner, Tanja Weber (Eds.): Just Little Bits of History Repeating. Media - nostalgia - retromania. Lit, Münster 2017, pp. 139–162, here pp. 145 and 147.
  55. ↑ Political Murders (4): The Aldo Moro Case. In: 3sat , October 7, 2004.
  56. ↑ Francesco M. Biscione (Ed.): Bibliografia Aldo Moro. In: Archivio Flamigni , January 21, 2018, archivioflamigni.org (PDF)
personal data
SURNAME Moro, Aldo
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Italian politician, Prime Minister (1963–1968 and 1974–1976)
DATE OF BIRTH September 23, 1916
PLACE OF BIRTH Maglie , Apulia
DATE OF DEATH May 9, 1978
Place of death Rome