Cristoforo Landino

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Portrait of Landinos on a fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Tornabuoni Chapel of Santa Maria Novella Church , Florence

Cristoforo Landino (with his father's name Cristoforo di Bartolomeo Landino , Latinized Christophorus Landinus ; * February 8, 1425 in Florence ; † September 24, 1498 in Borgo alla Collina, today part of Castel San Niccolò ) was an Italian humanist , poet, literary theorist , Philosopher and translator. His many years as a professor of rhetoric and poetics at the University of Florence , a leading center of Renaissance humanism, made him one of the most influential scholars of his time.

Landino's oeuvre is written partly in Latin and partly in Italian. It consists primarily of Latin love poetry , three dialogues on philosophical subjects and a number of classic commentaries. The lyrical production is largely compiled in the poet's collection of poems Xandra , which is available in two versions. Of his philosophical works, the best known is the dialogue Disputationes Camaldulenses . There the question is discussed whether a withdrawn, contemplative way of life is more productive than participation in public life. The classic commentaries explain ancient poetry and Dante's Commedia .

Landino's philosophical world and human image is strongly influenced by his Platonism , especially by Neoplatonic ideas, which show the influence of his friend Marsilio Ficino . Characteristics of his literary theoretical approach are the attempt to grasp poetic beauty through stylistic investigation according to principles of rhetoric and poetry theory, and the striving to reveal a deeper meaning of classical works through allegorical interpretation. The background is Landino's conviction of the unique, overriding importance of poetry for education and the existential search for truth. In his view, the divinely inspired poets, as wise educators of mankind, are called to present the highest truths in a perfectly beautiful form. An avid admirer of Italian poetry of Dante himself Landino continued strongly urge the Italian vernacular, vernacular , in their Tuscan expression as full, the Latin evenly matched literary language to accept.

In his environment, Landino enjoyed high esteem as a poet and as a scholar. His work shaped the following generation of Florentine humanists, although his method also met with sharp criticism. Modern research honors him as a talented neo-Latin poet and speaker, as an influential champion of vernacular literature and as herald of a humanistic ideal of life.

Life

Origin, youth and legal training

Cristoforo Landino came from a modest background. His ancestors lived in Pratovecchio , a town in what is now the province of Arezzo , which belonged to the Republic of Florence in the 15th century . In the party battles between Ghibellines and Guelphs , the family was on the Guelfic side; According to Cristoforos information, a Landino fought in 1289 in the Battle of Campaldino on the side of the victorious Guelphs. The respected composer and organist Francesco Landini is said to have been Cristoforo's great-uncle. As the humanist's father, Bartolomeo, lived in Pratovecchio, this village is sometimes referred to as the birthplace of Cristoforos. However, he himself announces that he was born in Florence. The year of birth is determined to be 1425; The frequent erroneous statement 1424 goes back to the fact that according to the old Florentine calendar the year began on March 25th.

Even as a child, Cristoforo Landino showed a strong interest in classical education, with his uncle, the poet and scholar Gabriele Landino, being a role model. Gabriele belonged to the Camaldolese monastic order and was a pupil of the order general Ambrogio Traversari , an important Graecist . Cristoforo's father did not want to make a man of letters out of him, but a lawyer; legal professions were profitable and respected. Therefore, Bartolomeo Landino entrusted the training of his son to the papal notary Angelo Atti da Todi, who belonged to the law firm of Pope Eugen IV . The notary placed the ten-year-old at a law school in Volterra and before his death decreed in his will that his protégé's lessons should be financed from his estate. Cristoforo stayed in this school until 1439, apart from a possible temporary study visit to Pavia . After completing his legal training, he returned to Florence. But he showed no inclination towards a corresponding career choice, for which in his view only the compulsion of material need spoke. Instead, he devoted himself to humanistic education.

Early humanistic activity and lyric creation (1439–1458)

Florence was the most important center of humanism at this time. Therefore, on his return to his hometown, Landino found particularly favorable conditions for his studies and for a brilliant literary and scientific career. His teacher was now the highly respected scholar Carlo Marsuppini , who taught a wide range of philological and philosophical subjects at the Florentine University, the Studio fiorentino , and from 1444 was also State Chancellor of the Republic of Florence. Landino remained his pupil until Marsuppini's death in 1453. With him he studied rhetoric and poetry. He made helpful contact with Piero di Cosimo de 'Medici , the son and later successor of the extremely influential statesman, banker and patron Cosimo de' Medici . The Medici family directed the politics of the Republic of Florence from 1434 and distinguished themselves through the prestigious promotion of humanistic culture. Landino developed a close relationship with the versatile art theorist Leon Battista Alberti .

Landino's first opportunity to come out in public was when Leon Battista Alberti and Piero de 'Medici organized a poetry contest , the Certame coronario , in 1441 . Poems in the volgare , the Tuscan dialect of Italian, which was later elevated to the written language, competed . The organizers' intention was to upgrade Italian, which was then still neglected among the educated class, as a literary language compared to the dominant Latin. They wanted to encourage poetry in the mother tongue, which conservative Latinists disregard. Landino was given the task of reciting a poem by Francesco d'Altobianco degli Alberti, a relative of Leon Battista. This humanist was the executor of Landino's patron Angelo Atti da Todi. The competition was associated with high expectations, but ended in failure: none of the participants was awarded the prize. The organizers had selected well-known but conservative humanists as judges, who were based on Latin poetry and were not willing to declare one of the vernacular poems worthy of an award. For Landino, however, his public appearance on the occasion was a success, because he was able to showcase his talent for reciting and gain recognition.

Landino was employed in the State Chancellery around the mid-1440s; as their collaborator he stayed for several months in 1446 with a Florentine embassy in Rome at the Curia . In early 1444 at the latest, he completed the first version of his collection of poems Xandra , which he dedicated to Leon Battista Alberti.

Marsuppini's death in 1453 left a large void at Studio fiorentino , as no one was able to represent the deceased's entire range of philological and philosophical subjects, including Greek studies. Therefore, his chair, which included Greek and Latin literature, rhetoric, poetics and philosophy, initially remained vacant. A heated argument broke out over the replacement, known as the "studio controversy". Landino, who was one of the candidates, was already receiving temporary teaching positions around this time, perhaps for grammar courses, and was also teaching on a private basis. He was qualified for rhetoric and poetics, but not for the Graecist area. Hence, his candidacy met the opposition of a group of scholars including two of the most eminent Florentine humanists, Donato Acciaiuoli and Alamanno Rinuccini. They absolutely wanted to fill the chair with a famous scientist of Marsuppini's format and favored Francesco Filelfo , who was excellently suited to the subject, but politically controversial. Finally in 1455 the chair was divided into three professorships: one for philosophy, one for Greek and one for rhetoric and poetics. Landino could now hope for the latter position; however, he had three competitors. While the decision dragged on, Landino took over in 1456 in the State Chancellery as one of the four assistants to the Chancellor.

Professorship (1458–1496)

Landino in class. Woodcut , frontispiece of the Formulio de epistole vulgare , Florence edition 1492

A turning point in Landino's life came when on January 18, 1458 he was given the new chair for rhetoric and poetics created after the division, where his good relations with the Medici helped him. His relatively modest starting salary was only a hundred florins a year, but the gain in reputation was considerable; he was now able to establish himself as a well-known literary theorist. As a professor at the prestigious Florentine University, he was one of the leading representatives of humanist scholarship and was able to gain significant influence on the next generation of humanists. His courses were extremely popular. Some of his students later became prominent figures: the poets Ugolino Verino (1438-1516) and Angelo Poliziano , the philosopher Marsilio Ficino , the philologist Bartolomeo della Fonte and the politician, diplomat and historian Andrea Cambini († 1527). As his fame grew, so did his remuneration: in the 1460s his salary was increased to two hundred florins, and from 1471 he received three hundred florins, making him one of the best-paid humanities professors of his time. The curriculum included works by the famous ancient authors Cicero , Virgil , Horace , Juvenal and Persius , but also poems by Petrarch and Dante's Commedia .

In 1460 Landino married Lucrezia Alberti, the daughter of Alberto di Aldovardo degli Alberti. The marriage brought him a dowry of about 500–700 florins. With Lucrezia he had the sons Piero and Bernardo and the daughters Beatrice and Laura, whom he named after the female figures idealized by Dante and Petrarch.

At the initiative of Ficino, a casual group of friends, poets, writers and philosophers used to meet, which later became known as the " Platonic Academy ". Landino took part in the exchange of ideas and received suggestions in the group.

Lorenzo il Magnifico. Bust in the National Gallery of Art , Washington, DC

Landino's patron Piero di Cosimo de 'Medici involved him in the education of his son and future successor Lorenzo , who later became the leading statesman of Florence and distinguished himself as an important patron of art and science, which is why he was nicknamed il Magnifico . A close relationship developed between the scholar and his prominent student. Letters from Landino show that he tried to exert intense influence on Lorenzo in the 1460s.

In May 1465, Landino took over the office of Chancellor of the "Guelph Party", an institution that went back to the centuries-old dispute between the Guelphs and Ghibellines. This conflict had split Florence into two hostile camps. The Guelph Party was originally an association to fight the Ghibellines. But since its final victory in the 13th century, all of Florence had been Guelfish. Therefore the right to exist of the "party" at Landino's time was questioned. It was considered venerable, but was criticized as anachronistic. Nevertheless, it continued to play an important political role as an independent center of power, had considerable possessions and was exempt from tax liability. The Medici, who disliked this, tried to push back the influence of the Parte Guelfa and bring them under their control. As Chancellor Landino had to take into account the interests of the Medici, but he advocated the continued existence of the party that was threatened in its existence. He judged past struggles from a Guelfean point of view. He explained his attitude and the corresponding interpretation of the history of Florence in a letter in 1471. According to his account, the Ghibellines were subversive, domineering and violent from the start, while the Guelphs protected law and justice. In Florence, after their victory, the Guelphs restored the old liberal state order. The criminal leaders of the Ghibellines had been punished, but the followers were granted forgiveness in order to integrate them into the new order. With this far-sighted policy, the Guelphs would have overcome the fateful split and melted the people into a unity.

As part of a reorganization of the State Chancellery, Landino was accepted into the new body of secretaries in 1483. Apparently he was the highest ranked among them.

Last years of life and death

On July 14, 1496, Landino was released from his teaching duties. However, he kept his office as secretary in the State Chancellery. Despite his old age, he was confirmed in this position in February 1498, but only on an honorary basis, as he was no longer able to adequately fulfill the official duties involved. Nevertheless, the salary was still paid to him. He retired to Borgo alla Collina, a place in the Casentino , the original home region of his family, where the Republic of Florence had made the castle tower of the fort available to him as a residence. There he died on September 24, 1498 and was buried in the Church of San Donato. His mummified corpse - for the local population "San Cristoforo" - could still be seen in the church in the 20th century.

Portrait

A contemporary portrait of Landino has been preserved. The painter Domenico Ghirlandaio portrayed him together with Marsilio Ficino, Angelo Poliziano and the Greek humanist Demetrios Chalkokondyles on a fresco in the Tornabuoni chapel of the Santa Maria Novella church in Florence.

Works

Poetry

The literary production Landinos started with his poetry, which is without exception Latin. The first work he came up with was the Xandra collection of poems . Under this title he put his poetry together in a book, which he brought to a first conclusion at the end of 1443 or beginning of 1444. He later changed and expanded the collection considerably. The final second version, which includes three books, he completed only in the period 1458-1460; it is dedicated to Piero de 'Medici. In addition, other poems on various subjects have survived outside the Xandra collection , thirteen of which are undoubtedly by Landino, while the attribution of the rest is uncertain or inaccurate. Almost the entire lyric work is written in elegiac distiches ; only occasionally come texts in hexameters , Hendecasyllabi , senarii and Sapphic stanzas before.

Xandra

The first version of Xandra consists of fifty-three poems. It is mostly about love poetry. The main theme is the author's love for the collection's namesake, a woman named Xandra (Alexandra), whose fascination leads him through the ups and downs of passionate experience. In terms of content, however, the work is not conceived as a closed unit; some poems deal with topics unrelated to the title character, and various people, including Xandra, are named as addressees. In the third poem, the poet justifies the naming of his collection with the fact that Xandra "once" gave him the strength to write poetry. On the one hand, he emphasizes Xandra's importance as a source of inspiration and, on the other hand, points out that his relationship with her has already been concluded and is now being described in retrospect.

The second version of the collection, divided into three books, is a revision of the first with considerable omissions and additions. The first book contains twenty-five poems from the original version and eight new ones. The thirty poems of the second book and the nineteen of the third are brand new.

In the original version of Xandra , Landino, when he was not yet twenty years old, describes his brief, intense acquaintance with the woman he loved under the impression of fresh memories, although his description is alienated in the context of a poetic construction. It is disputed to what extent the representation is fictitious or characterized by fictional elements. In any case, this version shows the author's first-person figure as a playful young man who is deeply impressed by Xandra and highly coveted, but at the same time very receptive to the charms of other women. In the second version, which was only completed a decade and a half later, the uniqueness of the encounter with Xandra comes to the fore. The poet's first person now appears more mature. It becomes clear that this man has freed himself from the temporary fixation on the erotic relationship of dependency in an exemplary development process.

The poet - that is, his lyrical self, which does not have to correspond to the historical person - describes his first encounter with Xandra. According to his portrayal, he was nineteen years old and erotically inexperienced. The impression he received was overwhelming. He compares Xandra's eyes with those of the ancient mythical gorgons , the sight of which turns the viewer to stone. In the Renaissance , Gorgon ( Medusa ) was no longer perceived as a frightening figure, as in the oldest ancient tradition, but also alternatively viewed as an erotically attractive being, whose "petrifying" effect is based on the fascination of unique beauty. A woman like Xandra is ascribed the "Gorgonian" power to suddenly transform those who meet her. Landino warns the reader not to recklessly indulge in such an overwhelming first impression, because the fire it ignites is inextinguishable and the consequences are irreversible. As a lovesick one becomes a docile victim of the god Cupid , and then the heart can never recover and regain its former lightheartedness. Then you have to bend under a hard yoke, get into the worst slavery and feel the poison in honey.

Xandra's pregnancy and the birth of her child are mentioned in two poems that are already in the original version of the collection. This shows that it was already bound elsewhere. For the lover, therefore, a fulfillment of his longing was excluded from the start. The passionate love he showed the adored woman remained unrequited. The beloved turned out to be reserved and only temporarily showed sympathy for her admirer. This resulted in contrasting moods in dramatic alternation for him: expressions of her affection inspired his exuberant hope, but when she withdrew her favor, he complained bitterly disappointed of her behavior in verses in which he accused her of cruelty and arrogance. In the future, she will regret her dismissive attitude with tears.

Leonardo da Vinci's portrait of Ginevra de 'Benci. National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC

Seal outside the Xandra

Of the thirteen certainly authentic Landino poems that have survived outside the collection, six are addressed to the Venetian diplomat Bernardo Bembo , father of the famous humanist Pietro Bembo . Here the poet paints a lively picture of the passionate love of his friend Bembo for the Florentine Ginevra de 'Benci, a poetic counterpart to Ginevra's portrait that Leonardo da Vinci painted on behalf of Bembo. Landino encourages the friend to give love a more solid foundation than the fascination of physical attractiveness. The true goal of love is to turn to spiritual and spiritual advantages that are not as invalid as the physical.

Background and interpretation of the lyric work

In many places in his poems, Landino refers to real people, places and processes. In doing so he gives the appearance of being true to reality; the reader gets the impression of a credible account of the poet, who writes from a first-person perspective. The title figure of Xandra is a well-known Landinos or at least bears their traits, although her name is perhaps fictional. According to a controversial research hypothesis, it is Alessandra di Francesco degli Alberti, the daughter of his friend and patron Francesco d'Altobianco degli Alberti. According to contemporary tradition from Landino's circle, his "Xandra" was descended from an ancestor who once founded the Albizzi family. In any case, she had a high social status. Apparently, the poet actually loved the lady who was the model for his literary figure, and in doing so experienced a disappointment. But the embedding of the poetic texts in this real environment is deceptive: the poet was not interested in working out the intimate and personal, the individual peculiarities of his experiences and thus writing a piece of autobiography. Rather, he wanted to show the reader the typical, general characteristics and consequences of being in love using his experiences. For this purpose he inserted the appearing figures, which he took from real life, into an imagined poetic world. The connection to real places and people obscures the fictional and timeless aspect of the representation.

Landino's erotic poetry follows the guidelines of the genre of love, which sets the framework with its characteristic motifs and patterns. His poetic work is in the tradition of ancient models, among which the Roman elegiac Properz plays a prominent role. Clearly recognizable is the influence of Catullus , whose emotional expression Landino understands and whose style peculiarities he occasionally imitates. He takes up the dark side of Catullus love and adopts it in his context. The humanist poet also owes important stimuli to the poetry of the Renaissance, especially Petrarch's canzoniere .

For the most part, the collection shows the serious, elegiac character that the Xandra theme in particular requires. But between the love poems, epigrams are interspersed, which serve to loosen up and entertain the reader. Some of them are humorous, some are satirical. In addition, there are also obscene passages in the Xandra that show that Landino did not shy away from personalities. They show the influence of the crude erotic poetry of his contemporary Antonio Beccadelli , which he knew well. However, disrespectful remarks in the Xandra are never aimed at the revered title figure, whose purity Landino attached great importance to. He was indignant at the lascivious mockery with which the poet Tommaso Ceffi Xandra had vilified.

An important concern of the poet was the glorification of his hometown Florence and its cultural heyday, which was largely influenced by the Medici. While in the original version of Xandra the love of home did not play a role, in the second edition the patriotic elegy took an important place next to the erotic one. Landino showed his pride in the outstanding achievements of his fellow citizens in the intellectual life and also his pronounced self-confidence. By praising his benefactor Piero de 'Medici as the new Maecenas , he indicated that the great contemporary poets promoted by Piero, including himself, were comparable to the classical models Virgil and Horace supported by Maecenas. Piero has now taken on the role of Maecenas, the archetype of the " patron ", and with his generosity enables new poetic masterpieces. In addition, he is praised in the Xandra just like his father Cosimo as Prince of Peace and father of the fatherland .

Philosophical dialogues

About the soul

In 1471, Landino completed the philosophical dialogue De anima (On the Soul) , which consists of three books. He made his revered teacher Marsuppini the main character of the fictional conversation. He also allowed himself to participate in the discussion.

First the origin, definition, composition and activities of the soul are discussed, then the third book deals with its immortality . There Landino deals with the teaching of the Averroists , who deny an individual immortality of the human soul. The views of many ancient and medieval thinkers are reproduced in detail in the dialogue, including in particular those of Aristotle and Albert the Great . The author's point of view is determined by the Platonic doctrine of the soul, especially by the Platonism of the humanist-minded Cardinal Bessarion , one of the most respected scholars of the 15th century. The formal model is the Aristotle font of the same name .

Federico da Montefeltro (left) on a parchment sheet that was subsequently glued in in the dedication copy of the Disputationes Camaldulenses , Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Codex Urbinas Latinus 508. The Duke holds Landino's work in his hand.

Camaldolens disputes

Landino's main philosophical work is the dialogue Disputationes Camaldulenses (Camaldolens Disputes) , created in the period 1472–1474 . It is dedicated to the Duke of Urbino , Federico da Montefeltro , who was one of the most important promoters of humanists of his time. The work is named after the famous Camaldoli monastery , a place of humanistic education. In the summer of 1468, the fictional entertainment took place in the charming surroundings of the monastery, at a Locus amoenus . In addition to Lorenzo il Magnifico and his brother Giuliano de 'Medici, several humanist friends are present, including Leon Battista Alberti as the main character, Marsilio Ficino, Donato Acciaiuoli , Alamanno Rinuccini and the author himself. The talks take place on four consecutive days, and each of the four Discussions are presented in one of the four books of the Disputationes . Formally, Cicero's Tusculanae disputationes , to whom the title is reminiscent, are the model. The author owes important ideas to the late antique commentary by Macrobius on Cicero's Somnium Scipionis , some of whose formulations he has taken literally.

The debate revolves around the opposing views of Lorenzo il Magnifico and Leon Battista Alberti about the best way of life and the related questions about the highest good and the feasibility of happiness . The starting point is the question, which has often been discussed since antiquity, whether an active life ( vita activa ) or a secluded, contemplative existence (vita contemplativa) is preferable. However, these terms are not used in the Disputationes Camaldulenses , but vita otiosa (life in leisure, occupation with studies) and vita negotiosa (busy life).

Lorenzo advocates an active public life with political commitment. For him, people are first and foremost citizens. In his opinion, the only way to get the best out of your life is to use your skills and knowledge as a responsible citizen for the common good. Outstanding examples are Socrates and Federico da Montefeltro. Those who neglect their social tasks do not participate in the human community, are not considered fellow citizens and live parasitically at the expense of society. Alberti, on the other hand, believes that striving for the highest spiritual values ​​and realizing the ideal of wisdom are more important than social activity. Whoever wants to fulfill man's true destiny must turn to the immortal, practice contemplation and, for this purpose, live in isolation. Alberti names the respected doctor, mathematician, astronomer and cartographer Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli as a role model , who kept himself out of all conflicts and always led a peaceful life, devoted exclusively to the search for truth. The wisdom gained through contemplation also benefits the general public, for example when a philosopher uses prudent advice to establish unity among the citizens. However, Alberti also grants vita activa a justification and an - albeit secondary - value, although he fluctuates with regard to its assessment in the course of the discussion. On the first day of the meeting, he was unable to come up with a coherent position on the issue.

Alberti explains how the contemplative exploration of truth should take place - here reproducing a model by the author - in the context of the conceptual world of Neoplatonic philosophy. He describes the process of acquiring knowledge as a gradual ascent, the three stages of which are marked by ratio (understanding), intellectus (reason) and intelligentia (higher insight). With the understanding one can grasp the nature of the body, with the reason the incorporeal created; the intelligentia as the highest level on the path of knowledge gives access to the divine uncreated, the highest good.

The debate about the forms of life leads to the topic that is the focus of the discussion on the second day. We will now discuss what the highest good is, what the human ideal of existence actually consists of - the full development of what is human, humanitas - and how one can attain the state of bliss. This is where Ficino intervenes and presents his version of the Platonic teaching. Alberti responds to Lorenzo's question as to whether there is also a highest evil analogous to the highest good, and explains his negative answer. He explains that every evil is just a lack, the lack of something good. Hence it does not really exist, for it is a mere absence, and the non-existence has no being of its own. Everything that exists is good as such. An evil, for example a physical suffering, occurs when something existing and good, such as an organ of the body, is weakened.

Over the last two days, Alberti explains his point of view using an allegorical interpretation of Virgil's Aeneid . According to his interpretation, the ancient Trojan hero Aeneas initially led a life devoted to pleasure in Troy , then an active one in Carthage and finally a contemplative one in Lazio . In the course of his adventures he has come to realize that true happiness lies neither in lust nor in political struggle, but in wisdom. The hero's flight from his hometown conquered by the enemy, which leads him via Africa to Italy, symbolizes the suffering of people who seek the truth and find various aberrations. In his final balance, Alberti points out that both ways of life are legitimate and lead to the goal, the highest good.

About the true nobility

The beginning of Landino's Dialogue De vera nobilitate . Rome, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei , Biblioteca Corsiniana, 36 E 5, fol. 1r

Between 1487 and 1492 Landino wrote the dialogue De vera nobilitate (On the true nobility) , a late work that he dedicated to Lorenzo il Magnifico but did not publish. The subject is the essence of the nobility . It examines whether the privilege of belonging to the nobility and being noble is based on the origin and fame of the family or on the way of life. In addition to the host Lorenzo il Magnifico, several Florentine humanists are present at the fictional discussion, including the author himself, Leon Battista Alberti, Angelo Poliziano , Donato Acciaiuoli, Marsilio Ficino and Johannes Argyropulos . The main characters and opponents, however, are two fictional characters with the speaking names Aretophilus ("the virtuous lover") and Philotimus ("the honor lover"). Aretophilus is a scholar and philosopher of low origin, Philotimus his rich patron. Philotimus belongs to an ancient, respected race. He can allegedly trace his ancestors back to late antiquity and also has a certain education, but he is not capable of independent thinking. The two men thus embody their opposing views of true nobility. Philotimus is angry with his opponent, whom he regards as a product of his generosity. He dislikes his thesis that virtue is the core of nobility, but he can do little to counter it. Aretophilus can easily convince those present that the true rank of a person does not depend on his ancestors, but on the extent of his spiritual excellence.

Discussions of what constitutes the nobility were popular with the humanists of the 15th century. Many of them, including Landino, were critical of the hereditary nobility's claim to power and prestige, which has in fact always been the dominant claim. They opposed the traditional social order with their ideal of a nobility of achievement, which was philosophically conceived as a nobility of virtue . The humanistic esteem for the uniqueness of the individual and for the self-realization of the capable led to the demand for a new hierarchy according to which one's own performance ennobles people, especially the service of the common good in a public office. From this point of view the actual social priority of a narrow-minded hereditary nobility is unjustified; Those who have neither education nor virtue cannot count themselves among the elite of society with reference to their origins and class. The humanistic aristocratic critics propagated an alternative to traditional class consciousness that corresponded to both their convictions and their own need for recognition and social advancement. In this sense, Landino also took a position with his dialogue. With this he combined the unmasking of the hollowness, vanity and complacency of an insignificant human being who consumed the fame of his ancestors.

On the basis of a description of the mentalities in the three cities of Venice , Naples and Florence, Landino denounced claims to status that he considered to be unjustified and harmful. He put this polemic in the mouth of the neutral Greek Aretophilus, whom he had evicted everywhere, although Florence was by no means spared from criticism. According to the description of Aretophilus, the Venetians were to be accused of having the long-established patrician families alone in charge and not granting anyone outside this exclusive circle a chance for advancement. The Greek's judgment of the situation in Naples was particularly disparaging; the nobles there are incapable of any remarkable deeds, their characteristics are idleness and a luxurious lifestyle. Therefore neither her life nor her death is worth considering. Such a way of thinking had also become common in Florence: descendants of famous ancestors referred to their ancestry and said they were not obliged to make any efforts. Landino sarcastically mocked the outrage of the hereditary nobility at the nouveau riche upstart.

Another concern of the author was to reject the concept of an official nobility , which is traditionally widespread in legal circles , according to which an office conferred by an autocratic ruler or a republic ennobles its holder. On the other hand, he asserted that the office holder received the office because of his nobility of virtue; thus his appointment is not a cause, but a consequence of his membership of the nobility. As an inner quality of man, the nobility can never be dependent on external acts and signs.

Comments

Commentary on Dante's Commedia

The beginning of Landino's interpretation of the Commedia in the dedication copy of the first edition of his commentary (1481) for the Signoria . Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale , Banco Rari 341, fol. a1r

In a short time, Landino put the fruits of his decades of Dante studies together in an Italian commentary on Commedia from 1480–1481 , which also contains the text of Dante's work and was published in 1481. This luxurious print was one of the first books printed in Florence and the first illustrated Dante edition. It was conceived as an impressive demonstration of the cultural leadership role of Dante's hometown Florence. Sandro Botticelli created the templates for the copperplate engravings . The introduction to the commentary offers a detailed account of the cultural and historical achievements of important Florentines since antiquity. Musicians, painters and sculptors, among others, are honored. The descriptions of works of art of the Quattrocento that Landino gives there are recognized in Renaissance research; his expressions are considered subtle, rich in content and accurate.

The peculiarity of the interpretative approach of the commentator lies in the interpretation of Dante's poem as an allegory, the meaning of which is to be sought in a philosophical background. For Landino, the real hidden meaning of the famous work is that it illustrates the Platonic worldview and especially the role of the soul in this world order. Accordingly, Dante's wandering through the realms of the hereafter described in the Commedia is a poetic representation of the fate of the soul that is going through a process of purification. According to Landino's interpretation, this progress corresponds to the Neoplatonic model of the ascent of the immortal soul from its earthly bondage to heavenly freedom and participation in the divine light. The prerequisite for this is turning away from a way of life that is geared to satisfying physical needs. This is linked to the decision for a philosophical life, the aim of which is the exploration of truth and ultimately the union with the Godhead as the highest good.

In his vision of the hereafter , Dante's path leads him first through hell and then over the “ Cleansing Mountain ” to paradise . According to Landino, this is supposed to express allegorically that the soul, which wants to escape from the dungeon of the body and find its place in heaven , has to overcome three stages. At each level she has to acquire the virtues required there in order to finally attain the purity that she needs for the realization of oneness with God. The beginning is the descent into hell, which Dante - the soul - voluntarily undertakes in order to visualize the consequences of sins and thereby to get himself up for purification. The virtues that are at stake there are the "bourgeois" (virtù civili) , which are decisive for social coexistence. The return from the hellish underworld is followed by the appropriation of the "cleansing" virtues, which enable a turning away from the material and thus the ascent to the summit of the Purification Mountain. Then the virtues of the already purified spirit are to be acquired, which align their bearer entirely to the divine. They form the prerequisite for the soul to be able to pass through the entrance to paradise.

Dedication letter and epigram by Landinos in the copy of the commentary on the Commedia intended for Bernardo Bembo . Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale , Rés. Yd 17

Landino received the inspiration for his interpretation of Dante from Ficino, who had presented a detailed world model based on ancient Neoplatonism. Although previous commentators had tried to reveal the deeper meaning of Dante's poem through allegorical interpretation, the idea of ​​interpreting the commedia as a representation of a philosophical system was novel. It could only be captured after Ficino had developed the ancient Platonic and Neoplatonic literature. With regard to the factual statements on individual points, however, Landino relied on the material that his predecessors had already accumulated. The enormous abundance of these individual comments made his work swell to an enormous extent.

One difficulty for Landino arose from the political background of the commedia . As a patriotic Guelph, he was on the papal side in the great battle between Pope and Emperor and was proud of the autonomy of the Republic of Florence. Dante, on the other hand, whom he deeply adored, was Ghibelline and a passionate supporter of the universal monarchy and sharply criticized the Florentines. The contrast between poet and commentator is abruptly evident when assessing Julius Caesar and the Caesar murderers Brutus and Cassius . Dante saw in Caesar a legitimate ruler and in Brutus and Cassius the worst traitors, who had to face the harshest form of eternal punishment. Landino couldn't accept that. He thought Caesar was a criminal annihilator of freedom and the murder of tyrants was a feat of true patriots. He tried to hide his opposition to Dante's position by claiming that the poet did not mean the historical figures Brutus and Cassius, but only used their names as symbols for high treasoners. Landino also showed himself to be a freedom-loving Republican in the Dante commentary. He condemned Alexander the Great as a nefarious tyrant who enslaved people who were by nature as free as he was.

Commentary on Horace

Landino compiled the Horace Commentary in 1481/1482, probably on the basis of existing material from his many years of teaching work on the Roman poet. In 1482 the work was printed in Florence; it was the first annotated Horace edition to appear in print. The target audience were scholars and Neoplatonists as well as students. The commentary is primarily rhetorical; it should show the user the extraordinary compositional and rhetorical skills of the ancient poet. Horace text and commentary are closely interlinked. In addition to specific text explanations, there are extensive excursions into the historical or geographical environment of text passages.

Landino wanted to establish Horace as an authority. He presented him as an outstanding master of poetry, an extremely knowledgeable scholar, didactically qualified teacher of virtue and a philosophical role model. Accordingly, the poet has shown himself to be morally upright in his lifestyle. The commentator encountered considerable difficulties with this presentation, however, because Horace was an Epicurean and Epicureanism was considered disreputable. Especially in strictly ecclesiastical circles and among Platonists, the Epicurean high esteem for lust (voluptas) was sharply disapproved. There were also obscene, homoerotic and pederastic motifs in some of the poems of the ancient poet commented on by Landino. All of this was officially frowned upon; Homosexuality in particular was widespread in Florence, but it was punishable by law and fraught with conflict. Landino wanted to remove the basis for hostility aimed at such criticisms. In some cases this did not go off without violent reinterpretation of the commented texts. As a Platonist, Landino rejected Epicureanism and sexual permissiveness, but he judged offensive utterances by the famous poet mildly and defused the problem or tacitly ignored it in order to avoid criticism of Horace as far as possible. To relieve his admired role model, he used various strategies; in particular, he excused Epicureanism as the mere youthful sin of the famous poet who later converted to Platonism. Landino thus made a significant contribution to the establishment of a positive image of Horace in terms of moral and ideological aspects.

The Horace Commentary contains numerous errors that affect both the textual form of the commented verses and the historical, geographical and mythological explanations. Landino later realized this himself and apologized by saying that his friends had arranged for a hasty printing. The errors show that text criticism was not one of Landino's strengths.

Commentary on Virgil's Aeneid

Landino had already been intensely concerned with Virgil for decades when he published his commentary on the entire Aeneid in March 1488 , which saw numerous reprints as early as the end of the 15th century. Here Landino supplemented the allegorical and philosophical Aeneid interpretation that he had offered in the Disputationes Camaldulenses with a grammatical and rhetorical commentary without losing sight of the allegory.

Landino had already expressed his opinion on how Virgil should be interpreted in an Aeneid course in 1462/1463 . He distinguished four possible meanings of a piece of text, which correspond to four approaches to commenting: the historical view (ad historiam) , which deals with the poet's knowledge of history, the mythical (ad fabulam) , whose subject is the behavior of the gods according to the mythical Tradition is the natural history or astrological (ad physicam) , in which the gods are understood as representatives of natural forces or celestial influences, and the allegorical (ad allegoriam) , which is supposed to reveal the hidden philosophical content of the verses. Landino considered the latter perspective to be the most important.

Talk

In accordance with humanistic custom, the rhetoric teacher Landino also had to prove himself as a speaker. Several of his speeches have survived:

The beginning of Landino's Maundy Thursday sermon. Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XXXV 211, fol. 126v
  • the artfully constructed Latin funeral oration in 1478 for the humanist Donato Acciaiuoli, which is famous for its beauty and elegance. The philosophical system of the four cardinal virtues serves as the basis for the description of the deceased's public activity . The eyewitness Vespasiano da Bisticci reports of the great success of Landino's words at the funeral; According to him, the audience was moved and moved to tears. The speech was apparently appreciated even later, as it was often copied. However, the original text did not appear in print. The Italian translation of the rhetorical work has been printed several times in speech collections since 1547.
  • the Italian speech on the occasion of the presentation of Landino's Dante commentary to the Signoria of Florence in 1481. The author gave the city a particularly valuable copy of his work, printed on parchment , which is now in the National Library . In the speech that soon appeared in print, he highlighted his contribution to the education of the youth and the understanding of Dante's poetry. In a sense, he gave the poet, who was once banished from Florence, back to his hometown.
  • the Latin funeral oration given in 1484 and soon to be printed on the condottiere Giordano Orsini. Landino presents a simplified scheme of the philosophical doctrine of goods and virtues as the basis for his appreciation of Orsini and discusses the importance of justice and bravery in the life of the deceased.
  • the Italian speech given in 1485 and printed in the same year on the occasion of the appointment of Condottiere Niccolò Orsini, Count of Pitigliano , as commander-in-chief of the Florentine troops.
  • the Italian Maundy Thursday sermon that Landino gave to the Compagnia dei Magi , a lay religious association to which the Medici and many influential figures, including a number of humanists, belonged.
  • Opening speeches at the beginning of courses (corsi) Landinos at the university:
    • the Italian opening speech for a course on the sonnets of Petrarch. Here Landino deals with the relationship between the Italian vernacular (volgare) and Latin and explains his belief in the superiority of Tuscan over the other dialects. He believes that the volgare is a valuable cultural language, but still needs cultivation based on the example of Latin.
    • the Latin opening speech for a course on Cicero's Tusculanae disputationes .
    • the Latin opening speech given in 1462 for a course on the first seven books of Virgil's Aeneid . Here the professor explains his ideas about the origin of poetry and the achievements of poets.
The beginning of the 19th book of Landino's translation of Pliny’s Naturalis historia in the dedication manuscript for King Ferdinand I of Naples. San Lorenzo de El Escorial , Real Biblioteca del Monasterio, hI2, fol. 1r
    • the Latin opening speech to another Virgil course in the late 1460s.
    • the Italian opening speech that Landino gave on his Dante course.

Translations of Latin works into Italian

  • On behalf of King Ferdinand I of Naples , Landino prepared an Italian translation of Pliny’s Naturalis historia . In doing so, he made a handbook of natural history, which was very much appreciated at the time, accessible to the bourgeoisie who did not know Latin. At the same time he wanted to show the suitability of Italian for the presentation of scientific content. The work appeared in Venice in 1476 and was reprinted several times in the 15th and early 16th centuries. Christopher Columbus and Leonardo da Vinci used this translation. King Ferdinand, to whom it was dedicated, was, however, dissatisfied and initiated a revision, as the Florentine dialect Landinos met criticism in Naples.
  • At the request of the regent of Milan , Ludovico il Moro , and Lorenzo il Magnifico, Landino translated the Latin historical work Historia de rebus gestis Francisci Primi Sfortiae Vicecomitis into Italian. This is the account of the deeds of Ludovico's father, Duke Francesco I Sforza , written by Giovanni Simonetta . Landino's translation of the work known as Sforziada appeared in Milan in 1490. It earned the translator a fee of 100 florins.

Letter holder

The Duke of Ferrara , Ercole I d'Este , Landino's Italian Briefsteller dedicated, published in Bologna 1485th It bears the title Formulio de epistole vulgare missive e responsive et altri fiori de ornati parlamenti and sets a standard for official and private correspondence in the vernacular. Speeches and the beginning of speeches are also inserted as templates. The presentation is based on the expertise that the author had acquired both as a rhetoric teacher and through his work in the State Chancellery.

Autograph letter from Landino to Lorenzo il Magnifico. Forlì , Biblioteca Comunale, Autografi Piancastelli, no.1238

Letters

Several letters from Landino have survived, including two to Piero de 'Medici and three to Lorenzo il Magnifico. The letters to the Medici illustrate the rhetorical effort with which the humanist sought the favor of those in power. In another letter, Landino answered a question about the origin of the leap year , discussing the calendar divisions that have arisen since antiquity.

Courses

Some of Landino's notes from his lectures have been preserved in handwriting, but have not yet been edited. This group of sources transmits the content of courses held by the professor and thus gives an impression of his teaching.

Recordings from a Vergil course in Landinos. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, 52.32, fol. 96r

A Landinos course from 1461/1462 on the poems of the ancient satirists Juvenal and Persius has come down to us in the notes of a student who is not known by name. This shows that the Florentine scholar also looked for philosophical truths in the satirists. Juvenal's blunt statements about sexuality presented him with a problem similar to that of Horace: He felt compelled to defend the admired poet against the accusation that he approved of sexual shamelessness and did not respect the sanctity of marriage. On the other hand, the humanist asserted that the satirist only went into the immorality of Roman women in order to denounce it.

The notes of Landino's pupil Bartolomeo della Fonte from a poetics course given by the professor in 1464/1465, in which the Ars poetica des Horace was discussed in particular , as well as his notes from a course in which Landino discussed Virgil's eclogues , have also been preserved.

In May 1977 Arthur Field discovered a transcript in Rome that a student in Landino's Aeneid course 1462–1463 had made. The very extensive text - 280 leaves in the manuscript - deals with the first seven books of the epic. Field found further records from a Virgil course in Florence in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana .

Teaching

The humanistic ideal of humanity

Landino is based on a humanistic understanding of life, according to which the mission of every person is to realize humanity ( humanitas ) in their personal life . This is done by optimally mastering life's tasks. In addition to character development, this requires the incessant acquisition of knowledge. For Landino, the individual and collective striving for knowledge is an outstanding feature that characterizes people as such. According to the teaching of the Florentine humanist, man is by nature such that he eagerly learns what he does not yet know and likes to make what he has recognized accessible to others. What is important is the willingness to accept what is still lacking in knowledge and competence from anyone who can impart it, regardless of the person's social rank. In the educational endeavors one should therefore keep free from any class arrogance. With this principle, Landino is committed to the egalitarian idea of ​​a universal, free acquisition of knowledge through the joint efforts of researchers with equal rights who stimulate each other. In doing so, he anticipates a concept that will later find its realization in the major European academies . He also attaches importance to the emotional aspect, the joy of the spiritual nourishment that one enjoys.

Landino does not see the limits of the knowledge capacity of the human mind. In the foreword to his translation of the comprehensive encyclopedia of Pliny, he for his part proclaims an encyclopedic ideal of knowledge acquisition. He writes there that the primary goal of the human spirit is to penetrate all parts of the “universal machine”, the cosmos, and to attain real knowledge “about all things”. Landino also emphasizes the importance of self-awareness. He thinks that the human mind should return to itself in order to understand itself, and that it should not look in the outside world for what it can find in itself.

Literary theory and worldview

Marsilio Ficino on a fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Tornabuoni Chapel of the Santa Maria Novella Church, Florence

Under the influence of his friend Marsilio Ficino, Landino acquired Neoplatonic ideas, which he developed in his own way. From Neoplatonic and Christian elements he formed the worldview in which his literary theory is embedded.

From this perspective, the focus is on the question of how man can renew his connection to the realm of the divine from which he originates, but which he has lost sight of. The Neo-Platonists are convinced that this requires instructions that can be found in all ancient wisdom teachings. For Landino, the main sources of wisdom are the classic poems. He believes that the great poetic creations of all major cultures are basically to proclaim one and the same truth. According to his interpretation of cultural history in antiquity, this wisdom of the gifted poets came from Greece to Rome and finally to Florence in the Renaissance. For the Florentine humanist , the main heralds of the poetic worldview are Homer , Virgil and Dante. If you understand their works correctly, then - according to Landino - they agree: It is always about the fate of the hero who is on the way to the highest good, the deity, and in doing so to acquire the required virtues in a fixed order Has. The vices of his soul that he has to overcome are sensual greed, avarice and lust for domination. With Homer , the hero is Odysseus , with Virgil Aeneas, with Dante the poet himself as a wanderer. He is a role model for everyone because, as Landino put it in the Disputationes Camaldulenses , everyone has been sent by God "to this lowest region of the world as if on a long and difficult expedition" and now has to bravely fight against many difficulties here. The goal is to overcome two wildly fierce enemies, pain and desire, and achieve lasting peace. In the scenario outlined in this way, the Christian motif of earthly pilgrimage is combined with the ancient myth of Heracles at the crossroads . With this interpretation of the sense of existence Landino expresses an attitude towards life that was widespread among his contemporaries.

The paramount importance that Landino assigns to poets and poetry arises for him from the idea that an ideal human existence can only be realized when one combines the highest wisdom with the greatest linguistic expressiveness (eloquentia) . The completion of a thing always concerns both the content and the form. The quality of the form must match that of the content, otherwise there is a disproportion and thus an inadequacy. Thus, the most valuable content of human thought, philosophical knowledge, can only find a suitable container in the best possible form of presentation. This optimal external form of a profound communication can only be the highest enhancement and most beautiful manifestation of linguistic art of expression, and that is poetry. Therefore, it alone is an appropriate instrument for conveying the most valuable knowledge that is accessible to humans. So, if the poet wants to do his job properly, he must have both: a deep insight into the nature of man and the world and the linguistic creative power that is required to dress his message appropriately. If such a synthesis of inner and outer succeeds, the poet himself becomes an exemplary personality, because he has then achieved the highest goal in life, the connection of wisdom and beauty, for himself in his life and work and lets the world participate in the fruits. In his works the greatest weight (somma gravità) is combined with the greatest serenity (somma giocondità) .

The knowledge and wisdom that is meant here, according to Landino's understanding, relates to the divine, as far as this affects the cosmos and is there perceptible and spiritually comprehensible. The aspect of deity accessible to man is the harmony and beauty of the world. This can be seen in all harmonious relationships, among other things in mathematics, in music and physical movements, but also in human virtues and especially in perfectly beautiful poetry that proclaims divine truth. It is essential that the products of poetry for Landino are not arbitrary inventions of their authors, but transformations of knowledge. The poet is also a seer (vates) , he takes on a quasi-priestly function by mediating between god and humanity. The prominent position that he occupies because he has received divine inspiration enables him to do this . His maximum spiritual exertion has brought him to a point where his effort has come into contact with the self-communication of God. He owes both his insight and his creative power to the direct divine influence on his spirit, which extends beyond the horizon of normal human ability. He creates his works in a state of emotion, of furor .

Poetry understood in this way encompasses all “arts”, all subjects of the humanistic educational canon fall within its area of ​​responsibility. The ideal poet is a wise polymath , especially an accomplished expert on the human mind. His comprehensive philosophical understanding of the world gives him access to all areas of knowledge. With Landino, poetry takes on a function that, according to traditional understanding, is reserved for the philosophical act of reflection.

According to this doctrine, the poet stands as a mediator between God and ordinary people because he has extraordinary creative power - a divine quality - at his disposal. God creates everything from nothing, the normal human being, however, can only produce something from already existing matter. The poet takes a middle position: he produces his works partly from matter, that is from the patterns of the poetic tradition, partly from a “nothing”, from the depths of an area exclusively accessible to him. A closeness to the divine can also be seen in the ordering principle of poetry: According to the Bible, God arranged the world, which is his poem, “according to number, measure and weight”. The poets imitate this order of creation by constituting their world “through the number of feet , the size of the short and long syllables and the weight of the statements and the affects ”. There is also an analogy between the complexity of the cosmos and that of a good poem. Both have an external, visible and an internal, only purely spiritual area. In the case of the products of high poetry, three layers of meaning and meaning must be distinguished both in the work itself and on the side of the recipient. The outermost layer is the sensual form, the sound of poetic language, which gives the audience pleasure. Underneath lies a deeper layer, the moral content, which has a direct instructive and encouraging effect on those who are susceptible to it. The innermost area forms the deepest meaning, the hidden wisdom, which the reader or listener only reveals through contemplation .

Landino gave rhetoric a lower priority than poetry, but he praised it as the most useful means of guiding a free and well-governed republic, since it could be used to encourage people to behave in a virtuous manner. Linguistic mastery should be acquired by studying the ancient classics. Then you can apply what you have learned to the writing of Italian works. Landino emphatically pleaded for the suitability of Italian as a literary language and thus intervened in the debate of the humanists about the language question (questione della lingua) . He turned against a direction that demanded the exclusive imitation of ancient models and only recognized Latin as a literary language. However, he conceded that the Italian vernacular, the volgare , still had to be further developed on the basis of the Latin model, so that it would meet the requirements of the humanistic imparting of knowledge and also achieve the necessary elegance. Latin also had to go through such a development once, with Greek serving as a model. With his translations, Landino made a significant contribution to the expansion of the possibilities of expression in his mother tongue, which he called for, also by increasing his vocabulary.

As part of the Horace Declaration, Landino went into the traditional theory of the three styles of poetry - lofty, middle and low style. According to this doctrine, the style must correspond to the nature of the actions and persons; For example, for heroic poetry of the sublime, for pastoral poetry of the low style appropriate. Landino remarked that each style was assigned a certain area of ​​material and a certain genre - for example tragedy or comedy - and that the mixing of styles or materials was fundamentally prohibited. He emphasized the central importance of diversity and variety (varietas) , which he considered to be a key feature of successful poetry. It makes the audience happy, ensures their attention and prevents weariness. In dealing with the traditional tasks of poetry - to benefit and delight the audience through instruction - Landino placed particular emphasis on the emotional impact.

Virtue doctrine

Landino defined virtue generally as the state of mind that arises when one gives one's assent to nature and reason with constant steadfastness. He examined the individual virtues - the various aspects of virtue - and classified them, breaking the terms down into a multitude of subdivisions.

Landino's doctrine of virtue, which is closely linked to the Neoplatonic concept of salvation , plays a central role in his philosophy. According to his and Ficino's convictions, man is able and called to break away from the bond with the physical and to assimilate himself to the godhead. This ability distinguishes man and raises him above all of creation. The goal can only be realized if one not only acquires the necessary insights but also the virtues and internalizes them. Through the successive stages of knowledge and ethics, one ascends to perfection. For this it is important to know the individual virtues, their functions and their context.

He took the elements from which Landino created his virtue model from tradition. He brought them together by combining two ancient systems: a four-part Greek origin, which the late ancient scholar Macrobius had transmitted to the Latin -speaking world, and a two-part, which goes back to Aristotle and is also found in Plotinus , the founder of Neoplatonism. The Macrobius system is divided into four hierarchical levels: the “political” virtues are followed by the “cleansing”, then the “virtues of the already purified spirit” and finally the “exemplary” (virtutes exemplares) . Since the virtutes exemplares already belong to the divine sphere, they were not considered for the practice discussed by Landino. Therefore the humanist reduced the four-part system of Macrobius to a three-stage system, with the stages to be worked through one after the other. With this he combined the Aristotelian classification. This differentiates between the bourgeois virtues associated with active life and the speculative ones that are trained and practiced in the pure striving for knowledge.

The traditional four cardinal virtues of prudence, bravery, justice and wisdom appear in Landino's model in different ways at the individual levels. Bravery, for example, shows itself at the level of political virtues in the courage with which the human spirit rises above danger and fear. At the level of the purifying virtues, bravery means developing the ability to accept all drawbacks, troubles, and risks and pursue one's goal undeterred by disturbing affects. Finally, on the third level, unwanted emotions no longer need to be contained, as they can no longer be a disturbance.

The civil or political virtues regulate living together in the family and in the state. According to the humanist's system of values, they are of the greatest importance for the state's welfare, but cannot lead people to the goal of their lives. Their subordinate rank is evident from the fact that they are often not pursued for their own sake, but because of the honors associated with them. It is different with the higher virtues, because these carry their value in themselves.

Relationship to antiquity

Notwithstanding his extraordinary admiration for Plato , Landino, who had only a poor knowledge of Greek, showed no particular respect for ancient Greece. Rather, he viewed the Greeks from the critical perspective of the ancient Romans. He characterized them as very frivolous and also denied their thinkers originality, because he was of the opinion that they owed their invaluable knowledge to the Egyptians and were therefore only important as mediators. The Greek scholars acquired their knowledge on trips to Egypt. Plato took over teachings of the Egyptian Hermes Trismegistus . The Greeks for their part then passed this knowledge on to the Romans, who came to them specifically for it.

Landino, on the other hand, paid great tribute to Cicero's life achievement. For him, the Roman statesman and thinker was the model of an exemplary personality who proved himself in both active and contemplative life and thus showed the world the realization of an all-round successful existence. The fruits of seclusion are to be valued higher than those of political activity, because Cicero's deeds only benefited the Roman state, while his writings were forever a blessing for the entire educated world. In the overall appraisal of Cicero's philosophical and literary work, Landino named the qualities which, from a humanistic point of view, made the outstanding importance of the Roman author: He penetrated a newly found material (inventio) extremely astute (acutissime) and extraordinarily witty (ingeniosissime) . He presented his statements clearly (distincte) , rich in material (copiose) , appropriate to the weight of the substance (graviter) and with rhetorical ornamentation (ornate) . His explanations are useful, as they give valuable advice on social life, and at the same time gratifying, because the perfect loveliness (suavitas) of his style amused the reader and emotionally touches the reader.

reception

Early modern age

The aftermath of Landino's works in the early modern period varied widely. A considerable part of his oeuvre that he had not planned for publication, including the poetry and the dialogues about the soul and true nobility, remained unknown to a wider audience. On the other hand, some writings that were printed during his lifetime enjoyed great and lasting popularity, especially the commentaries on the poems of Virgil, Horace and Dante, the letter holder and the Italian translation of Pliny. The numerous prints from the 15th and 16th centuries attest to the strong and persistent interest shown in this part of his intellectual heritage. The Disputationes Camaldulenses also saw several editions.

Marsilio Ficino paid tribute to Landino's philosophical endeavors by assigning him a role in one of his works: In his commentary on Plato's symposium , completed in 1469 and designed in dialogue form , Ficino had his friend appear as one of the seven participants. In the fictional dialogue, Landino takes on the task of interpreting Aristophanes' speech in the symposium .

Some contemporary connoisseurs of antiquity, including those in Landino's own group of students, criticized his comment on the classics. In particular, the many errors in the Horace commentary did not go unnoticed. Landino's pupil Bartolomeo della Fonte was a sharp critic . In his copy of the Horace Commentary, he meticulously noted numerous errors, both in the Horace text and in the explanations. Jodocus Badius was one of the humanists who expressed themselves disparagingly . A fundamental rejection of the allegorical interpretation of ancient works was formulated by Giambattista Giraldi Cinzio in the 16th century , citing Landino's comment on Virgil as an example of a missed, outdated approach.

The splendid edition of the Sforziada translated by Landino for Galeazzo da Sanseverino. Francesco Sforza in the top left. The dark-skinned child in the lower center symbolizes Ludovico il Moro; to his left his daughter Bianca, who is also a dark-skinned child, with Galeazzo da Sanseverino. Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa , Inc. F. 1347

The Dante Commentary proved to be a great success soon after its publication. In the decades that followed, Landino's work was regarded as the definitive interpretation of the Commedia . No other literary text of the Quattrocento found such widespread circulation in Italy in the 16th century. However, criticism was made from a philological point of view, and the commentary's impact seems to have waned after the 1530s. It diminished even further in the 17th century as interest in Dante's poetry generally waned.

Landino's translation of the Sforziada into Italian was of political importance . It served the client Ludovico il Moro to glorify his father and to propagate his view of history in a broader, non-Latin-literate public. Some luxury copies were printed on parchment for the ruling family and decorated with pictures by the illuminator Giovan Pietro Birago. Ludovico's son-in-law Galeazzo da Sanseverino received one of them; it was probably given to him on the occasion of his wedding in 1496.

Although the Xandra remained unprinted, it was common in many copies and had some influence on the neo-Latin love strategy of the Renaissance. Its second version became a model for the poeti medicei , a generation of Florentine poets who were Landino's younger contemporaries and who worked in the vicinity of Lorenzo il Magnifico. This is shown by three collections of poetry from the 15th century in which it was imitated: the Flametta by Ugolino Verino, who referred to the model by name by comparing the title characters Xandra and Flametta, the Amorum libellus by Alessandro Braccesi and the elegies by Naldo Naldi.

In the second half of the 15th century, Landino's argumentation was often referred to in the debate about the suitability of the volgare as a cultural language. In the 16th century, in his Dialogo delle lingue , Sperone Speroni adopted a wealth of concepts and expressions from the distinguished pioneer of a literary volgare . The ideas of the Florentine had an effect on French vernacular humanism; Joachim du Bellay's Deffense et illustration de la langue francoyse published in 1549 is strongly influenced by this, partly indirectly through Speroni. Landino's letter holder played an important role in spreading and establishing Tuscan as a correspondence language for official correspondence. A number of editions of this very popular collection of sample texts were published in the 15th and 16th centuries. But there were also critical voices to propagate the volgare . Thus expressed Marcantonio Sabellico , a contemporary Landino, disparagingly of the Pliny translation. He found that it had not been possible to preserve the stylistic quality of the original Latin text. Another contemporary, the humanist Giovanni Brancati, who worked in Naples, was particularly displeased with the propagation of the Tuscan dialect associated with the Pliny translation. He exercised vehement, polemical criticism of Landino's translation work.

The poet Torquato Tasso wrote the dialogue Il Ficino overo de l'arte in the early 1590s . He chose Ficino and Landino as characters for this fictional discussion about art and its relationship to nature. A Neoplatonic theory of artistic creativity is presented.

The scholar Angelo Maria Bandini published his two-volume work Specimen literaturae Florentinae saeculi XV in Florence from 1747–1751 , which offers a comprehensive account of Landino's life and work. His information formed the starting point for modern research, but has proven to be partly incorrect or doubtful.

Modern

In modern specialist literature, the great intellectual historical importance of Landino is often pointed out, which is based both on the reception of his works and on the effect of his teaching. His formative influence on a generation of humanists at the most important cultural site of its time is recognized. Manfred Lentzen formulated the consensus in this regard in a research report in 1981, stating that the Florentine scholar was “one of the outstanding figures of Italian humanism in the second half of the Quattrocento” and had a decisive influence on the Platonic spirit of the epoch. According to Eckhard Keßler's judgment, Landino was the most important Florentine humanist in the generation immediately following Leon Battista Alberti. His poetry is also recognized as groundbreaking. There is a wealth of studies on the individual fields of activity, but there is no monograph that comprehensively presents life and work from a current perspective.

Lyric work

Landino's lyrical work and its importance for the development of neo-Latin poetry has long been neglected by research, although in 1939 Alessandro Perosa presented a critical complete edition that is considered an exemplary philological achievement. However, since the late 20th century, preoccupation with the poetic production of the humanist has intensified. Aspects that were particularly worked out are the panegyric representation of Florence as the successor to ancient Rome and the glorification of the Medici family, the synthesis of the influences of the ancient elegy and the vernacular poetry of Petrarch and the self-representation of the author.

Interpretation of classics and literary theory

From a philological point of view, Landino's approach in the 19th and early 20th centuries was criticized as being fundamentally wrong; in particular, it was alleged that he contributed nothing to the understanding of Dante's Commedia . In more recent research, however, this assessment is attributed to ideological and aesthetic prejudices and a much more positive picture is drawn. As early as 1947 August Buck objected to the traditional philological devaluation of Landino's work. He said that many of the aspects criticized as old-fashioned and outdated had in fact arose from a new attitude, which “in some of our present day is far closer than the views of philological humanism”.

In recent assessments of Landino's achievements as a commentator, it is often emphasized that he did not pursue philology in the sense of the modern understanding of this science. Manfred Lentzen emphasized in 1981 that the Florentine scholar used a rhetorical-stylistic and, on the other hand, a philosophical-allegorical method in interpreting the classics, whereas the historical-philological approach was alien to him. Therefore, as Roberto Cardini established in 1967, poets and writers emerged from his school, while historians and philologists did not continue any tradition that went back to him. Cardini concisely judged that Landino had understood nothing of philology, but quite a lot of literature and a great deal of cultural politics.

Despite this undisputed finding, the income from Landino's activity as a commentator has been assessed more favorably in recent times than in older research, also from a historical-philological point of view. In 1980 Michael Murrin asserted that the “platonic” interpretation of Virgil's philosophical background was not wrong. Rather, it is actually quite close to the modern understanding of Virgil. The Aeneid has elements that speak for the poet's Platonism. Moreover, Landino did not regard Virgil as a pure Platonist, but, like modern scholars of antiquity, saw in him a syncretist .

There is agreement that Landino as a poetry theorist was in the shadow of his more important friend and student Marsilio Ficino, whose Neoplatonic worldview he appropriated. It is also obvious that he took over the Platonic interpretation of poetic creation from Ficino, according to which this productivity is based on the imitation of nature. Accordingly, a poet cannot be an original creator, but only a utilizer of given patterns and mediator of a related divine inspiration. However, this low estimate of the personal contribution of the poetical creator presented a difficulty for Landino, since it does not provide a suitable basis for his emphatic appreciation of the role of the poet. There is a discrepancy here within his poetics that has long been debated in research. It arises from the contrast between the notion of a creative aspect in the creation of poems and the connection to the narrow framework that the mere imitation of unchangeable predetermined things sets. One interpretation of the finding is that Landino was the originator of a concept of poetic creativity that, as an innovative achievement, led beyond the Platonic doctrine of imitation. According to another assessment, he tried to overcome the limitations of Ficino's model without giving up, and in doing so he got into an irresolvable contradiction.

August Buck already noted contradictions in 1952. He judged that Landino's doctrine of poetry ran through an inner dichotomy because he had not succeeded in reconciling the idea of ​​the inspired and therefore free-lance poet with the humanistic ideal of eloquence based on fixed norms . After all, in poetics he relaxed the dominant law of imitating classic models in favor of the principle of free creation. Thomas Leinkauf made a similar statement . In 2017 he pointed out the problem that arises from the fact that Landino's literary theory demands the connection of a rhetorical eloquence ideal with poetic inspiration. This contradicts the fact that poetic potency requires an unconditionality and freedom that is hardly compatible with compliance with the rules of reflected rhetorical speech. Therefore, the desired synthesis of the two elements could not succeed.

Liane Nebes came up with a different interpretation of the discrepancy. In 2001, she noted “significant breaks” in Landino's concept of poetry, but saw this as no failure of the literary theorist. It is unlikely that he did not notice the contradiction between imitative learning and inspired creation. Rather, he deliberately left the two incompatible concepts side by side, since he considered both to be constitutive. Thus he accepted a plurality of incompatible conceptions and also did not attempt to undo it through hierarchical integration. This contradiction is not a sign of an intellectual deficit of the author. Rather, in Nebes' opinion, the willingness to show divergent positions as equally justifiable corresponds to the "open truth ideal of the Renaissance". A relativization of the concept of truth and thus a pluralization of the discourse had taken place. Landino did not strive for a closed system. This attitude of the poetry theorist is an expression of an epoch-specific thought structure.

Political attitude and importance in terms of cultural history

For a long time now, research has paid special attention to the political and cultural-political aspects of Landino's work. The interest is directed on the one hand to the political background and consequences of his moral philosophy, on the other hand to the cultural-political goals and consequences of his diverse efforts to spread humanistic education.

Landino's plea for the primacy of contemplation over action is sometimes viewed as a symptom of a problematic development in the political situation, which the humanistic writer supported with his widely acclaimed Disputationes Camaldulenses . In 1947, Eugenio Garin found that Landino had justified a withdrawn life, the educational fertility of which he had postulated, but not proven. Although he knew how to underline the deeply political value of culture, at the same time weakened its political effectiveness "by banishing it to the literary republic". This shows the crisis of the Renaissance culture at that time, which has alienated itself from the state in which it had grown and thus lost its fullness. Eckhard Keßler came to a similar assessment in 2008 in his study of " Florentine citizen humanism ", the connection between humanistic education and the freedom of the state. Citizen humanism meant a higher appreciation of the civic will to shape as opposed to retreating into a peaceful private life. Kessler described Landino as a representative of the gradual change from republican bourgeois humanism to apolitical Neoplatonism. His teaching stands for a turning away from civic responsibility for the community. With his Platonic offer of solutions to the problem of the priority of active or contemplative life, he reacted to the changed cultural and political situation. He wrote for a generation living under the Medici rule, for whom the republic was only a historical greatness.

Landino appears in Alison Brown (1992) and Christoph Pieper (2008) as a thought leader and propagandist of a new, no longer “bourgeois humanist” epoch. Pieper points to the turning point in Florence in 1458, in which the Medici decisively consolidated their position of political power after temporary turmoil . Landino, who owed his recently acquired professorship to the protection of the Medici, positioned himself as an enthusiastic supporter of the family that actually ruled the republic. According to Brown and Pieper's assessment, the Platonic state ideal of the literary figure, who praised Cosimo de 'Medici as a wise statesman in the sense of Plato's concept of philosophical rule, corresponded to the needs of the powerful. Pieper emphasizes the far-reaching ambitions of Landino, who, as a tradition-conscious and at the same time innovative representative of Florentine humanism, wanted to position himself at the forefront of the intellectual movement in Italy. For this purpose he did a "self-fashioning". With his “power discourse” he pursued a collective and at the same time a personal concern: the proclamation of a new time of peace and cultural bloom among the Medici based on the model of the Pax Augusta and a golden future with himself as a constitutive part of Florentine culture. For him Florence was the new Rome, and so he consequently assumed that, like the ancient Roman Empire, it would have to go through a development from a republic to a principate . In his opinion, this upheaval was the final establishment of Medici rule.

Arthur Field also highlighted the scholar's support for Medici politics, with his assessment of motivation being positive. Field noted in 1988 that Landino had used philosophy to create ideological structures to promote unity among citizens in order to prevent a repetition of the domestic political turmoil of the 1450s .

Against this background, Landino's general relationship to authority and plurality of opinions is examined in the research. While Liane Nebes portrays the humanist as a representative of contemporary pluralization with regard to his theory of poetry, Bernhard Huss and Gernot Michael Müller rate him as a conservative systematist in the field of philosophy who believed himself to be in possession of a dogmatic truth. Huss and Müller place this finding in the political context. According to her interpretation of the Disputationes Camaldulenses , presented in 2002 , the first part of the dialogue demonstrates a speech method with which a plurality of diverging standpoints is staged. This procedure, which includes several approaches, corresponds to an early humanist communicative ideal based on the skeptical Ciceronian culture of discussion. However, the course of the conversation should show the unsuitability of such an approach: It does not lead to problem solving, but to contradictions, arbitrariness and confusion. In the second part of the discussion, recourse to Ficino's “dogmatic” Neoplatonic model enables the issue to be clarified. Landino wanted - according to Huss and Müller - to counter the pluralization of the discursive landscape after the disintegration of medieval authorities and to install a new philosophical authority with a claim to truth. According to this hypothesis, he sought a paradigm shift in the philosophical discourse as part of an overall project that Lorenzo il Magnifico pursued hand in hand with the Florentine Platonists. In the political field, the realignment of the culture of discussion corresponded to the replacement of pluralistic “citizen humanism” by Lorenzo's relatively authoritarian state and social model.

Another line of research saw Landino as a critical heir to the civil-humanist tradition of Leonardo Bruni . In this sense, Hans Baron , the originator of the term “citizen humanism”, expressed himself in an essay published in 1933. He described the Disputationes Camaldulenses as "classic testimony" to a fundamental upheaval in intellectual history in the late 15th century. At that time, the “psychological optimism of the first Quattrocento generations”, their “childlike, naive trust in the goodness of human nature”, generally in Italy “gave way to a deep disappointment”. The intellectual confrontation with the "naive-optimistic" point of view took shape for the first time at Landino. The theme of his famous dialogue, which points beyond the humanism of the Quattrocento, is the criticism of the drive to power "as the strongest affect that dominates the realm of history and the state". The ambivalence of this drive and the “real, indissoluble entanglement of the ideal and earthbound forces in the moral household of man” were brought “into the full light of consciousness” for the first time by Landino. Bruce McNair also came to the conclusion in 1994 that Landino's position should be seen within the framework of traditional Florentine civic humanism. He asserted that the humanistic professor was not a proponent of renouncing political engagement and withdrawing from public life.

It is occasionally pointed out that Landino intended his Disputationes Camaldulenses to function as a prince mirror with which he wanted to instruct and admonish Lorenzo il Magnifico as the leading politician of the republic.

Landino's cultural and political endeavors are recognized as meritorious and successful in research. In 1970 Roberto Cardini described it as a great achievement of the humanist for having worked as an influential popularizer. He snatched an important philosophical subject from the sterile and obscure discussions of the scholastics and made it accessible to a wide lay audience through a convincing, clear and well-structured presentation. His commitment to the vernacular should also be understood in this cultural-political context. Manfred Lentzen stated in 1981 that Landino had designed a program for transmissions from Latin that had served to perfect Tuscan, the dialect of his homeland. The cultural-political objective of expanding the Tuscan and asserting the cultural primacy of Florence played a role. In 1992, Deborah Parker saw a connection between the "cultural hegemony" sought by Landino in his hometown in Italy and the pursuit of political supremacy by Lorenzo il Magnifico, who had used Landino's program for his own goals.

A topic that is often discussed in research is the “studio controversy”, the dispute over the replacement of Marsuppini's chair in the 1450s. Different interpretations of the background were considered. In particular, it was assumed that there was a conflict between two groups of humanists, one for the candidate Johannes Argyropulos and the other for Landino. Various ideological and science-political contradictions were suspected behind this. According to an investigation by Arthur Field, this is not the case; on the contrary, there was no conflict between Landino and Argyropulos, who received the professorship for philosophy after the division of the chair, as their areas of responsibility did not overlap. Field's results are controversial, however.

Editions and translations

Some works are not yet available in modern editions and can therefore still be used in the incunabula : the Italian translation of the Naturalis historia by Pliny (first edition Venice 1476), the letter holder (first edition Bologna 1485), the speech on the occasion of Niccolò Orsini's appointment as commander in chief of the Florentine troops (first edition Florence 1485), the Virgil Commentary (first edition Florence 1488) and the Italian Sforziada (first edition Milan 1490).

Poetry

  • Mary P. Chatfield (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Poems. Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) / London 2008, ISBN 978-0-674-03148-7 (Latin text of the edition by Alessandro Perosa [1939], slightly changed and without the critical apparatus, with English translation)
  • Alessandro Perosa (Ed.): Christophori Landini carmina omnia. Olschki, Florence 1939 (critical edition)
  • Antonia Wenzel (Ed.): The Xandra poems of Cristoforo Landino (= Kalliope , Volume 10). Winter, Heidelberg 2010, ISBN 978-3-8253-5563-0 (critical edition with translation and commentary. Review )

Philosophical dialogues

  • Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: De vera nobilitate. Droz, Geneva 1970 (critical edition; cf. Roberto Cardini's statement: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, pp. 255 f.)
  • Teresa Liaci (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: De vera nobilitate. Olschki, Florenz 1970 (critical edition; cf. the review by Roberto Cardini: A proposito del “De vera nobilitate”. In: Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florenz 1973, pp. 246–262)
  • Peter Lohe (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Disputationes Camaldulenses. Sansoni, Florence 1980 (critical edition)
  • Alessandro Paoli, Giovanni Gentile (Ed.): Christophori Landini de nobilitate animae dialogi. In: Annali delle Università Toscane , Volume 34, Fascicolo 1, Pisa 1915 (edition of the first book by De anima ); Volume 35 (= Nuova Series, Volume 1), Fascicolo 2, Pisa 1916 (edition of the second book by De anima ); Volume 36 (= Nuova Series, Volume 2), Fascicolo 3, Pisa 1917 (edition of the third book by De anima )
  • Albert Rabil (Translator): Knowledge, Goodness, and Power: The Debate over Nobility among Quattrocento Italian Humanists. Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, Binghamton 1991, ISBN 0-86698-100-4 , pp. 190-260 (English translation of De vera nobilitate )
  • Thomas Herbert Stahel (translator): Cristoforo Landino's Allegorization of the Aeneid: Books III and IV of the Camaldolese Disputations. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor 1969 (also dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore 1968)
  • Eugen Wolf (translator): Cristoforo Landino: Camaldolensian Conversations. Diederichs, Jena 1927 (translation of the first and second books)

Classical comments, speeches, letters

  • Gabriele Bugada (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: In Quinti Horatii Flacci artem poeticam ad Pisones interpretationes. SISMEL, Florence 2012, ISBN 978-88-8450-449-4 (critical edition)
  • Roberto Cardini (ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Scritti critici e teorici. 2 volumes, Bulzoni, Rome 1974 (critical edition with commentary)
  • Tammaro De Marinis, Alessandro Perosa (ed.): Nuovi documenti per la storia del Rinascimento. Olschki, Florence 1970, p. 36 f. (two letters from Landino, edited here for the first time)
  • Arthur Field: An Inaugural Oration by Cristoforo Landino in Praise of Virgil (from Codex “2”, Casa Cavalli, Ravenna). In: Rinascimento 21, 1981, pp. 235–245 (critical edition of the opening speech to a Virgil course in the late 1460s)
  • Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Speeches by Cristoforo Landinos (= publications of the Senate Commission for Humanism Research , Volume 1). Fink, Munich 1974 (critical edition; contains the eulogy for Donato Acciaiuoli, the opening speech on the Dante course and the speech on the occasion of the presentation of the Dante commentary)
  • Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos. With an appendix of previously unpublished letters and speeches. Böhlau, Köln / Wien 1971, ISBN 3-412-29071-8 , pp. 189-276 (contains a critical edition of several letters, the sermon, the funeral oration of Giordano Orsini and the opening speech for the Aeneis course from 1462/1463)
  • Paolo Procaccioli (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Comento sopra la Comedia. 4 volumes, Salerno Editrice, Rome 2001, ISBN 88-8402-351-3 (critical edition)

literature

Overview representations

Poetry

  • Wolfgang Kofler , Anna Novokhatko (ed.): Cristoforo Landinos Xandra and the transformations of Roman love poetry in the Florence of the Quattrocento. Narr Francke Attempto, Tübingen 2016, ISBN 978-3-8233-6785-7
  • Gernot Michael Müller : Between Properz and Petrarca. Strategies of aemulatio in the Xandra cycle of Cristoforo Landino. In: Marc Föcking , Gernot Michael Müller (Ed.): Demarcation and synthesis. Latin poetry and vernacular traditions in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. Winter, Heidelberg 2007, ISBN 978-3-8253-5393-3 , pp. 133-164
  • Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere. Cristoforo Landinos 'Xandra' between love and society. Olms, Hildesheim 2008, ISBN 978-3-487-13594-6

Dialogues

  • Tilmann Jorde: Cristoforo Landinos De vera nobilitate. A contribution to the nobilitas debate in the Quattrocento (= contributions to antiquity , volume 66). Teubner, Stuttgart / Leipzig 1995, ISBN 3-519-07615-2
  • Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa with Cristoforo Landino. Teubner, Stuttgart 1991, ISBN 3-519-07466-4
  • Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Studies on Cristoforo Landino, De anima. Teubner, Stuttgart 1993, ISBN 3-519-07490-7
  • Rainer Weiss: Cristoforo Landino. The metaphorical in the “Disputationes Camaldulenses”. Fink, Munich 1981, ISBN 3-7705-1662-1

Classical commentaries and literary theory

  • Lorenz Böninger, Paolo Procaccioli (eds.): Per Cristoforo Landino lettore di Dante. Il contesto civile e culturale, la storia tipografica e la fortuna del Comento sopra la Comedia. Atti del Convegno internazionale Firenze 7–8 November 2014. Le Lettere, Florence 2016, ISBN 978-88-6087-975-2
  • Thomas Leinkauf : Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600). Volume 1, Meiner, Hamburg 2017, ISBN 978-3-7873-2792-8 , pp. 498-507
  • Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos. With an appendix of previously unpublished letters and speeches. Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna 1971, ISBN 3-412-29071-8
  • Paolo Procaccioli: Filologia ed esegesi dantesca nel Quattrocento. The "Inferno" in the "Comento sopra la Comedia" di Cristoforo Landino. Olschki, Florence 1989, ISBN 88-222-3698-X
  • Anja Stadeler: Horace Reception in the Renaissance. Strategies for commenting on Horace in Cristoforo Landino and Denis Lambin (= WeltLiteraturen , Volume 9). De Gruyter, Berlin / Boston 2015, ISBN 978-3-11-043881-9

Index to the works

  • Ute Ecker and others: Cristoforo Landino. Index. Olms, Hildesheim 1998, ISBN 3-487-10502-0

Web links

Commons : Cristoforo Landino  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. See also Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 173 and note 181 and p. 179.
  2. ^ Simona Foà: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 63, Rome 2004, pp. 428–433, here: 428.
  3. For the date of birth see Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 232 and note 2; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 21. Cf. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, p. 19, note 97.
  4. ^ Simona Foà: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , vol. 63, Rome 2004, pp. 428–433, here: 428; Mary P. Chatfield (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Poems , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2008, pp. XIII f.
  5. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 22 f., 26–28, 53–62.
  6. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 22 and note 7, p. 92. See Manfred Lentzen: Studien zur Dante-Exegese Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 5 and note 14.
  7. Riccardo Fubini: Quattrocento fiorentino: politica, diplomazia, cultura , Ospedaletto 1996, p. 306.
  8. See Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 103 and p. 234 with notes 10, 11; Arthur Field: Cristoforo Landino's First Lectures on Dante. In: Renaissance Quarterly 39, 1986, pp. 16-48, here: 32-34; Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa with Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, p. 20 f. and note 105.
  9. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, pp. 77-106; Riccardo Fubini: Quattrocento fiorentino: politica, diplomazia, cultura , Ospedaletto 1996, p. 306 f .; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 29–52.
  10. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 265; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 23 f.
  11. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 38 f.
  12. On Cambini see Mirella Giansante: Cambini, Andrea. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 17, Rome 1974, pp. 132-134, here: 133.
  13. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 89 note 42, p. 99 note 79.
  14. Manfred Lentzen: On the current state of Landino research. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 5, 1981, pp. 92-100, here: 93.
  15. For the dating see Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 236, note 20.
  16. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 236.
  17. On the descendants see Alessandro Perosa: Studi di filologia umanistica , Vol. 2, Rome 2000, p. 316 f.
  18. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 24 f .; Bernhard Huss, Gernot Michael Müller: "Illud admiror, cur Ficinum silentio praeterieris." In: Klaus W. Hempfer (Ed.): Possibilities of dialogue , Stuttgart 2002, pp. 225-278, here: 267-271.
  19. Clemens Zintzen : Athens - Rome - Florence , Hildesheim et al. 2000, pp. 450–453; Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 235 and note 16.
  20. Alison Brown: The Medici in Florence , Florenz 1992, pp. 103-105, 108-134; Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 239; Frank La Brasca: Echos du Moyen Age à la Renaissance: une lettre pro-guelfe de Cristoforo Landino. In: Chroniques italiennes 63/64, 2000, pp. 139–160, here: 140 f., 149–151; on the dating of Alison Brown: Bartolomeo Scala 1430–1497. Chancellor of Florence , Princeton 1979, p. 45.
  21. Frank La Brasca: Echos du Moyen Age à la Renaissance: une lettre pro-Guelph de Cristoforo Landino. In: Chroniques italiennes 63/64, 2000, pp. 139–160, here: 152–155; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 255-257.
  22. Riccardo Fubini: Quattrocento fiorentino: politica, diplomazia, cultura , Ospedaletto 1996, p. 307.
  23. Manfred Lentzen: On the current state of Landino research. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 5, 1981, pp. 92–100, here: p. 98 Note 1; Armando F. Verde: Lo Studio Fiorentino 1473–1503. Ricerche e Documenti , Vol. 2, Florence 1973, p. 174 f.
  24. ^ Piero Scapecchi: Cristoforo Landino, Niccolò di Lorenzo e la “Commedia”. In: Sebastiano Gentile (ed.): Sandro Botticelli. Pittore della Divina Commedia , Vol. 1, pp. 44-47, here: 45.
  25. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 239, note 38.
  26. ^ Simona Foà: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 63, Rome 2004, pp. 428–433, here: 432.
  27. For the dating see Jean-Louis Charlet: État présent prospectif des recherches sur les poèmes latins de C. Landino. In: Joachim Leeker, Elisabeth Leeker (eds.): Text - Interpretation - Comparison , Berlin 2005, pp. 151–168, here: 152.
  28. For the dating see Jean-Louis Charlet: État présent prospectif des recherches sur les poèmes latins de C. Landino. In: Joachim Leeker, Elisabeth Leeker (eds.): Text - Interpretation - Comparison , Berlin 2005, pp. 151–168, here: 152 f.
  29. See the edition by Mary P. Chatfield: Cristoforo Landino: Poems , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2008, pp. XXII f., 266-311. See William Leonard Grant: Cristoforo Landino and Richard of Segbrok. In: Philological Quarterly 34, 1955, pp. 74-76.
  30. For the metric see Giacomo Comiati: 'Sonoros cantat amores' Un'analisi dei Carmina in the metro saffico di Cristoforo Landino. In: Humanistica Lovaniensia 64, 2015, pp. 43–73, here: 43–46.
  31. Cristoforo Landino, Xandra B 3. Cf. Antonia Wenzel (ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 141–143.
  32. ^ Antonia Wenzel (Ed.): The Xandra poems of Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, p. 18.
  33. See Nikolaus Thurn : Neulatein und Volkssprachen , Munich 2012, p. 132 f.
  34. Mary P. Chatfield (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Poems , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2008, pp. XVIII – XX; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 98, 318–321; Antonia Wenzel (Ed.): The Xandra poems of Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 18–24, 34.
  35. Cristoforo Landino, Xandra A 1,2. Cf. Antonia Wenzel (ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 30, 33.
  36. Cristoforo Landino, Xandra A 1.3. Cf. Antonia Wenzel (ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 29–32.
  37. Cristoforo Landino, Xandra A 1.21 = B 43 and A 1.22 = B 44. Cf. Antonia Wenzel (ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 246–248.
  38. Cristoforo Landino, Xandra B 6. See on this poem and the change of mood Antonia Wenzel (Ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 156–161.
  39. ^ Mary P. Chatfield (ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Poems , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2008, pp. XXII f.
  40. Nikolaus Thurn: Neulatein und Volkssprachen , Munich 2012, p. 132 f.
  41. See Jean-Louis Charlet: État présent prospectif des recherches sur les poèmes latins de C. Landino. In: Joachim Leeker, Elisabeth Leeker (eds.): Text - Interpretation - Comparison , Berlin 2005, pp. 151–168, here: 161–164; Antonia Wenzel (Ed.): The Xandra poems of Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 25–27, 37 f., 65; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 15–20 and note 57.
  42. Nikolaus Thurn: Neulatein und Volkssprachen , Munich 2012, pp. 127–129, 134–142; Gernot Michael Müller: Between Properz and Petrarca. In: Marc Föcking, Gernot Michael Müller (Eds.): Demarcation and Synthesis , Heidelberg 2007, pp. 133–164. Cf. Giacomo Comiati: 'Sonoros cantat amores'. Un'analisi dei Carmina in the metro saffico di Cristoforo Landino. In: Humanistica Lovaniensia 64, 2015, pp. 43–73, here: pp. 45 f. and notes 11, 13; Walther Ludwig : Litterae Neolatinae , Munich 1989, p. 171 f.
  43. Antonia Wenzel (ed.): Die Xandra-Gedichte des Cristoforo Landino , Heidelberg 2010, pp. 65 f., 73, 75–79, 166; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 95 f.
  44. ^ Manfred Lentzen: Gli scrittori al servizio del potere politico e del popolo. In: Luisa Secchi Tarugi (ed.): Mecenati, artisti e pubblico nel Rinascimento , Florence 2011, pp. 97-107, here: 98-100; Manfred Lentzen: Le lodi di Firenze di Cristoforo Landino. In: Romanische Forschungen 97, 1985, pp. 36–46, here: 36–40; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 99, 240–242, 254 f., 259–261, 264 f., 271–284, 308–316.
  45. For the dating see Bruce G. McNair: Cristoforo Landino's De anima and His Platonic Sources. In: Rinascimento 32, 1992, pp. 227-245, here: 229 f.
  46. Bruce G. McNair: Cristoforo Landino's De anima and His Platonic Sources. In: Rinascimento 32, 1992, pp. 227-245, here: 227, 230-236; Manfred Lentzen: Le virtù, “vita activa” - “vita contemplativa” e il concetto di nobiltà nelle opere di Cristoforo Landino. In: Frank La Brasca, Christian Trottmann (eds.): Vie solitaire, vie civile. L'humanisme de Pétrarque à Alberti , Paris 2011, pp. 195–208, here: 195 f .; Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Studies on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, p. 25 f.
  47. Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Studies on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, p. 35.
  48. The man on the right is not, as was previously assumed, Landino. See Heinz Hofmann : Literary Culture at the Court of Urbino during the Reign of Federico da Montefeltro. In: Humanistica Lovaniensia 57, 2008, pp. 5–59, here: 42.
  49. For the dating see the different hypotheses of Riccardo Fubini: Quattrocento fiorentino: politica, diplomazia, cultura , Ospedaletto 1996, p. 313 f. and Mario Martelli: Letteratura fiorentina del Quattrocento , Florenz 1996, p. 98. Cf. Peter Lohe (ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Disputationes Camaldulenses , Florenz 1980, pp. XXX-XXXIII.
  50. Clemens Zintzen: Athens - Rome - Florence , Hildesheim et al. 2000, pp. 420–423; Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 24-27.
  51. For the terminology see Bruce G. McNair: Cristoforo Landino and Coluccio Salutati on the Best Life. In: Renaissance Quarterly 47, 1994, pp. 747-769, here: 749-752.
  52. See also Cesare Vasoli: L'esempio della vita speculativa nelle Camaldulenses Disputationes di Cristoforo Landino: Paolo Dal Pozzo Toscanelli. In: Frank La Brasca, Christian Trottmann (eds.): Vie solitaire, vie civile. L'humanisme de Pétrarque à Alberti , Paris 2011, pp. 601–618, here: 606–609.
  53. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 142-145.
  54. See Bernhard Huss, Gernot Michael Müller: "Illud admiror, cur Ficinum silentio praeterieris." In: Klaus W. Hempfer (Ed.): Possibilities of dialogue , Stuttgart 2002, pp. 225–278, here: 232–247; Marco Pellegrini: Religione e umanesimo nel primo Rinascimento , Florence 2012, pp. 376–381.
  55. Manfred Lentzen: On the problem of "vita activa" and "vita contemplativa" in the "Disputationes Camaldulenses" by Cristoforo Landino. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 14, 1990, pp. 57-64, here: 58.
  56. See on the second day Bernhard Huss, Gernot Michael Müller: "Illud admiror, cur Ficinum silentio praeterieris." In: Klaus W. Hempfer (Ed.): Possibilities of dialogue , Stuttgart 2002, pp. 225-278, here: 233, 236 f., 248-252.
  57. Alexander Cyron: Amor as god of poets: On the poetology in Cristoforo Landino's' Aeneis'-Allegorese. In: Dorothea Klein, Lutz Käppel (eds.): Das discursive Erbe Europäische , Frankfurt am Main 2008, pp. 259–271, here: 259–261; Manfred Lentzen: Cristoforo Landinos Dante commentary. In: August Buck, Otto Herding (Ed.): The Commentary in the Renaissance , Bonn-Bad Godesberg 1975, pp. 167-189, here: 177 f .; Clemens Zintzen: Athens - Rome - Florence , Hildesheim et al. 2000, pp. 411–420; Eberhard Müller-Bochat: Leon Battista Alberti and the Virgil interpretation of the Disputationes Camaldulenses , Krefeld 1968, pp. 20–31.
  58. See also Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, p. 151.
  59. For the dating see Tilmann Jorde: Cristoforo Landinos De vera nobilitate , Stuttgart / Leipzig 1995, pp. 126–129.
  60. Tilmann Jorde: Cristoforo Landino De vera nobilitate , Stuttgart / Leipzig 1995, pp 133-137; Clemens Zintzen: Comments on Cristoforo Landino, De vera nobilitate. In: Beate Regina Suchla (Ed.): From Homer to Landino , Berlin 2011, pp. 465–487, here: 474–481.
  61. Clemens Zintzen: Comments on Cristoforo Landino, De vera nobilitate. In: Beate Regina Suchla (ed.): Von Homer bis Landino , Berlin 2011, pp. 465–487, here: 466–472, 479 f., 485; Tilmann Jorde: Cristoforo Landinos De vera nobilitate , Stuttgart / Leipzig 1995, pp. 148–159.
  62. Tilmann Jorde: Cristoforo Landino De vera nobilitate , Stuttgart / Leipzig 1995, pp 166-171.
  63. Francesco Tateo: Tradizione e realtà nell'Umanesimo italiano , Bari 1967, p. 404 f.
  64. Simon A. Gilson: Dante and Renaissance Florence , Cambridge 2005, pp. 164, 169; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 34 f.
  65. Simon A. Gilson: Dante and Renaissance Florence , Cambridge 2005, pp. 175-181; Manfred Lentzen: Le lodi di Firenze di Cristoforo Landino. In: Romanische Forschungen 97, 1985, pp. 36–46, here: 43–46; Deborah Parker: Commentary as Social Act: Trifone Gabriele's Critique of Landino. In: Renaissance Quarterly 45, 1992, pp. 225-247, here: 230-232.
  66. Michael Baxandall : The Reality of Pictures , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 139 f., 178 f.
  67. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 63–68; Simon A. Gilson: Plato, the platonici, and Marsilio Ficino in Cristoforo Landino's Comento sopra la Comedia. In: The Italianist 23, 2003, pp. 5–53, here: 5–9.
  68. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante Exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 63, 68–74, 77 f., 92–94.
  69. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante Exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 39 f., 52, 74–76, 88–91, 158–171, 184–186; Simon A. Gilson: Plato, the platonici, and Marsilio Ficino in Cristoforo Landino's Comento sopra la Comedia. In: The Italianist 23, 2003, pp. 5–53, here: 9–14.
  70. Deborah Parker: Commentary and Ideology. Dante in the Renaissance , Durham / London 1993, pp. 12, 58 f., 79, 81-85; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 257 f.
  71. ^ Rainer Stillers: Humanistische Deutung , Düsseldorf 1988, p. 96 f .; Anja Stadeler: Horace Reception in the Renaissance , Berlin / Boston 2015, pp. 6, 25–27, 29–31, 64.
  72. Anja Stadeler: Horazrezeption in the Renaissance , Berlin / Boston 2015, pp 53-60, 88-90, 100-138, 181-186, 188-225, for the 273rd
  73. See Filippo Di Benedetto: Fonzio e Landino su Orazio. In: Roberto Cardini et al. (Ed.): Tradizione classica e letteratura umanistica. Per Alessandro Perosa , Vol. 2, Rome 1985, pp. 437-453, here: 450 f.
  74. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 155–157.
  75. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, pp. 253 f.
  76. See on this speech Manfred Lentzen: From the medieval funeral sermon to the humanistic oratio funebris. In: Mauro de Nichilo (ed.): Confini dell'umanesimo letterario. Studi in onore di Francesco Tateo , Vol. 2, Rome 2003, pp. 789-801, here: 794-798; Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Reden Cristoforo Landinos , Munich 1974, pp. 51–56.
  77. Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Banco Rari 341.
  78. ^ See on this Manfred Lentzen: Gli scrittori al servizio del potere politico e del popolo. In: Luisa Secchi Tarugi (ed.): Mecenati, artisti e pubblico nel Rinascimento , Florence 2011, pp. 97–107, here: 106 f .; Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Speeches Cristoforo Landinos , Munich 1974, p. 36 f.
  79. See on this speech Manfred Lentzen: From the medieval funeral sermon to the humanistic oratio funebris. In: Mauro de Nichilo (ed.): Confini dell'umanesimo letterario. Studi in onore di Francesco Tateo , Vol. 2, Rome 2003, pp. 789-801, here: 799-801.
  80. See on these speeches Frank La Brasca: "Scriptor in cathedra". In: Charles A. Fiorato, Jean-Claude Margolin (Eds.): L'écrivain face à son public en France et en Italie à la Renaissance , Paris 1989, pp. 107–125, here: 108–118.
  81. ^ Manfred Lentzen: Gli scrittori al servizio del potere politico e del popolo. In: Luisa Secchi Tarugi (ed.): Mecenati, artisti e pubblico nel Rinascimento , Florence 2011, pp. 97-107, here: 100 f.
  82. ^ Claudio Marazzini: La storia della lingua italiana attraverso i testi , Bologna 2006, p. 89. On the historical background, see Antonino Antonazzo: I codici di dedica del volgarizzamento pliniano di Cristoforo Landino: una revisione autografa. In: Studi medievali e umanistici 8/9, 2010/2011, pp. 343–365, here: p. 343 and note 1.
  83. ^ Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 284 and note 5.
  84. ^ Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 164 f. and note 44.
  85. ^ Simona Foà: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , vol. 63, Rome 2004, pp. 428–433, here: 430.
  86. See Paolo Bongrani: Gli storici sforzeschi e il volgarizzamento landiniano dei “Commentarii” del Simonetta. In: Lingua nostra 47, 1986, pp. 40-50, here: 41 f .; Rita Maria Comanducci: Nota sulla versione landiniana della Sforziade di Giovanni Simonetta. In: Interpres 12, 1992, pp. 309-316, here: 311; Roberto Cardini (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Scritti critici e teorici , Vol. 1, Rome 1974, pp. 185 f.
  87. ^ Mario Santoro : Cristoforo Landino e il volgare. In: Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 131, 1954, pp. 501-547, here: 533-544; Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 163 and note 43.
  88. ^ Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 18; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante Exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 191 f., 203, 211 f., 285–287.
  89. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 236 and note 24.
  90. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, pp. 246-248.
  91. Anja Stadeler: Horace Reception in the Renaissance , Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 123.
  92. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana , Ms. 646.
  93. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, Ms. 152, fol. 128r-136v; see Arthur Field: An Inaugural Oration by Cristoforo Landino in Praise of Virgil (from Codex “2”, Casa Cavalli, Ravenna). In: Rinascimento 21, 1981, pp. 235–245, here: p. 238 note 2. Cf. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 238 note 29.
  94. Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense , Codex 1368. See Arthur Field: A Manuscript of Cristoforo Landino's First Lectures on Virgil, 1462-63. In: Renaissance Quarterly 31, 1978, pp. 17-20.
  95. Arthur Field: Cristoforo Landino's First Lectures on Dante. In: Renaissance Quarterly 39, 1986, pp. 16-48, here: 17-20.
  96. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 147 f., 183 f.
  97. Roberto Cardini (ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Scritti critici e teorici , Vol. 1, Rome 1974, p. 81. Cf. Thomas Leinkauf: Grundriss Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 218.
  98. ^ Giuseppe Saitta: Il pensiero italiano nell'Umanesimo e nel Rinascimento , vol. 1: L'Umanesimo , 2nd, revised edition, Florence 1961, p. 512; Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Studies on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, pp. 39-41, 160 f., 269 f.
  99. For the history see Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante Exegese Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 41–58.
  100. Craig Kallendorf: In Praise of Aeneas , Hanover (NH) / London 1989, pp. 142-144, 155-160; August Buck: Italienische Dichtungslehren , Tübingen 1952, p. 93; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 154.
  101. Cristoforo Landino, Disputationes Camaldulenses , ed. by Peter Lohe, Florenz 1980, p. 27.
  102. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 5 f.
  103. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 500–507, 732–735; Rainer Stillers: Humanistische Deutung , Düsseldorf 1988, pp. 93–95; Anja Stadeler: Horace Reception in the Renaissance , Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 58 f .; Charles Trinkaus: In Our Image and Likeness , Vol. 2, London 1970, pp. 713-716; Cesare Vasoli: Dante e la cultura fiorentina del maturo Quattrocento. In: Sebastiano Gentile (ed.): Sandro Botticelli. Pittore della Divina Commedia , Vol. 1, pp. 12-25, here: 21.
  104. ^ Rainer Weiss: Cristoforo Landino. The metaphorical in the "Disputationes Camaldulenses" , Munich 1981, p. 27.
  105. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 500–503, 507, 643; Ernesto Grassi : Introduction to humanistic philosophy , 2nd edition, Darmstadt 1991, p. 150 f .; Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 60–63; Rainer Weiss: Cristoforo Landino. The metaphorical in the “Disputationes Camaldulenses” , Munich 1981, pp. 92–95, 100–102.
  106. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 500–503; Liane Nebes: The “furor poeticus” in Italian Renaissance Platonism , Marburg 2001, pp. 115 f., 118, 120, 125.
  107. Weish 11.21  EU .
  108. Roberto Cardini (ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Scritti critici e teorici , Vol. 1, Rome 1974, p. 142.
  109. Liane Nebes: The "furor poeticus" in Italian Renaissance Platonism, Marburg 2001, pp. 139–148; Thomas Leinkauf: Grundriss Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 500, 503–506.
  110. Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 324, 326 f., 499, 501 (with note 655); Simon A. Gilson: Dante and Renaissance Florence , Cambridge 2005, pp. 135-138, 140; Manfred Lentzen: Le lodi di Firenze di Cristoforo Landino. In: Romanische Forschungen 97, 1985, pp. 36–46, here: 40–42.
  111. ^ Manfred Fuhrmann : Introduction to ancient poetry theory , Darmstadt 1973, p. 193 f .; Bernard Weinberg: A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance , Vol. 1, Chicago 1961, pp. 80 f.
  112. Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: De vera nobilitate , Geneva 1970, pp. 13, 24-26.
  113. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, p. 97; Manfred Lentzen (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: De vera nobilitate , Geneva 1970, pp. 12-18.
  114. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 98-103. See Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Investigations on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, pp. 200-223.
  115. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, p. 109 f. Cf. Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Investigations on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, pp. 206-209, 214-216.
  116. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 110–112.
  117. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, pp. 89, 105, 234; Arthur Field: Cristoforo Landino's First Lectures on Dante. In: Renaissance Quarterly 39, 1986, pp. 16-48, here: pp. 27 f. and notes 43, 47; Craig Kallendorf: In Praise of Aeneas , Hanover (NH) / London 1989, p. 144 f.
  118. Ute Rüsch-Klaas: Studies on Cristoforo Landino, De anima , Stuttgart 1993, pp. 54-60; Simone Fellina: Cristoforo Landino e le ragioni della poesia. In: Stefano Caroti, Vittoria Perrone Compagni (ed.): Nuovi Maestri e Antichi Testi , Florenz 2012, pp. 191–222, here: 194–197, 213–219.
  119. Ursula Rombach: Vita activa and Vita contemplativa in Cristoforo Landino , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 152–158; Eugenio Garin: The Italian Humanism , Bern 1947, pp. 100-102. See Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 244.
  120. See the overview in Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante Exegese Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 280–287. For individual recipients, see Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 27, note 47.
  121. Pierre Laurens (ed.): Marsile Ficin: Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, De l'amour , Paris 2002, pp. XCII f., 5, 65-83. Cf. Manfred Lentzen: Studies on Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, pp. 60–62.
  122. ^ Filippo Di Benedetto: Fonzio e Landino su Orazio. In: Roberto Cardini et al. (Ed.): Tradizione classica e letteratura umanistica. Per Alessandro Perosa , Vol. 2, Rome 1985, pp. 437-453, here: 438-450.
  123. See on these critics Francesco Bausi: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Orazio. Enciclopedia oraziana , Vol. 3, Rome 1998, pp. 306-309, here: 308.
  124. ^ Rainer Stillers: Humanistische Deutung , Düsseldorf 1988, pp. 298-300.
  125. See Carlo Dionisotti : Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dante. Enciclopedia Dantesca , 2nd edition, Vol. 3, Rome 1996, pp. 566-568; Simon A. Gilson: La fortuna del Comento Landiniano nel Cinquecento: lettori e commentatori danteschi. In: Lorenz Böninger, Paolo Procaccioli (eds.): Per Cristoforo Landino lettore di Dante , Florenz 2016, pp. 175–194, here: 175, 186; Deborah Parker: Commentary as Social Act: Trifone Gabriele's Critique of Landino. In: Renaissance Quarterly 45, 1992, pp. 225–247, here: 225 f .; Frank La Brasca: L'humanisme vulgaire et la genèse de la critique littéraire italienne. In: Chroniques italiennes 6, 1986, pp. 3-96, here: 56-58.
  126. ^ Mark L. Evans: New Light on the 'Sforziada' frontispieces of Giovan Pietro Birago. In: The British Library Journal 13, 1987, pp. 232-247, here: 238, 240.
  127. Nikolaus Thurn: Neulatein und Volkssprachen , Munich 2012, pp. 28 f., 36, 39–42, 143–157; Christoph Pieper: Xandrae cesserunt illa vel illa simul. In: Wolfgang Kofler, Anna Novokhatko (eds.): Cristoforo Landinos Xandra and the transformations of Roman love poetry in the Florence of the Quattrocento , Tübingen 2016, pp. 61–80; Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 27, note 47.
  128. ^ Manfred Lentzen: Gli scrittori al servizio del potere politico e del popolo. In: Luisa Secchi Tarugi (ed.): Mecenati, artisti e pubblico nel Rinascimento , Florenz 2011, pp. 97–107, here: 102.
  129. ^ Roberto Cardini: Landino e Dante. In: Rinascimento 30, 1990, pp. 175-190, here: 177.
  130. A list of the prints is provided by Manfred Lentzen: Studien zur Dante-Exegese Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 286. See Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florenz 1973, p. 163 and note 43.
  131. Patrick Baker: Italian Renaissance Humanism in the Mirror , Cambridge 2015, pp. 219 f.
  132. On Brancati's criticism, see Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, pp. 166–191.
  133. Annabel M. Patterson: Hermogenes and the Renaissance , Princeton 1970, pp. 38-40.
  134. Alessandro Perosa: Studi di filologia umanistica , Vol. 2, Rome 2000, pp. 289-311; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 2.
  135. See, for example, Mary P. Chatfield (Ed.): Cristoforo Landino: Poems , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2008, p. XIII; Simona Foà: Landino, Cristoforo. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , vol. 63, Rome 2004, pp. 428–433, here: 429.
  136. Manfred Lentzen: On the current state of Landino research. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 5, 1981, pp. 92-100, here: 92. Cf. Ute Ecker and others: Cristoforo Landino. Index , Hildesheim 1998, p. IX; Roberto Cardini: Landino e Dante. In: Rinascimento 30, 1990, pp. 175-190, here: 181.
  137. Eckhard Keßler: The Philosophy of the Renaissance , Munich 2008, p. 51.
  138. See the research- historical overview in Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. XIII – XIX.
  139. Alessandro Perosa (ed.): Christophori Landini carmina omnia , Florence 1939.
  140. Research overviews are available from Jean-Louis Charlet: État présent prospectif des recherches sur les poèmes latins de C. Landino. In: Joachim Leeker, Elisabeth Leeker (eds.): Text - Interpretation - Comparison , Berlin 2005, pp. 151–168, here: 151, 155–159 and Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. XIII– XIX (see also pp. 310–323 on Pieper's own results).
  141. Frank La Brasca: L'humanisme vulgaire et la genèse de la critique littéraire italienne. In: Chroniques italiennes 6, 1986, pp. 3-96, here: p. 6 and p. 62 f. Note 4.
  142. August Buck: Poetry and poet with Cristoforo Landino . In: Romanische Forschungen 58/59, 1947, pp. 233–246, here: 246.
  143. Manfred Lentzen: On the current state of Landino research. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 5, 1981, pp. 92-100, here: 95-97; Craig Kallendorf: In Praise of Aeneas , Hanover (NH) / London 1989, pp. 132 f., 135 f.
  144. ^ Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 62 f. (First published in 1967).
  145. ^ Roberto Cardini: Landino e Lorenzo. In: Lettere Italiane 45, 1993, pp. 361-375, here: 368.
  146. Michael Murrin: The Allegorical Epic , Chicago / London 1980, p. 29.
  147. Liane Nebes offers a detailed description of the problem and the interpretative approaches: The “furor poeticus” in Italian Renaissance Platonism, Marburg 2001, pp. 127–148.
  148. ^ August Buck: Italian Poetry. From the Middle Ages to the end of the Renaissance , Tübingen 1952, p. 94.
  149. Thomas Leinkauf: Grundriss Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 507.
  150. ^ Liane Nebes: The "furor poeticus" in Italian Renaissance Platonism , Marburg 2001, p. 127, 132 f.
  151. ^ Eugenio Garin: The Italian Humanism , Bern 1947, p. 103.
  152. Eckhard Keßler: The Philosophy of the Renaissance , Munich 2008, pp. 51–53.
  153. ^ Alison Brown: The Medici in Florence , Florenz 1992, p. 226 f.
  154. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 310 f.
  155. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 313 f.
  156. ^ Alison Brown: The Medici in Florence , Florenz 1992, p. 226 f .; Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, p. 151 f., 310, 316, 322 f.
  157. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 283 f., 310, 313-316, 323.
  158. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 265.
  159. ^ Bernhard Huss, Gernot Michael Müller: "Illud admiror, cur Ficinum silentio praeterieris." In: Klaus W. Hempfer (Ed.): Possibilities of dialogue , Stuttgart 2002, pp. 225–278, here: 248–272.
  160. Hans Baron: The awakening of historical thinking in humanism of the Quattrocento. In: Historische Zeitschrift 147, 1933, pp. 5–20, here: 17 f.
  161. Bruce G. McNair: Cristoforo Landino and Coluccio Salutati on the Best Life. In: Renaissance Quarterly 47, 1994, pp. 747-769, here: 748 f., 767.
  162. Eberhard Müller-Bochat: Leon Battista Alberti and the Virgil interpretation of the Disputationes Camaldulenses , Krefeld 1968, pp. 32–37; Annick Paternoster: Lorenzo de 'Medici as a civilian interlocutor in the Disputationes Camaldulenses of Cristoforo Landino? In: Horst Heintze et al. (Ed.): Lorenzo the Magnificent and the Culture in Florence of the 15th Century , Berlin 1995, pp. 157–167, here: 166 f .; Manfred Lentzen: Studies on the Dante exegesis Cristoforo Landinos , Cologne / Vienna 1971, p. 144 f.
  163. ^ Roberto Cardini: La critica del Landino , Florence 1973, p. 83 f. and note 25 (first published in 1970).
  164. Manfred Lentzen: On the current state of Landino research. In: Wolfenbütteler Renaissance Mitteilungen 5, 1981, pp. 92-100, here: 98.
  165. ^ Deborah Parker: Commentary as Social Act: Trifone Gabriele's Critique of Landino. In: Renaissance Quarterly 45, 1992, pp. 225-247, here: 228-230.
  166. Arthur Field: The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence , Princeton 1988, p. 78 f.
  167. doubts expressed Frank La Brasca: "Librarian in cathedra". In: Charles A. Fiorato, Jean-Claude Margolin (eds.): L'écrivain face à son public en France et en Italie à la Renaissance , Paris 1989, pp. 107–125, here: p. 120 note 2. Cf. Christoph Pieper: Elegos redolere Vergiliosque sapere , Hildesheim 2008, pp. 29–52.
  168. Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo , Venice 1476, urn : nbn: de: bvb: 12-bsb00059971-7 .
  169. Formio de epistole vulgare , Bologna 1485, urn : nbn: de: bvb: 12-bsb00067145-2 .
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