Wilhelm Hasenclever

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Wilhelm Hasenclever (1884)

Wilhelm Hasenclever (born April 19, 1837 in Arnsberg , Westphalia province ; died July 3, 1889 in Schöneberg near Berlin) was a German tanner , journalist and writer. He became known as a social democratic politician.

For the General German Workers' Association (ADAV) he was a member of the Reichstag of the North German Confederation in 1869/70 . From 1871 he was the last president of the ADAV before it merged with the SDAP to form the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAP). From 1874 to 1888 he was again a member of the Social Democratic Party , now in the Reichstag of the German Empire, which was proclaimed as a small German nation-state in 1871 : first for the ADAV, then for the SAP. There, too, Hasenclever was a member of the party executive. He also founded the central organ of the later SPD, the party newspaper Vorwärts, with Wilhelm Liebknecht in 1876 .

Life

The mother Helene b. von Dahl was a farmer's daughter from the Altena district . The father Johann Christoph came from Halver in the same district, was originally a hammer smith and founded a tannery in Arnsberg . The family was Protestant and thus belonged to a denominational minority in the predominantly Catholic city ​​of Arnsberg . If you take the father's tax revenue in 1834 as a yardstick, the family can be assigned to the upper middle class of the city. The five daughters all made a "good match" and the sons received a good education. After attending grammar school up to “Obersekunda” (today: secondary school leaving certificate ), Hasenclever was trained as a tanner in his parents' company. During the reaction era in Prussia, he completed a year of military service in 1857/58. There he learned to detest military life. He saw how the beating continued despite the prohibition. He deliberately boycotted the Landwehr lieutenant examination. In 1859 another phase followed in the Prussian army in Düsseldorf and Cologne .

In between and afterwards, Hasenclever - like many craftsmen back then - went on the road as a casual worker for several years, the Walz . It took him to most of the states of the German Confederation , Switzerland , northern Italy and southern France . What he experienced during this time and also learned about the needs of the employed working class, shaped his later political attitude.

First journalistic experience and political commitment

Through his involvement in gymnastics associations, Hasenclever discovered his passion for writing and giving speeches. In 1862/63 he became editor of the democratically oriented Westfälische Volkszeitung in Hagen . Through his journalistic work he became aware of the writings of the cooperative- oriented socialist Ferdinand Lassalle , especially his workers' program. This became the basis of the first social democratic party in Germany with subgroups in most of the states of the German Confederation: the General German Workers' Association (ADAV), founded on May 23, 1863 in Leipzig on the initiative of Lassalle. The different assessments of the social question led to tensions with the editor of the Westphalian people's newspaper. He left the editorial team in 1864. Hasenclever did not completely break contact with the newspaper until 1866, because he had probably invested money in the company himself. After leaving the editorial office, he wrote for a democratic exile newspaper in London.

In 1864 he let himself be carried away by the national enthusiasm for the Schleswig-Holstein question . At an ADAV meeting in Hagen, he spoke out in favor of an aggressive resolution. During the German-Danish War , Hasenclever was briefly drafted into the Prussian Army again in the summer of 1864 . There was no doubt in his mind that the war was justified. As soon as he was released, he was sentenced to six weeks in prison on the basis of an article in the Rheinische Zeitung for disrespect for Sr. Majestät ( lese majesty ), King Wilhelm I of Prussia , but was acquitted again in the appeals court.

After this first experience as a defendant in the Prussian judiciary , he joined the ADAV in the same year - just a few months after the duel death of Ferdinand Lassalle. He settled temporarily in Mülheim an der Ruhr and quickly became one of the leading figures in the ADAV structures in the Duisburg district .

With the death of the charismatic Lassalle, the party fell into a crisis because his successor Bernhard Becker did not have his authority. In Westphalia the situation was much better. There operational Carl Wilhelm Tölcke whose personal friend Hasenclever was a successful agitation. Tölcke also appeared as a sponsor of Hasenclever. This published a pamphlet with the title "The Influence of the Working Class by the Current Press." He recommended himself for press work in the party.

The Hasencleverhaus in Arnsberg was built by his father as a tinder mill in place of a pearl mill

The parties (1865)
Junkerism
Like
our ancestors, we want to support the royal throne;
And like them, ours shall
all be the fruits of the reward.
Without duties all rights,
and the others our servants.

Liberal bourgeoisie
Equal rights with the nobility
They are truly ours;
But the
lower ones remain servants, because otherwise we are threatened with danger!
High constitution! Raise the crown!
And the money sack on the throne.

Democratic bourgeoisie
Down should throne and crown,
sink down in the dust;
And the barons fall
like dead leaves from a tree;
We alone - we want to rule
and the whole people - to lead.

Social democracy
Equal duties, equal rights,
all people are equal;
No masters, no servants,
and neither poor nor rich.
But the work on the throne
deserves the crown of honor

Party career in ADAV, competition with SDAP

After Tölcke was elected as association president, Hasenclever became a member of the party executive committee. He belonged to this almost continuously in the following years. Under pressure from Countess Hatzfeldt and her supporters, Tölcke separated the offices of President and Secretary of the Association in 1866. Hasenclever then became secretary of the ADAV. After Tölcke's failure, he lost the post again, but remained a member of the board. He initially left the first political ranks. Instead, he ran his sister's tannery in Halver as managing director from 1866 to 1869 . In addition, he wrote regularly from 1865 for the party newspaper Der Social-Demokratie . From his own experience he knew the difficult situation of the craftsmen and therefore spoke out in favor of productive associations out of conviction .

Call for elections in favor of Wilhelm Hasenclever from Halver (1867)

Hasenclever had to do military service again in 1866. In 1867 he ran in vain for Altena and then for Essen for the North German Reichstag . In Essen he at least succeeded in the runoff election, which he only narrowly lost thanks to the active support of his opponent by the authorities. In 1869 Hasenclever came for the constituency of Duisburg in a by-election as a member of the ADAV in the Reichstag of the North German Confederation. Because, unlike the party chairman Johann Baptist von Schweitzer, he had a less negative relationship with the competing Association of German Workers' Associations (VDAV), August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht donated a few thalers to him for the election campaign. In his letter of thanks, Hasenclever expressed his hope that the division in the labor movement could soon be overcome. The bourgeois press in Duisburg ruled: "So our district (...) has the dubious honor (...) to be represented by a social democrat of the most common type."

After the election, he moved to Berlin . His party comrades Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche and the pro-Prussian, anti-Marxist Johann Baptist von Schweitzer, who had become president of the ADAV in the same year, entered the Reichstag with him. Although the deputies worked constructively in parliament and tried to improve the situation of the workers with appropriate motions, they could hardly prevail.

The Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP) was represented in the Reichstag with Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel. This revolutionary Marxist party was founded in Eisenach in 1869 from the clearly dominant left wing of the Saxon People's Party . In contrast to the ADAV, it represented a strictly anti-Prussian stance and aimed for greater German unification - including Austria - with a federal structure. The SDAP was also concerned with curbing the hegemony of Prussia , which it regards as reactionary and militaristic. In doing so, it contradicted not only the goals of the conservative Prussian Prime Minister and Chancellor of the North German Confederation, Otto von Bismarck , but also von Schweitzer, the controversial chairman of the ADAV, who was closer to the Chancellor on the national issue than the more internationally oriented social democratic rival SDAP.

Although von Schweitzer had obtained dictatorial powers in the ADAV through an internal party coup in 1869, Hasenclever remained loyal to the party and, unlike many others, did not convert to the SDAP. Like Tölcke, Hasenclever also took part in the fight against the competing SDAP. After the conversion of the previous party cashier Wilhelm Bracke to the rival party, Hasenclever became its successor. In 1870 he was co-editor of the party newspaper Der Social-Demokratie . Sharp attacks were directed against the SDAP but also against bourgeois democrats . Hasenclever had celebrated Johann Jacoby in 1865 on the occasion of his 60th birthday as the “greatest Prussian and German patriot” and “freedom fighter”. In 1870 he criticized Jacoby heavily. But he was not a fundamental opponent of the bourgeois democrats and, unlike other ADAV politicians, did not see them as simply a “reactionary mass.” So he attended Benedict's funeral in 1870 with 4,000 party members carrying a red flag Waldeck part.

At the beginning of the Franco-Prussian War he had agreed to the war credits, as he assumed a defensive war. However, when the war continued after the Battle of Sedan with the aim of annexing Alsace and Lorraine , he refused further loans in the Reichstag. This position caused a storm of national indignation in his constituency. More than 10,000 protest signatures were on I. Wilhelm sent. In the protest note, Hasenclever was assumed to be treasonous. The rejection of war credits by Hasenclever and other Social Democrats was one reason for the repeated accusation of “homeless journeymen.” While Hasenclever had been emphatically national until the mid-1870s, he turned to internationalism and spoke out in favor of fraternizing the Germans the French workers.

The Fatherland Is In Peril (1876)

The Fatherland Is In Peril!
And again the loud scream sounds:
But after a few weeks the
great danger of war was over.

The German Michel, however, beat
the neighbor boy blue and brown,
And always something's not enough -
It roared away from the war.

Alsace and Lorraine even
And five billion are the wages -
The statesman and the general
received ample endowment.

After the end of his first mandate in the Reichstag, Hasenclever himself took part in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870/71. After the victory of the North German Confederation led by Prussia over France and the accession of the southern German states of Baden , Württemberg and Bavaria to the proclamation of the German Empire with the Prussian King as Kaiser Wilhelm I at its head. The small German solution had thus prevailed. As Chancellor, Bismarck took over the leadership of the government appointed by the monarch.

Johann Baptist von Schweitzer (1833–1875)

Party chairman of the ADAV

Shortly afterwards, hidden connections and agreements between the Reich government and von Schweitzer, who was seen as an authoritarian to dictatorial leader in the ADAV, became known. Within the party, criticism grew and he was accused of Caesarism. Thereupon this resigned from the party chairmanship and ended his partisan work. Hasenclever supported von Schweitzer to the end and was again appointed party secretary in June 1870. He replaced Tölcke, which was controversial within the party. Schweitzer had hoped to benefit from Hasenclever's popularity in the party with the appointment. This popularity was due to the fact that Hasenclever was not trusted to have any dictatorial tendencies. For this reason, Hasenclever was elected President of the ADAV as Schweitzer's successor in 1871.

The first years of his presidency were marked by wing fighting. In particular, the party members from Berlin accused him of listening too much to Tölcke. In 1874 he was accused of weak leadership. However, his achievements were remarkable and he contributed significantly to the recovery of the party. He attached great importance to agitation. The two ADAV party newspapers - Der Social-Demokratie and Der Agitator , which von Schweitzer had ruled until his resignation - were now combined into one party organ, the newspaper Der Neue Sozial-Demokratie . Its editors-in-chief were Hasenclever and his party patron, Wilhelm Hasselmann . In addition, Hasenclever was editor of the magazine Sozial -politische Blätter and from 1873 publisher of the special edition Sozialpolitische Blätter for the entertainment and instruction of German workers . Personal agitation on site was also important to him. In 1872 he undertook an agitation trip on foot through the Bergisches Land . He attached great importance to creating a sense of community beyond the political content. The party should become one big family. Events therefore also included women and children. Fighting and agitation songs were an important part of creating a sense of community. He himself wrote some of them. In this context, the promotion of the veneration of the party founder Lassalle belongs. The agitation aimed at emotionality was successful. The party was significantly stronger than the SDAP, which relied on the rational communication of its goals and not on emotionality. Hasenclever's agitation was also commented critically on this side.

Under his presidency, the ADAV grew from 5,300 members in 1871 to more than 19,000 party members by the turn of the year 1873/74. The New Social Democrat had by then over 11,000 subscribers .

After four years of interruption Hasenclever was in the general election in 1874 for the constituency of Altona - Stormarn again in the Reichstag voted the now German Empire. In the Reichstag election in 1877 he was elected in the constituency of Berlin 6 ( Wedding , Gesundbrunnen , Moabit , Oranienburger Vorstadt , Rosenthaler Vorstadt ), in a by-election in the constituency of Breslau-Ost in 1879 (since the member of this constituency, Reinders, had died in May 1879 ) and in 1881 in the Silesian constituency of Breslau- East. In the Reichstag election in 1884 , he won both in the constituency of Berlin 6 and Breslau-Ost and accepted the latter mandate. In 1887 he was again successful in the constituency of Berlin 6. After merging with the SDAP, he was chairman of the parliamentary group for a time. In total, he gave around 50 speeches in parliament. One focus of his contributions to the debate was the worker question. But militarism and later the socialist laws were also a recurring topic. His patriotism, his not very internationalist concept of socialism and his tendency towards state socialism were striking. Friedrich Engels severely criticized him for this position.

Against the background of the founder crash , the efforts of governments to take action against social democracy increased. In the years that followed, Bismarck tried to play off SDAP and ADAV, both of whom he regarded as "enemies of the Reich". Their rivalry made it easier for the government to use police orders and other rigorous methods - e.g. B. Raids or house searches - to proceed against workers' associations across the empire. Because of his journalistic work, Hasenclever was sentenced several times in 1874 to sentences including imprisonment for between one and three months. B. because of "public invitation to criminal acts", "insult" or "participation in a closed association". On July 10, 1874, the ADAV in Berlin and Prussia was declared dissolved by the authorities. Hasenclever moved the party headquarters to Bremen .

Fusion of ADAV with SDAP to form SAP

Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826–1900)

Against this background, Hasenclever began to reorient the party politically. This led, also under the influence of the increasingly restrictive policies of Bismarck, to a rapprochement with the SDAP in the medium term. Hasenclever himself had spoken out against a merger at the General Assembly in 1874. It was Tölcke in particular who convinced Hasenclever of the need to end the fratricidal struggle. He also took over the first negotiations with the SDAP because Hasenclever was in prison. When he was free again, he took over the conversations himself.

Finally , both parties merged on May 5, 1875 at the joint party congress in Gotha to form the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAP). As the leaders of the ADAV and SDAP, Hasenclever and Wilhelm Liebknecht had agreed on a compromise , the content of which was contained in the Gotha program of the SAP precipitated. In it, the revolutionary goals of the former SDAP were relativized by laying down the legal framework for the implementation of the party goals.

"[...] the socialist workers' party of Germany strives for a free state and a socialist society with all legal means."

In addition, these goals should primarily be achieved at the national level, which weakened the internationalist aspect of social democratic politics. The program item “Liberation of Work” called for more support than the previous SDAP program for cooperative forms of organization in the economy.

Although the Marxist content represented by Liebknecht was not completely abandoned, Karl Marx criticized in his criticism of the Gotha program from his exile in London, among other things, the concessions to the reform orientation of the former ADAV. Hasenclever himself saw it as a compromise program: "... in that each of the parties represented modified their program as much as possible."

Title page of the first edition of Vorwärts from October 1, 1876

Hasenclever was chairman of the new SAP in 1875/76 with Georg Wilhelm Hartmann . Hamburg was chosen as the seat of the new party. Hasenclever also moved his residence there. He married Klara George in 1875. The marriage resulted in two sons and a daughter. He soon gave up real party work in favor of the party press. He founded the Hamburg-Altonaer Volksblatt together with Carl Hillmann and Wilhelm Blos . In 1876 he founded in Leipzig together with Liebknecht, with whom he shared the chief editor, the new central organ of the German Social Democracy , the forward . The first edition appeared on October 1, 1876. To this day it has remained the party newspaper of the SPD, which emerged from the SAP in 1890. In addition, he published a satirical and humorous workers' paper in Leipzig. In 1877 he won a Berlin constituency. which he lost again a year later. In a by-election in 1879 he was re-elected in a Berlin constituency.

Reichstag work under the socialist laws

In view of the steady increase in votes for the social democracy, Bismarck tried to proceed more fundamentally and legally more effectively against the party and its sub-associations. The pretext for this was provided by two, albeit unsuccessful, assassinations of Kaiser Wilhelm I in May / June 1878, which were carried out in quick succession. Against better knowledge, he accused the SAP of having commissioned these assassinations.

After a majority vote by the Conservatives and National Liberal members of the Reichstag, Bismarck submitted the law, known to this day as the Socialist Law, against the publicly dangerous efforts of the Social Democrats to the emperor for signature. In it, the activities, meetings and publications of the SAP outside the Reichstag and the state parliaments were banned. It came into force on October 22nd, 1878 and was not to be repealed until 1890 - one year after Hasenclever's death and shortly after Bismarck's dismissal as Chancellor by Kaiser Wilhelm II, who was enthroned in 1888 .

Dissolution of a social democratic assembly. Hasenclever sitting at the table (2nd from the right). Wilhelm Liebknecht standing in front of the window. August Bebel sitting in front of Liebknecht.

The forward was also forbidden during this time. For Hasenclever, the ban on the newspaper was existential because he earned his living from the salary that the newspaper paid him. He then tried to establish new newspaper projects. The satirical magazine “Das Lämplein” was soon banned. The collaboration with the liberal Leipziger Volksstimme failed. The newspaper Der Reichsbürger, founded in 1879, could only hold its own until 1881, before this paper was also banned. The Social Democrat was one of the few party newspapers that were illegally distributed in the Reich. It was printed in Zurich from 1880 and in London from 1887 .

Many social democrats were forced to emigrate abroad, others were imprisoned for violating the socialist law or expelled from their places of residence as “agitators”. This happened more and more after the government imposed the so-called minor state of siege on several strongholds of social democracy. However Hasenclever, Liebknecht, Bebel and other party members retained their seats in the Reichstag, and were opposed further against the policy of Bismarck and carrying it parties. However, they were not allowed to appear publicly outside parliament as representatives of social democracy in the Reich. Nevertheless, they did their best to maintain the cohesion of the party members. Hasenclever, Bebel and Liebknecht were the leading figures of the so-called “support committee” based in Leipzig. He was able to defend his mandate in the Reichstag in 1881. Its great popularity is demonstrated by the fact that it was elected in 17 constituencies that year. He had many supporters, especially among the Berlin Social Democrats. When in 1881 a meeting he had announced was banned by the police and the assembly hall was closed, thousands of workers marched individually through a pub where Hasenclever was staying and shouted “Wilhelm, we remain loyal.” Similar incidents occurred again and again. The meetings were broken up when Hasenclever began to criticize the government's policies. After such gatherings were broken up, the workers cheered Hasenclever and sang the workers' Marseillaise .

Despite this repression, they were confirmed in the subsequent Reichstag elections , in which the SAP again won votes. Contrary to Bismarck's intentions, despite its suppressive effect, the Socialist Law brought about an enormous surge in solidarity among the workers, through which the workers' movement became even more politicized and, in effect, moved closer to the party.

Between 1881 and 1890 the proportion of votes for the candidates of the SAP in the Reichstag grew from just under 312,000 voters in 1881 to more than 1.4 million by 1890, i.e. by over 450%. This made the SAP the party with the largest number of voters in the German Reich. Even the social legislation of the Reich Chancellor, which was considered progressive at the time and created the basis for social insurance , could not stop this trend .

Hasenclever has clearly recognized this. Hasenclever also spoke in the Reichstag debate on the state of siege. In his speech, he said that the state had smashed the organization, but that this would inadvertently contribute to solidarity within social democracy. In connection with Bismarck's social security laws, he spoke of a “carrot and stick” policy. Both remarks are similarly shared by historical scholars today.

Like many socialists, Hasenclever was active in the trade union movement during the Socialist Laws, regardless of party affiliation . After 1878 he co-founded the Berlin Workers' Union .

Despite his mandate in the Reichstag, he had to change his place of residence in Germany several times as a result of the minor state of siege , as he was expelled from Leipzig by the authorities in 1881 and from Berlin in 1884 . He lived for a time as a freelance writer in Wurzen , Halle and Dessau . Since he could hardly finance his parliamentary work himself, he was dependent on the material support of his wife Clara. They opened a cigar trade with two branches in Berlin under the company Wilhelm Hasenclever. Hasenclever himself was active in the free religious communities at this time . In both 1884 and 1887 he again won a Berlin constituency.

Within the parliamentary group, his relations with Wilhelm Liebknecht were good. He regarded this as his friend, and the two families also interacted privately. The relationship with August Bebel, on the other hand, was fraught with conflict. Hasenclever accused Bebel of dictatorial tendencies. In terms of content, Bebel was on the left and Hasenclever on the moderate wing of the faction. He remained an opponent of the authoritarian state, but was ready to compromise if this could improve the living conditions of the workers. With this course he came into contradiction with a large part of the Berlin party supporters, who had radicalized themselves during the validity of the Socialist Law. They criticized the fact that Hasenclever had spoken out in favor of participating in the Prussian state elections despite the three-class suffrage . He defended himself with the argument that these elections were also suitable for spreading social democratic ideas. In addition to the very cautious Berliner Volksblatt , which was supported by Hasenclever, the left-hand public tribune came into being in 1887. Hasenclever and Bebel were open about their opposites, but they remained fair. In 1887, Hasenclever took part in a party conference held in secret in St. Gallen . There he reported on the work of the group. He defended legal parliamentary work against critics and warned against relying only on illegal activities. "If the MPs waived positive activity, the party would disappear from parliaments and at the same time from public life."

Illness, end of life

In the later course of the 1880s, Hasenclever suffered from a disease that could not be further diagnosed at the time, with neurologically and psychiatrically increasingly conspicuous symptoms, which increasingly restricted his political work and ultimately made it impossible due to mental confusion. In the course of this illness, he resigned his seat in the Reichstag in 1888, after collapsing at the Düsseldorf secret society trial in the same year. He sought recovery in the Maison de la santé (translated from French: House of Health), a sanatorium in Schöneberg, then located in the south of Berlin. Wilhelm Hasenclever, who was ultimately in need of care and mentally absent, died there on July 3, 1889, at the age of 52, before the socialist laws were repealed a year later and the SAP was renamed the SPD.

tomb

At his funeral in the cemetery of the free religious community in Berlin / Prenzlauer Berg , around 15,000 people gave him their final conduct . His grave is dedicated to the city of Berlin as an honorary grave .

Appreciation

Memorial plaque on Wilhelm-Hasenclever-Platz, in Berlin-Wedding

In the following year, 1890, a memorial column for Hasenclever was donated there by party members of the SPD. Their inscription reads: " The old fighter for truth, freedom and justice ". Today, Wilhelm-Hasenclever-Platz in the Berlin district of Wedding , on which there is another memorial plaque, is named after him, and also a street in Treptow and in Hamburg-Horn . In 1987 Hasenclever's birthplace in Arnsberg am Mühlengraben, below the old town, was also given a memorial plaque.

Writing

Hasenclever's writing activity went beyond his wide-ranging journalistic work in many newspapers and magazines, several of which he founded himself. He wrote various treatises on socio-political questions of the time, but also novels , poems and songs in which he dealt with the cause of the workers' movement in a predominantly emotional and pathetic form. His poetry had its roots in political poems of the Vormärz and was shaped more by agitation than by artistic demands. In political practice, however, Hasenclever was considered a moderate party member in relation to leading socialists of his time. Wilhelm Liebknecht praised him: “A small volume of poems: 'Love, Life, Struggle', published in Hamburg in 1874, shows Hasenclever as a shapely and cozy poet.” The historian Ludger Heid judges that his poems “often represent the final perfection of form absent, his verses are characterized by a combative humanism that is able to carry many workers away in their everyday political life. ”Overall, he exercised sharp social criticism in his writings. In his poems he advocated the improvement of the social situation.

Red (1876)
Red is love, red is lust,
red is life in a surging breast.

The sky glows red in evening splendor,
red is the laughing at people in the morning,

red is the blossom and red is the blood,
red is the blazing glow of freedom.

Red Waving the Banner of Equality
Red is the color I choose.

To love, to freedom, to brotherhood,
the flaming red be consecrated forever.

In the party, his work, published in 1881 under the pseudonym Wilhelm Revel , “ The honor of truth. A contribution to the Jewish question in Germany ”. In it, Hasenclever took a stand on the anti-Semitic movement of Adolf Stoecker , who helped to spread political anti-Semitism in Germany with the founding of a Christian-Social (workers) party . In the negative criticism of this "movement", which at times, albeit with little success, tried to address and subvert the social democratic electorate, Hasenclever also took up anti-Semitic resentment in the labor movement by expressing understanding for their anti-capitalist and anti-intellectual motivation . In this context, he revealed his own, latent anti-Semitic prejudices , through which he exposed himself to criticism from leading comrades, who saw in Hasenclever's writing a threat to the official party line of emancipation and assimilation of Judaism .

Works (selection)

  • About the influence of the current press on the working class. Heidelberg 1864.
  • Love, life, struggle. Poems. Philipsen, Hamburg 1876.
  • Experienced - sketches and short stories. Röhl, Leipzig 1877.
  • Experienced. Memories from the soldiers' life 1857 to 1871. Röhl, Leipzig 1877.
  • Love, life, struggle. Poems. Hamburg 1878.
  • Once again Mr. Findel and the social democracy. Self-published, Leipzig 1880.
  • Herr Findel's campaign against social democracy. Contains the prohibition order of the brochure, which was out of print within eight days: 'Once again Hr. Findel and Social Democracy '. With an appendix about the new events together with a declaration by the Reichstag deputy Auer etc. Self-published, Leipzig 1880.
  • Wilhelm Revel (pseudonym): Honor the truth. A contribution to the Jewish question in Germany. Wörlein, Nuremberg 1881
  • Three Reichstag speeches. 1. Cracker over the workbooks. 2. Grillenberger on the Health Insurance Act. 3. Hasenclever on the timber tariffs. (Verbatim copy of the official stenographic report) . Self-published by Grillenberger, Nuremberg 1883.
  • Four Reichstag speeches. Speech by the Reichstag member W. Hasenclever on the Reich budget for the budget year 1887–88. Speech by Member of Parliament C. Grillenberger on the military bill . Wörlein & Comp., Nuremberg 1887.
  • Poems by W. Hasenclever, KE Frohme and Adolf Lepp . JHW Dietz, Stuttgart 1893 ( German workers' seal. A selection of songs and poems by German proletarians 1).

literature

Web links

Commons : Wilhelm Hasenclever  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Jens Hahnwald: Wilhelm Hasenclever: An Arnsberger as chairman of the ADAV. In: SPD sub-district Hochsauerlandkreis (Hrsg.), Jochen Westermann et al. (Red.): Sauerlanders raise social democracy with the christening: The history of the SPD in the Hochsauerlandkreis and in its cities and communities. SPD HSK, Meschede, 2013, ISBN 978-3-943973-07-5 , p. 10.
  2. ^ Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experienced: Memories from the soldiers' life 1857 to 1871 Leipzig. 1877, p. 22.
    Ludger Heid: Pacifist - Patriot - Parliamentarians: Wilhelm Hasenclever in the anti-militarist tradition of the German labor movement. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , p. 178.
  3. ^ A b Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , p. 15.
  4. ↑ Willi Müller (Ed.): Democracy on site - A reading book on the history of the SPD in Mülheim an der Ruhr . Vor Ort Verlags-GmbH, Mülheim an der Ruhr 1979, p. 17th f., 40, 71 .
  5. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , p. 17.
  6. ↑ printed in Agitator No. 28, October 8, 1870, Ludger Heid u. a .: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , p. 23f.
  7. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , p. 18 f.
  8. ↑ Ludger Heid: "... is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party." Wilhelm Hasenclever in the German social democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , p. 26 f.
  9. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , p. 24 f.
  10. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Experiences: Memories 1857–1871. Edited by Ferdi Franke and Ludger Heid. F. Franke, Arnsberg, 1987, DNB 890572291 , pp. 25-27.
  11. ↑ Ludger Heid: "... is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party." Wilhelm Hasenclever in the German social democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , pp. 28-30.
  12. ^ First in: Wilhelm Hasenclever: love, life, fight: poems. Hamburg, 1876. Printed in: Wilhelm Hasenclever: Reden und Schriften. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , p. 29.
  13. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Ferdi Franke / Ludger Heid (ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: Erlebtes. Memories. Arnsberg, 1987 p. 27.
  14. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Ferdi Franke / Ludger Heid (ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: Erlebtes. Memories. Arnsberg, 1987 pp. 29-31.
  15. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Ferdi Franke / Ludger Heid (ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: Erlebtes. Memories. Arnsberg, 1987 p. 26.
    Ludger Heid: “… is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party.” Wilhelm Hasenclever in German social democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , p. 35.
  16. ^ Jens Hahnwald: Wilhelm Hasenclever: An Arnsberger as chairman of the ADAV. In: SPD sub-district Hochsauerlandkreis (Hrsg.), Jochen Westermann et al. (Red.): Sauerlanders raise social democracy with the christening: The history of the SPD in the Hochsauerlandkreis and in its cities and communities. SPD HSK, Meschede, 2013, ISBN 978-3-943973-07-5 , p. 14.
  17. ↑ Ludger Heid: "... is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party." Wilhelm Hasenclever in the German social democracy. In: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Edited by Ludger Heid. Dietz, Bonn, 1989, ISBN 978-3-8012-1130-1 , pp. 38-43.
  18. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Ferdi Franke / Ludger Heid (ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: Erlebtes. Memories. Arnsberg, 1987 p. 35.
  19. ^ A b Jens Hahnwald: Wilhelm Hasenclever: An Arnsberger as chairman of the ADAV. In: SPD sub-district Hochsauerlandkreis (Hrsg.), Jochen Westermann et al. (Red.): Sauerlanders raise social democracy with the christening: The history of the SPD in the Hochsauerlandkreis and in its cities and communities. SPD HSK, Meschede, 2013, ISBN 978-3-943973-07-5 , p. 15.
  20. ^ Arno Herzig: Wilhelm Hasenclever and the German Social Democracy. In: Ferdi Franke / Ludger Heid (ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: Erlebtes. Memories. Arnsberg, 1987 p. 36 f.
  21. ↑ Ludger Heid: "... is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party." Wilhelm Hasenclever in the German social democracy. In the S. u. a. (Ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Bonn, 1989 p. 25.
  22. ↑ first published in Hamburg-Altonaer Volksblatt No. 15, February 3, 1876, printed in: Ludger Heid u. a .: Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Bonn, 1989 p. 241.
  23. ↑ Ludger Heid: "... is notoriously one of the most outstanding leaders of the social democratic party." Wilhelm Hasenclever in the German social democracy. In the S. u. a. (Ed.): Wilhelm Hasenclever: speeches and writings. Bonn, 1989 pp. 53-58.
  24. ↑ In the catalog “Malmad Israel Union List” this book is entered as follows: “Pers.Main Entry Revel, Wilhelm, 1837–1889. Honor the truth: a contribution to the Jewish question in Germany by Wilhelm Revel. Nuremberg, Wörlein, 1881 ”.
This article was added to the list of excellent articles on January 28, 2006 in this version .
personal data
SURNAME Hasenclever, Wilhelm
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Revel, Wilhelm (pseudonym)
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German politician (ADAV, SPD), MdR, co-founder of Vorwärts
DATE OF BIRTH April 19, 1837
PLACE OF BIRTH Arnsberg , Westphalia
DATE OF DEATH July 3, 1889
Place of death Schöneberg