Augustan threshold

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Augustan threshold is a term developed by the American political scientist Michael W. Doyle , which describes the transition from an unstable, endangered domain to a permanently secured state of an empire .

Details

The term found its way into German literature through the political scientist Herfried Münkler . According to Münkler's definition, long-lived empires have crossed the Augustan threshold by letting the periphery of their sphere of power share in the achievements and prosperity of their center. After a phase of expansion, long-lived and stable empires such as the Roman Empire and the Empire of China have moved on to a phase of consolidation, where they have succeeded in balancing the pillars of political, economic, military and ideological power. Münkler defines the Augustan threshold as follows:

The Augustan threshold thus describes an ensemble of radical reforms through which an empire ends its expansion phase and is transferred into the phase of ordered duration, of long-term existence.

Münkler closely followed Doyle's considerations. As an exemplary example he points to the time of Augustus , who secured the Pax Romana , the Roman peace, for the entire Roman Empire. Other empires, such as the steppe empire of the Mongols or the maritime empires of the Spaniards and Portuguese, had not succeeded in this transition because they were not based on a long-term concept. According to Münkler, whether it is possible to cross the Augustan threshold depends crucially on the civilizational superiority of the respective “center” over the periphery. This transition is therefore improbable for steppe empires, for which a civilizational superiority of the conquered areas over the center of power is characteristic. The power center is constantly forced to maintain its rule with permanent threats of violence, permanent military presence or periodic military campaigns, which leads to permanent military overstrain of the empire.

Münkler also explains the term in the context of the discussion as to whether the currently only world power in the United States could succeed in leaping over the Augustan threshold and what the consequences would be for the European Union . However, the question arises as to whether the term empire can be applied to the United States at all, especially since no “democratic empire” can endure longer phases in which maintaining order costs more than it brings.

Münkler defines the term "empire" as follows:

Empires are more than great states; they move in a world of their own. States are part of an order which they have created together with other states and which they therefore do not have at their own disposal. Empires, on the other hand, see themselves as creators and guarantors of an order that ultimately depends on them and that they have to defend against the onset of chaos. A look at the history of empires shows that linguistic expressions such as that of the 'axis of evil' or the 'outpost of tyranny' are nothing new and special. - While states stop at the borders of other states and leave it to them to regulate their own internal affairs, empires interfere in the relationships of others in order to fulfill their mission. That is why empires can initiate processes of change much more effectively, while the order of states is shaped by structural conservatism.

literature

  • Michael Doyle: Empires (= Cornell studies in comparative history ). Cornell University Press, Ithaca et al. a. 1986, ISBN 0-8014-1756-2 .
  • Herfried Münkler: Empires. The logic of world domination - from ancient Rome to the United States. Rowohlt, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-87134-509-1 .

Web links

Remarks

  1. ↑ Herfried Münkler: Empires. The logic of world domination - from ancient Rome to the United States. Berlin 2005, p. 115f.
  2. ↑ See Herfried Münkler: Imperien. The logic of world domination - from ancient Rome to the United States. Berlin 2005, p. 112ff.
  3. ↑ Herfried Münkler: The renaissance of the Empire as a form of rule and its significance for international relations today. In: Stefani Weiss, Joscha Schmierer (ed.): Precarious statehood and international order. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 36f.
  4. ↑ Herfried Münkler: Empires. The logic of world domination - from ancient Rome to the United States. Berlin 2005, p. 8.