Jeverlander Platt

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Jeverland around 1500
Jeverland around 1500 (orange)

The Jeversche, also Jeverländer Platt , is a dialect of the Oldenburger Platt , which, however, is similar to the East Frisian Platt . The Jeverland was cut off from the Oldenburg core area for a long time by the Black Brack . It belongs to the Frieslanden , the settlement area of ​​the Frisians, and politically only fell to Oldenburg in 1818.


The original language between Lauwers and Weser was East Frisian. Weser Frisian was spoken from Harlingerland to Wursten, as was the case in Jeverland. Over time, however, Low German gained a foothold. In 1568 Minnert Focken died in Heppens, the last Frisian preaching pastor in Jeverland. On the Frisian substrate of the Weser Frisian and under the influence of the Oldenburger Platt, the Jeverländer Platt was formed.


Many peculiar expressions can still be found in Jeverlander Platt, some of which can be attributed to the Frisian substratum , e.g. B. Loog ('village'), Maid ('maid'), Bigg ('pig'), mine ('auction'), Höftpien ('headache'), Spell ('pin') etc. Instead of "wi sünd" “wi bünt” is said, instead of “ik bün” but “ik sün”. The speakers in Jeverland "snakken" (speak) in contrast to the East Frisians who "prooten".


The Jeverland Platt is a dialect in Northern Lower Saxony, which is very close to the East Frisian Platt. Together with this, the Groninger Platt and the dialects of Butjadingen and the state of Wursten, it forms a loose group of dialects that have a substrate of the old East Frisian language. The superstrate languages ​​form different Low German dialects. In the case of the Jeverländer Platt, this is the Oldenburger Platt. Therefore, the overlaps with East Frisian Low German result from the old vocabulary.


In Jeverland, the majority plural is formed from verbs ending in -t: "säi kwiddert" (they talk).

The Frisian substrate

Like the East Frisian Low German dialects, the Jeverländer Platt has replaced the old East Frisian language as the vernacular. In Jeverland so-called Weser Frisian dialects were widespread, to which the relatively well documented Frisian dialects from Wangerooge and from Harlingerland also belonged. Frisian relic words can be found in the Jeverländer Platt up to the present day, such as B. kwiddern ('to talk').

The following table shows the investigations by Arjen Versloot based on the investigations by Arend Remmers on the word inventory according to Böning:

word translation Explanation
Dimaat Land measure The word is in the wang. and Harl. not used. It fits the more western Deimt, Dagmet, which is made up of 'Tag' and 'Mahd'. The different forms of the first link correspond to Emsaltfriesischem dei, sat. däi, opposite Weser Old Frisian dī, wang. dii, harl. dy 'day'.
Seats young cow This word is only known from the former Rüstringer area. It shows the Rüstringer development of / e /> / i / before / rd /, which took place in Harl. but sometimes missing: harl. heerd, eerde 'shepherd, earth', wang. hiirt, iird, rüstr. afr. ird (Siebs 1889: 320). One derives it from older aofr. * strong, cf. ae. st (i) erc 'calf', her. It is not documented in the actual Frisian dialects.
Liw (e) Oystercatcher wang. liiv

There is a difference here between a western group with [w] as wfr. liuw, gron. lieuw, laiw, and an eastern group with [v]: wang. liiv, Norderney Liiw, otherwise East Fr.nd. lîfe. The Jeverl. joins the eastern group. A similar case exists with Reve, wfr. reau, wang. reev 'equipment'.

Burser-, Buse-, Busse-, Buusdoer Cattle shed door wang. burzen durn

harl. buhs- / bussdarr
afr. * bōs-dore with * bōs <* bans.

The Harl. and Wang. have a non-phonetic / u (:) / instead of / o: /, cf. harl. wang. goos 'goose'. The jeverl. Word shows exactly the same deviation, in Wang. also with the / r /.

Kel curdled milk wang. keel

harl. ke (e) hl
wurst. guy miljock

The word shows the failure of / r / in front of liquids, as well as in wang. been <bern 'child', sjeel <* sjerl 'guy', cf. harl. been, siel. The loss of the / r / is in the Harl. already carried out in the 17th century, according to [UJ] Seetzen's notes by Wang. In Frisian of the late 18th century, this development was only completed there in the early 19th century (Versloot 1995: 75). It probably didn't understand the language of the remote land of Wursten before it died out in the 18th century. Saterland has kedel and bäiden with / d / </ r /. The same root word is also used in the verb keelen (wang. Keel).

kwidde (r) n talk wang. kwidder, kwiðer, twidder

harl. quidden

The jeverl. Form shows two features that are otherwise characteristic of the cheek-oogical: the increase in / e /> / ɪ / (also Harl., On the other hand sat. Kwede [, Ostfrs.-nd. Kwēddeln "chat"]) and the extension with - r. The transition from kw-> tw-, that in the wang. took place in the 19th century, the Jeverl. no longer included.

to whisper switch wang. floster
Snött Nasal mucus wang. snot
Niedel abusive wang. niitel

The jeverl. Form shows intervocal lenization, which is generally widespread in Low German (e.g. also in Gron. And Wurst. Nd.), But is absent in Frisian.

nümig Smart wang. niuumiig (also Ostfrs.-nd. nümig)
hum / hüm; listen him him; Ye wang. him; hirii

harl. yum, him, hin; jar

The forms with h- are typical of Nordic, English, Dutch, Frisian, including the Low German dialects on Frisian substrate. The Jeverland forms are not based on the local Frisian forms, afr. him, hiri, back. The form hear (written heur) is z. B. also documented in Drenthe and in older Dutch.

Cleat Bridge, footbridge wang. klomp, klomp

harl. cleat
saterl. klomp, klampe

The forms with / o / in front of nasal are considered to be the originally Frisian, the forms with / a / as nd. harl. kommer, sat. koomer, 'chamber', harl. mon, poppy, wang. mon 'man'.

sweel hay wang. swiilii

harl. to swell

All Frisian forms except the harl. Form (!), Go to afr. * swilia back. The short / i / in open syllable in Frisian becomes / i: / and not / e: / as in Nd. and Ndl. With Frisian sound are in the jeverl. Stikel 'Distel' and Tiek 'Wanze, Käfer' covered, with preserved / i / in open syllable. The form sweelen indicates phonetic substitution or very early borrowing into the Nd. (Remmers 1996: 164).

Düüßel Adze wang. thiuksel

This word shows phonetic substitution for afr. * thiuxel with afr. [þ]> [d] and [iu]> [y:], like afr. thanka, mnd. think, 'think' or afr. for, mnd. for 'fire'. The form proves to be Frisian through the etymologically incorrect sound substitution. The / iu / in afr. * thiuxel goes back to a short / e / which before / chs / (or / cht /) became / iu /, cf. afr. is 'right'.

Hairdryer girl wang. faun

harl. hairdryer

The word has a diphthong in wang. faun and sausage. Foun, Fáwen. In Wang's word list. von Seetzen (± 1799) (Versloot 1995: 81) both faun and fohn are recorded. Im Wang. 19th century Frisian, on the other hand, is the only documented form. In the 20th century, foon is also known in Low German on Wangerooge (Remmers 1995: 224). A jeverl. Fohn probably corresponds to the common pronunciation at the time of the language change (17th century), but in the 20th century it was a secondary substrate word for local faun on Wangerooge.

Loog Village wang. leek

sat. louch

As with Fohn, the Jeverl is missing. also here the diphthongization that occurs in the Wang. and Harl. took place before non-dental, cf. wang. plauch, last, build 'plow, cloth, book', harl. plaug, bauck 'plow, book', cf. but sausage. Plog, Boock. The diphthongization has in the Harl. already took place in the 17th century (the source is from 1691), in Wang. it is documented for the late 18th century (Seetzen: Bauck 'Buch'). If the word was actually included in Jeverland Low German in the 17th century, this would mean that the diphthongization of / o: / would have reached the Harlingerland at that time, but not yet the Jeverland and the country of Wursten further east. The cheekoogical would have carried out the diphthongization more or less independently in the 18th century.

In East Friesland the word is simply [loːg], diphthongized [laʊg] and triphthongized [leaʊg].

Meedje Farmland, field, parcel harl. mehde, meede

Two things are striking about this word: On the one hand, there is a diminutive suffix that cannot be of Frisian origin (Versloot 2002) and in the form e.g. B. is also documented in Sater Frisian. On the other hand, the diphthongization did not take place here either. The Harl. also has / e: / here, but in rayhde <afr. rēd 'advice' is / ai /, as in wang. raid. The sausage. keeps here / e: /: Réhde.

Gun (s) he Gander wang. gooner (Seetzen: Go (o) ner)

The basis here is afr. * goner or * gōner, from which wang. * gunner and gooner would be expected. Evidence from the other Weser Frisian dialects is missing. The Wangerooger and Jeverlander forms are closely related, but not identical.


Individual evidence

  1. Versloot, Arjen (2013). Frisian loan words in Jeverland Low German. In J. Hoekstra (ed.): Twenty-nine smiles for Alastair: Freundesgabe für Dr. Alastair GH Walker on his departure from the North Frisian dictionary section of the Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel on July 4th, 2013 (Estrikken / Ålstråke 94). Kiel, Grins / Groningen, pp. 305-316.