Kham-Magar

Kham
Spoken in	Nepal
speaker	40,000–50,000 (native speakers)
Linguistic classification	Sino-Tibetan Tibeto-Burmese Bodisch Sub-Himalayan Kham-Magar Kham
Official status
Official language in	Regional language in Nepal
Language codes
ISO 639 -1	-
ISO 639 -2	-

Kham-Magar (or Kham) is the name of a group of dialects spoken in west-central Nepal by the northern Magar clans (Budha, Pun, Gharti and Rhoka). The Magar language is spoken by the southern clans. The language of northern Magar is not to be confused with the Tibetan region of Kham . This is where the Khampa live , whose language is known as Khams or Khampa.

The dialect discussed in David E. Watters' grammar is called Takale Kham (spoken in the village of Taka). This is also described below.

Phonology

Tonology

Kham is a tonal language .

Morphology / morphosyntax

Nouns

number

Nouns are inflected for singular , dual and plural . The singular is unmarked, the dual and plural are marked by suffixes .

(1)

luhza	ka: h-ni	lũ: -rə
Kind.SG	Dog-YOU	Stone PL
"a child"	"(two dogs"	"(many stones"

Note: All abbreviations of this type can be found in the Leipzig glossing rules

The plural suffix -rə also appears as -ra and always when it is followed by another suffix:

(2)

mi: -ra-sə

Person-PL-COM

"with the people"

Plural

Things that do not usually appear individually (typically certain parts of the body such as eyes, teeth or hair) or that are often spoken of in the plural ( "Do you like children?" ) Carry the plural suffix, which is the mark on the verb that indicates congruence however a singular suffix.

(3)

har-nwĩ:	o-də	nə-ha: -rə	pal	pal-o	ta-nya	le
Cow milk	drink-NF	2SG.POSS-Zahn- PL	White	white-NML	his-INF	his [-3SG]

"You will drink cow's milk and your teeth will be blindingly white."

(4)

za: -rə	ma-dəi-wo
Child PL	NEG [-3SG] -bear-3SG

"She did not have any children."

The plural is also used to reinforce certain expressions:

(5)

ŋa-ŋəih-rə	bənəi	hur-ke
1SG.POSS-head-PL	much	pain-PFV [-3SG]

"My head hurts terribly."

(6)

nəm-rə	wa-ke
Sky-pl	rain-PFV

"It's really raining!" (Not: "The heavens are raining.")

case

Genitive

The genitive is realized by the suffix -e / -ye and only appears on nouns and third-person pronouns . It signals different dependency relationships between two nouns:

MODIFICATION

(7)

sən-e	kwa:
Wool GEN	dress

"Woolen clothing"

(8th)

baza-e	kər
Bird GEN	wing

"Bird wing"

ITERATION

(9)

zihm-e	zihm	zə	ta-ke
House gen	House	EMP	his-PFV

"There was nothing but houses."

POSSESSION (for items owned by a 3rd person)

(10)

ŋa-nəĩ-ye	o-re:
1SG.POSS-Freund-GEN	3SG husband

"My friend's husband"

(11)

baza-e	o-kər
Bird GEN	3SG wing

"The wing of the bird" (see modification)

It doesn't work on items owned by a 1st or 2nd person:

(12)

* ŋa: -ye	ŋa-zihm
1SG-GEN	1SG house

"my house"

this relation is expressed by a free pronoun:

(13)

n / A:	ŋa-zihm
1SG.NOM	1SG.POSS house

"my house"

Instrumental

The instrumental is also realized by the suffix -e / -ye and marks animate and inanimate elements with which an agent performs an action.

(14)

rowa-e	pəl-də	dəhləi-ke-o
AX INS	chop-NF	cases-PFV-3SG

"He cut it down by chopping it with an ax."

(15)

ao	mi: -ye	jəi-si-u
the	Person-INS	make-DETR-NML

"This is artificial" (literally "it was created by a person")

(16)

ao	məsin-e	jəi-si-u
the	Machine-ins	make-DETR-NML

"It's machine-made."

Ergative

The ergative is realized by the suffix -e / -ye and marks the subject in transitive sentences (and only there). But only if it is in the 3rd person.

INTRANSITIVE (there is a subject, but no object)

(17)

la:	si-ke
Leopard [ABS]	die-PFV [-3SG]

"The leopard died."

TRANSITIVE (there is a subject and an object)

(18)

tipəlkya-e	la:	səih-ke-o
Tipalkya-ERG	Leopard [ABS]	[3SG-] kill-PFV-3SG

"Tipalkya killed the leopard."

(19)

no: -ye	la:	səih-ke-o
3SG-ERG	Leopard [ABS]	[3SG-] kill-PFV-3SG

"He killed the leopard."

(20)

* ŋa: -ye	la:	ŋa-səih-ke
1SG-ERG	Leopard [ABS]	1SG- [3SG-] kill-PFV

"I killed the leopard."

Absolutely

Objects of transitive sentences that have a subject of the third person carry this case (18). The absolute is not implemented by a suffix.

Nominative

Subjects of the 1st and 2nd person receive this case in transitive and intransitive sentences. Nominative is not realized by a specific suffix.

(21)

n / A:	la:	ŋa-səih-ke
1SG [NOM]	Leopard [ABS]	1SG-kill-PFV [-3SG]

"I killed the leopard."

Property casus

Since the nominative is not realized by a specific suffix (22), the object must be marked in transitive sentences in which there is a subject of the 1st or 2nd person. This object case is realized with the suffix -lai . In German, this function (to mark the object of transitive sentences) is fulfilled by the accusative. However, since the dative object also receives the object case in the Kham, one cannot speak of an accusative here (see ditransitive verbs).

(22)

n / A:	no: -lai	ŋa-ri: -ke
1SG [NOM]	3SG-OBJ	1SG-see-PFV

"I saw him."

(23)

ni:	ŋa-lai	nə-ri: h-na-ke
2SG [NOM]	1SG-OBJ	2SG-see-1SG-PFV

"You saw me."

Verbs

Person and number categories

Verbs are marked for 1st, 2nd and 3rd person in the singular, dual and plural. The categories person and number are combined into a morpheme. The only exception here is the 1st and 2nd person dual; here there is its own person morph and its own dual morph.

Unlike most Tibeto-Burmese languages, there is no inclusive / exclusive distinction in the first person dual and plural in Kham.

(Inclusive / exclusive refers to the person addressed. Inclusive includes the person addressed in the event: we eat ice cream, i.e. you come with us ; exclusive excludes the person addressed: we eat ice cream, but without you ).

Intransitive and transitive verbs

There are two basic types of verbs that differ morphologically. Verbs that have only one argument (teammates) are called intransitive (in German, for example, Sie sleeps. / She works. / He laughs. ). This single argument is called the S-argument (single or sole argument) and congruent in person and number with the verb. The congruence is marked as an affix to the verb. 1st and 2nd person are marked as prefixes, 3rd person is marked as suffix (3rd person singular is not marked).

INTRANSITIVE

(24)

n / A:	zihm-da	ŋa-ba-ke
1SG	House ALL	1SG-go-PFV

"I went to the house."

(25)

ni:	zihm-da	nə-ba-ke
2SG	House ALL	2SG-go-PFV

"You went to the house."

(26)

no:	zihm-da	ba-ke
3SG	House ALL	go-PFV [-3SG]

"He went to the house."

(27)

no-rə	zihm-da	ba-ke-rə
3-PL	House ALL	go-PFV-3PL

"They went to the house."

For transitive verbs that have two arguments, both arguments in person and number congruent with the verb. This congruence is also marked by affixes . The 1st and 2nd person of the subject are marked as prefixes , the 3rd person as a suffix. When marking the object, it is exactly the other way round, 1st and 2nd person are marked as suffixes and 3rd person as prefix (3rd person singular is not marked).

TRANSITIVE SUBJECTS

(28)

n / A:	zihm	ŋa-jəi-ke
1SG	House	1SG [-3SG] -machen-PFV

"I built a house."

(29)

nĩ:	zihm	nə-jəi-ke
2SG	House	2SG- [3SG] -machen-PFV

"You built a house."

(30)

no-ra-e	zihm	jəi-ke-rə
3-PL-ERG	House	[3SG]-making-PFV-3PL

"They built a house."

1st PERSON OBJECT

(31)

no-e	ŋa-lai	səres-na-ke-o
3SG-ERG	1SG-OBJ	recognize-1SG-PFV-3SG

"He recognized me."

2nd PERSON OBJECT

(32)

no-e	nĩ: -lai	səres-ni-ke-o
3SG-ERG	2SG-OBJ	recognize-2SG-PFV-3SG

"He recognized you."

3rd PERSON OBJECT

(33)

no-e	no-ra-lai	ya-səres-ke-o
3SG-ERG	3SG-PL-OBJ	3PL-recognize-PFV-3SG

"He recognized us."

Intransitive verbs

Regarding the semantic role of the S-argument, Watters distinguishes 3 types of intransitive verbs:

1. Patientive verbs

S-argument = Patiens

(34)

ri: h	boh-ke
water	overflow-PFV [-3SG]

"Water overflowed."

(35)

syakəri	thĩ: -ke
flesh	drying-PFV [-3SG]

"The meat dried up."

These verbs denote actions that are performed indirectly. That is, the action happens to the S-argument, it does not perform it itself. For this reason, no imperative can be formed with patientive verbs :

(36)

* kha: nike "Choke yourself!"

* ŋəhlnike "Fall asleep!"

What causes the action in question is not expressed and does not matter. This can be changed by causating patientive verbs, i.e. H. introduces an agent (see under causative).

2.Agentive verbs

S argument = agent

(37)

o-za:	syã: -ke
3SG child	sleep-PFV [-3SG]

"The Kid is sleeping."

Actions denoting these verbs are performed directly by the S argument. These verbs can easily be put in the imperative:

(38)

khasinke "cough!"

syã: nike "Fall asleep! / Go to sleep!"

3. Meteorological verbs

S argument

(39)

nəm	wa-ke
sky	rain-PFV

"It's raining." (Literally "The sky is raining.")

These verbs describe weather phenomena and other phenomena in nature.

Ambitransitive verbs

Type S = P

There is a small class of verbs that are used both transitive and intransitive without any morphological change taking place. These verbs are called ambitransitive.

INTRANSITIVE

(41)

gəm	gahgəri	pa: -ke
Clay	vessel	break-PFV

"The clay pot broke." (Spontaneously, just like that)

TRANSITIVE

(42)

gəm	gahgəri	pa: -ke-o
Clay	vessel	break-PFV-3SG

"He broke the clay pot." (Directly or by means of an instrument)

Verbs with medium morphology

Some of the agentive and patient verbs have a -si suffix , which usually indicates that the valence of a verb has been reduced. However, there is no variant for these verbs without a suffix, -si is mandatory. These verbs are called Deponentien and often express actions that have something to do with (changing) posture (for example, sitting down, standing, laying down ).

(43)

cuh-si-ke

sit-MID-PFV

"He sat down."

(44)

baza	cõ: -ke
bird	settle down-PFV

"The bird settled down." (This verb has only this meaning)

(45)

* cuh-ke-o

sit-PFV-3SG

"He sat him down."

Transitive verbs

Ditransitive verbs have three arguments. However, only two arguments congruent with the verb, the subject and the dative object. The dative object is the aim of the action and is always animated in the Kham.

(46)

no-e	ŋa-lai	o-bənduk	loi-na-ke-o
3SG-ERG	1SG-OBJ	3SG.POSS rifle	borrow-1SG-PFV-3SG

"He lent me his rifle."

(47)

no-e	ŋa-lai	ŋa-bənduk	go-na-ke-o
3SG-ERG	1SG-OBJ	1SG.POSS rifle	borrow-1SG-PFV-3SG

"He borrowed my rifle from me."

The following (ungrammatic) example shows that there really is a difference between transitive and ditransitive verbs, and that one cannot simply add another argument to a transitive construction. (Grammatical variant of this example, see Benefaktiv (66))

(48)

* no-e	ŋa-lai	o-bənduk	sətəĩ-na-ke-o
3SG-ERG	1SG-OBJ	3SG.POSS rifle	show-1SG-PFV-3SG

"He showed me his rifle."

Valence-changing constructions / valence alternation

Causative

The prefix sə- (with the allomorphs su- / so- , due to vowel harmony ) increases the valence of a verb by introducing a new argument. An intransitive verb becomes transitive and is marked accordingly for both arguments. The first two examples are the causative variants of (34) and (35).

(49)

ri: h	so-boh-ke-o
water	[3SG-] CAUS-overflow-PFV-3SG

"He / she let the water overflow."

(50)

syakəri	sə-thĩ: -ke-o
flesh	[3SG-] CAUS-dry-PFV-3SG

"He / she dried the meat."

(51)

o-za: -lai	sə-ŋəhl-ke-o
3SG child OBJ	[3SG-] CAUS-asleep-PFV-3SG

"He / she let the child fall asleep."

In contrast to inherently transitive verbs such as hainya "pull out" (52), the action is caused indirectly. I.e. the agent does (or does not do) something and thereby causes an action on an object (51).

INHERENTLY TRANSITIVE

(52)

o-nəĩ-lai	kuwa-ni	hai-ke-o
3SG-Freund-OBJ	Well OJ	[3SG-] pull out-PFV-3SG

"He pulled the friend out of the well."

PATIENTIVE

(53)

syakəri	ci-ke
flesh	spoil-PFV

"The meat is spoiling."

AUTHORIZED

(54)

sapi	ma-ja: h-də ,	syakəri	sə-ci-ke-o
salt	NEG put NF	flesh	CAUS-verderben-PFV-3SG

"Because she forgot to salt the meat, it got bad."

The weather or other non-human circumstances can also cause actions:

(55)

nəm nəi sə-zyũ: -h-də gohga su-pu-ke-o

"It got cold and that caused the grain to die."

(56)

bəĩhcalu hu-də bahrna sə-re: -ke-o

An earthquake destroyed the wall.

This causative derivation only works with patientive verbs:

AGENTIVE

(57)

* o-za: -lai	sə-syã: -ke-o
3SG child OBJ	[3SG-] CAUS-sleep-PFV-3SG

"He / she let the child sleep."

With the causation of agentive verbs there are two agents on the semantic level, namely one which causes the child to sleep and the child himself who performs the act of sleeping. This cannot be expressed morphologically in Kham; instead, an analytic (or periphrastic) causative is used. In analytical causation, the original sentence is embedded in a new sentence with the verb pərĩ: - "send". The valence of the verb is not changed here. (A sentence S1 can be embedded in another sentence S2 in Kham by transforming the verb of the sentence S1 into a noun.)

(58)

o-za: -lai	syã: -wo	pərĩ: -ke-o
3SG child obj	sleep-NML	send-PFV-3SG

"He / She sent the child to bed." (Literally "He / She sent the child to sleep.")

An exception are agentive verbs that have something to do with laughing, dancing and playing . These verbs are morphologically causative ( i.e. by prefixing sə- ). The S-argument of the intransitive sentence, which is semantically an agent, becomes a patient in the causative variant (both semantically and morphologically).

INTRANSITIVE

(59)

baza	boo-ke
bird	fly-PFV [-3SG]

"The bird is flying."

AUTHORIZED

(60)

baza-rə	ya-sə-buhr-ke-o
Vogel-PL	3PL-CAUS-flies-PFV-3SG

"He / She scared away the birds." (Literally "He / She made the birds fly.")

Some agentive verbs can be causative both morphologically and analytically:

(61)

kətwalya	kih-ke
Herald	call-PFV [-3SG]

"The Herald calls / makes an announcement."

(62)

kətwalya-lai	ŋa-sə-kih-ke
Herold OBJ	[3SG-] 1SG-CAUS-Ruf-PFV

"I call the Herald."

(63)

kətwalya-lai	kih-u	ŋa-pərĩ: -ke
Herold OBJ	call-NML	[3SG-] 1SG-send-PFV

"I had the Herald make an announcement."

Even with transitive verbs, the valence can be increased by the prefix sə- :

(64)

no-e	o-tathi:	ka: h-lai	sə-lep-ke-o
3SG-ERG	3SG.POSS plate	Dog OBJ	[3SG-] CAUS-licking-PFV-3SG

"He let the dog lick his plate."

Applicative

Benefactive

With the suffix yã: - , which arose from the verb "give", the valence of transitive verbs can be increased. Transitive verbs become transitive verbs.

(65)

no-e	ŋa-lai	sətəĩ-na-ke-o
3SG-ERG	1SG-OBJ	show-1SG-PFV-3SG

"He introduced me."

(66)

no-e	ŋa-lai	o-bənduk	sətəĩ-d-yã: -ke-o
3SG	1SG object	3SG.POSS rifle	show-NF-BEN.APPL.1SG-PFV-3SG

"He showed me his rifle."

To do something with or on the things of another person means to do it in favor of the person (= Benefaktiv) or to the disadvantage of the person (= Malefaktiv) and can only be expressed by an applicative:

(67)

no-e	nə-ẽ: h	ki: -d-ĩ: -ke-o
3SG-ERG	2SG.POSS field	plow-NF-BEN.APPL.2SG-PFV-3SG

"He plowed your field for you."

(68)

* no-e	nə-ẽ: h	ki: -ke-o
3SG-ERG	2SG.POSS field	[3SG-] plow-PFV-3SG

"He plowed your field."

Locative alternation

The two verbs chərəi " spritzen " and byal "fill" are transitive and have an A and a P argument. In the first variant ((69) and (71)) the topic is the P-argument and in the second variant ((70) and (72)) the goal of the action is the P-argument.

(69)

ri: h	nam-kə	chərəi-ke-o
water	Floor AT	[3SG-] syringe-PFV-3SG

"He / she splashed water on the floor."

(70)

ri: h-ye	nam	chərəi-ke-o
Water INS	ground	[3SG-] syringe-PFV-3SG

"He / she sprinkles the ground with water."

(71)

gahgəri-lə	ri: h	sə-byal-ke-o
JUG-IN	water	[3SG-] CAUS-fill-PFV-3SG

"He / she filled the jug with water."

(72)

ri: h-ye	gahgəri	sə-byal-ke-o
Water INS	jug	[3SG-] CAUS-fill-PFV-3SG

"He / she filled the jug with water."

Detransitivation

In the Kham there is a detransitivation suffix -si , which turns transitive verbs into intransitive verbs. This derivation leads to different interpretations, depending on the semantic property of the verb.

(a) medium

(b) Reflexive / Reciprocal

(c) 1st person passive.

medium

An agent performs an action on an (often) inanimate object so that it is of use to the agent.

(73)

o-ŋəih	za-si-ke
3SG.POSS head	wash-MID-PFV [-3SG]

"He washed his hair." (Literally "He washed his head.")

(74)

ŋa-cem	ŋa-səi-si-ke
1SG.POSS hair	1SG-comb-MID-PFV

"I'll comb my hair."

(75)

n / A:	R.A.M	ŋa-bahl-si-ke
1SG	Show [ABS]	1SG-see-MID-PFV

"I saw the show."

(76)

R.A.M	bahl-si-ke
show	see-MID-PFV [-3SG]

"He watched the show."

Reflexive / Reciprocal

The arguments of a reflexive construction are co- referenced , i. H. both arguments refer to the same person. For this reason, only verbs are suitable for such constructions, the arguments of which are both animated or somehow capable of action (for example, hit, see, shave ). Verbs that are suitable for reflexivation are usually also suitable for reciprocal formation:

REFLEXIVE I can see myself.

REZIPROK We can see (each other).

For this reason, the number of the argument is more important for interpretation than the semantics of the verb:

(77) Argument in the singular → reflexive

səih-si-ke

kill-DETR-PFV [-3SG]

"He killed himself (himself)."

(78) Argument in the plural → reciprocal (or reflexive)

səih-si-ke-rə

kill-DETR-PFV-3PL

“They killed each other.” Or “They killed themselves” (= everyone killed himself.)

1st person passive

(79)

ri: h	o-si-ke
water	drink-DETR-PFV [-3SG]

"Water was drunk (by me)."

This sentence does not allow for reflexive or reciprocal interpretation, because the agent and patient cannot be co-referent.

* "The water drank each other."

It also does not allow any medium interpretation (a), since these can appear with 1SG pronouns as seen (b).

(a)

* "He drank the water"

(b)

* ŋa:	ri: h	ŋa-o-si-ke
1SG	water	1SG-drink-MID-PFV

* "I drank the water."

According to Watters, the deleted argument can only be the speaker himself. This construction has a pragmatic function; the speaker wants to distance himself a little from the action.

A similar construction can be found in Nepali (Bandhu 1973). A detransitivated verb is inflected for 3SG, but an agent of the 1SG is understood (also in Nepali 3SG is marked by the fact that there is no overt mark ):

(80)

həri-lai	kuT-i-io
Hari-DAT	beat-PASS-PFV

"Hari was beaten (by me)."

passive

Passivation works for the most part through detransitivation.

Detransitivated verbs can be interpreted in different ways. Many of the transitive verbs require an inanimate element (as an object), in this case the detransitivation leads to a 1st person passive (see above)

There are only a few verbs in Kham where the suffixation of -si alone leads to a typical passive interpretation:

(81)

kədəm-nya "bind"	→	kədəm-si-nya "to be bound"
chil-nya "trample"	→	chil-si-nya "to be trodden down"
pi: h-nya "scrape off"	→	pi: h-si-nya "to be scraped off"

Usually only a combination of detransitivation and a further grammatical characteristic allows a passive interpretation. (The following are just two short examples for illustration. This is described in more detail in Watters 2002.)

(a) "Impersonal" passive voice

Detransitivated verbs, which can be interpreted as reflexive, reciprocal or medium in a perfect context (an action is completed), allow a passive interpretation in an imperfective context:

(82)

a-lə	cini	dəi-si-i
here in	sugar	find-DETR-IMPFV

“Sugar is available here. / You can find sugar here. "

(83)

giddə	syakəri	ma-kəi-si-i
vulture	flesh	NEG-eat-DETR-IMPFV

“Vulture meat is inedible. / You don't eat vulture meat. "

(b) Passivation of reflexive and medium constructions

In certain contexts, verbs that have already been detransitivated (with the suffix -si ) can be further detransitivated, and another suffix is ​​added. Constructions with a double -si can be interpreted as a 1st person passive or as an impersonal passive:

(84)

gaola	jəi-si-si-ke
shepherd	make-DETR-DETR-PFV

"I made myself a shepherd."

(85)

ao	ma-ja-si-si-i
the	NEG-wear-MID-DETR-IMPFV

"That is not wearable." (In the sense of: You cannot wear these clothes.)

syntax

Position of the parts of the sentence

The basic position of the clauses in main and subordinate clauses is AVO, SO.

literature

• David E. Watters: A Grammar of Kham . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [u. a.] 2002, ISBN 0-521-81245-3 .
• Thomas Payne: Voice and Valence . In: Exploring language structure: a student's guide . Cambridge University Press, New York [u. a.] 2006, ISBN 0-521-85542-X , p. 237-276 .
• David E. Watters: A Guide to Kham Tone . In: Guide To Tone In Nepal . tape 3 . Tribhuvan University and Summer-Institute of Linguistics, Kathmandu 1971.

About the spokesman for the Kham, the Northern-Magar:

• Michael Oppitz: Woman for Fron. The triple alliance among the Magar of West Nepal . 1st edition. Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1988, ISBN 3-518-28331-6 .

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Leipzig glossing rules ( Memento of the original from May 14, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.