Pietro IV Candiano

Alleged coat of arms of "Pietro Candiano". The coats of arms of the early medieval doges are mere rear projections of family coats of arms, in this case from the 17th century. However, heraldry did not begin until the 3rd quarter of the 12th century; later, in retrospect, coats of arms were also given to the early Doges who never had a coat of arms (“fanta-araldica”); this served to relate the families of this later epoch to the earliest Doges possible, which gave them respect as well as political and social influence and ultimately access to the Doge's office.

Pietro IV. Candiano , in the more chronological sources Petrus Candianus († August 11, 976 in Venice ), was according to the traditional, state-controlled historiography of the Republic of Venice its 22nd doge . At first he became a fellow dog of his father of the same name , but there were disputes between the two, then fights between their factions in the city, at the end of which the son was banished. A few months later his father died and the congregation had sworn that his son would never be elected Doge. The exile, who had acted as a pirate against Venetian merchants for a few months , was nevertheless honored back from Ravenna and elected Doge in 959. For the first time he made the entire people swear an oath of loyalty to his person, and he was no longer just called dux , but also as princeps . He ruled until his fall in 976.

Petrus IV. Candianus took advantage of the splintered balance of power in northern Italy, but then leaned against the newly emerging great power in northern Italy, namely the Roman-German emperors Otto I and Otto II . He disowned his wife and acquired extensive goods through his marriage to a Lombard named Waldrada, a relative of Otto I, which in turn drew him into conflicts on Reichsboden. The question has recently been raised whether Petrus IV Candianus had not tried to create his own territory outside the Venetian lagoon .

Even Byzantium , still formally belonged to the Venice, entered at this time more strongly in evidence. Its emperor Johannes Tzimiskes forbade the Venetians to trade with the Saracens in war-related goods under threat of violence .

Peter and his young son were murdered in an uprising, ending the decades-long attempt to establish a Candiano dynasty . He was the penultimate from the line of Candiano doges who had replaced the Particiaco doges. The Candiano provided five doges between 887 and 979. Petrus was the great-grandson of the first Doge of this family , the last Candiano-Doge was Vitale Candiano († 979), who, however, only ruled for a little more than a year. His rule showed, however, that there was by no means a complete disempowerment of the family of the slain Doge. Mariana Candiano married the successor to the last Candiano in the doge chair.

During the uprising against Peter, there was a devastating fire in the city. In the course of this, in addition to the Markuskirche and allegedly more than 300 houses, the archive was completely destroyed. This has serious consequences for the knowledge of the history of Venice for the time before 976. The fact that Johannes Diaconus not only created the oldest Venetian chronicle, the Istoria Veneticorum , but that it was written only a few decades after the catastrophe, is an essential reason for an unusually dense description of the events. As recent research shows, simply equating the lines of conflict with family boundaries, i.e. along the family name, is not always helpful in understanding the strategies of the protagonists.

Conflict with the father, piracy, Doge's office

Mitdoge, defeat in the struggle for power (from 958)

Petrus IV. Candianus was elected Doge by the popular assembly after he had already participated in power as a fellow dog of his father in March 958 at the latest, but was then banished. He had intrigued against his father and worked to gain sole rule. A first violent attempt failed in the spring-summer of 959 due to the solidarity of the "maior pars populi", whereby the "misericordia" of his father again prevented the execution of Pietro (IV.). He was banished, however, and clerics and laypeople as well as the entire people tried by a public oath to prevent the rebel from becoming a Doge, not even after the death of his father. Petrus III survived the exile of his son. only by two and a half months. Accordingly, he died in the summer or autumn of 959.

Behind this conflict on the verge of civil war, alongside family conflicts, possibly linked to different characters, there were above all political changes, as Margherita Giuliana Bertolini assumes in the context of the traditional interpretation. These massive changes emanated from the Kingdom of Italy, which until then had been characterized by a high level of power fragmentation and uninterrupted fighting. In the eyes of the majority of Venetians, real estate and political interests threatened to drag the city too deeply into the local conflicts instead of concentrating on the so successful overseas trade. This in turn was probably due to the fact that both Byzantium and the Roman-German Empire regained stronger influence in Italy.

The Duchy of Bavaria 952–976

The latter had obtained legitimation for reaching out to Italy under King Otto I at the latest through his marriage to Adelheid , the escaped Queen of Italy. Otto left his son-in-law Konrad the Red in the country, who convinced Berengar II in 952 to come to the Augsburg Reichstag as his king's vassal . He and his son then received the Kingdom of Italy, but had to cede the Margraviate of Verona and the Duchy of Friuli to the Duchy of Bavaria as a royal fief . In 956/57 Otto's son Liudolf was in Northern Italy and moved through the Adige Valley to Verona . Byzantium went on the offensive in southern Italy under Marianos Argyros in 956 and stood on the borders of the Papal States . The exile took part in the fighting on the side of King Berengar II and, with his and Ravenna's help, also captured Venetian ships.

Election to the doge, swearing in of the people on his person

After the death of his father, Petrus IV Candianus was brought back to Venice and elected Doge, although "Veneticorum multitudo una cum episcopis et abbatibus", that is, the crowd of Venetians, probably lay people, in agreement with bishops and abbots, was still there had sworn to the exile that they “numquam… eum ducem haberent”, as the chronist Johannes Diaconus , who was closest in time, reported from half a century apart. Possibly there was a lot of pressure from the regnum here.

With great honors - 300 large and small ships picked him up from Ravenna, Johannes Diaconus reports - he was brought "ad palatium" to the Doge's palace, which was then heavily fortified. Perhaps inspired by the customs of northern Italy and the empire, he had the entire population swear a personal oath in order to overcome internal conflicts. In addition to this personal oath of loyalty, which was required for the first time in 959, next to the title dux also appears for the first time that of a princeps . Gherardo Ortalli saw these changes as an expression of occidental influences.

Monopolization of the slave trade, control of correspondence between the empires

In 960, with the support of Bonus, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Bishops of the Lagoon and the Venetian "primates", a constitution was created that regulates coexistence with Byzantium, but was also intended to consolidate the position of the Doge. From June 960, Byzantium had succeeded in regaining a neuralgic point of Mediterranean trade, the island of Crete , from the Saracens , as the Islamic Berbers and Arabs were called at that time . The resulting constitution also renewed the ban on the slave trade that had existed since Ursus I , but apparently associated with harsher punishments. No Venetian was allowed to lend money to the Greeks because they used it to acquire slaves; no Venetian should dare to transport slaves to “terra Graecorum” or “ultra Polam” (from the area of the Greeks and beyond the Istrian Pula ); none of them were allowed to accept money from Greeks or residents of Benevent to transport slaves. The Constitution also forbade the Venetians to bring correspondence, which came from the Regnum Italicum , from Bavaria or Saxony or any other part of the empire, to the Byzantine emperor or to the Greeks at all. After all, their offensive tone had already seriously damaged relations with Byzantium.

The constitution made the slave trade practically a state monopoly through the exceptions "pro causa palatii". At the same time, the correspondence between the two empires, as in general between Northern Italy and Constantinople, could only go through the Doge, because the Venetians were only allowed to transport that correspondence, "quae consuetudo est de nostro palatio". The relationship with Byzantium seems to have been unusually tense. One sign of this is that the Doge's father had already given up the son's usual trip to the Byzantine capital after the Doge election. It was also shown that the trade , which now extended far into the eastern Mediterranean, depended heavily on the goodwill of the eastern emperor. The slave trade, through which people from Istria and Dalmatia were deported to Islamic countries, as the constitution explicitly states, played an important role. The number of slaves grew significantly due to the victories over the Slavs by Heinrich I and Otto I, as Charles Verlinden was able to demonstrate.

Violation of his wife Johanna, marriage into the western imperial family, tensions with Byzantium, opposition (963–971)

Peter was with a woman named Giovanna, resp. Johanna, married, but from whom he separated. He forced her ("coegit" is expressly called by Johannes Diaconus) to enter the monastery of San Zaccaria as a nun , where she is proven in 963 as abbess. He made his son Vitale a cleric, who later rose to become Patriarch of Grado . The daughter Marina married Tribuno Memmo , who was later to ascend the dog's throne. In 966 Peter married the Lombardin Waldrada, a relative of Emperor Otto I. She was the daughter of Uberto or Humbert, Margrave of Tuscany, and Willa, cousin of Adelheid, who in turn had been Empress since February 2, 962. As a dowry , she brought the Doge property in Treviso , Friuli and Ferrara . With Waldrada he had a son named Walafried. The enormous land ownership allowed the Doge to raise “exteros milites de Italico regno”, as Johannes Diaconus writes (p. 139), in order to be able to use the “predia” “defendere et possidere”, but also, as Margherita Giuliana Bertolini assumes, for the to maintain one's own authority in Venice. After all, this increase in power was also useful to him outside the Venetian territory. He fought against the “extraneos” on Italian territory, such as Ferrara, which seemed to be able to offer the Venetian trade just as strong competition as Comacchio , which the Venetians had destroyed twice. He also had the "castrum" of Oderzo , which dominated the hinterland of Piave and Livenza , destroyed, and with it the eastern Alpine trade routes.

The Roman-German Empire between 972 and 1032

Relations with the Roman-German Empire, which manifested themselves in his marriage to Waldrada, who brought her Roman-German court with her, made it easier for Otto I to recruit a Byzantine princess, for whom he won a Venetian negotiator, during Venice on December 2nd 967 achieved a renewal of its trading privileges on the basis of the Pactum Lotharii of 840. These privileges applied to Venice as well as to the Candiano and his family. These close ties to the Roman-German Empire angered the Eastern Roman Emperor Johannes Tzimiskes . John threatened the Venetians with war if they did not stop trading with the Saracens , against whom John fought on many fronts. The focus was on war-relevant goods such as wood, which were particularly scarce in North Africa. In 971 Pietro had to agree to renounce this trade with the Muslims, which also included weapons. He submitted to the “ dictate imperiale”, as Nicola Bergamo put it in 2018.

Relations with Otto I, especially in the years 962 to 964, when he had to assert himself in Italy against Berengar II, who had established himself in the Pentapolis , more precisely in the Fortezza di San Leo in Montefeltro , became increasingly important . Berengar's allies had withdrawn at some central points in castles, such as San Giulio d'Orta , Garda , in Valtravaglia or on Isola Comacina in Lake Como . When the emperor was again in Italy between September 966 and summer 972, Venice formed part of Otto's apparatus of repression against Berengar and his supporters. This was also reflected in the legislation, for example in the confirmation of the property rights in the territory of Monselice (in Comitato Paduas ), in the area of Cavarzere , an important center for the economy of the ducat, which on August 26, 963 by Otto for the Abbess of San Zaccaria , the very same Johanna, the Doge's first wife. The award of fiscal goods from the same day, which was made in favor of Vitale Candiano “Veneticus, noster fidelis”, who can be identified with the doge's brother, is to be interpreted in a similar way. These goods were located in the counties of Treviso and Padua, the former being particularly important for communication with the territories on the other side of the Alps. Finally, the Pactum Lotharii of 840 was renewed on December 2, 967. Then the title of patriarch of Grado was recognized at a Roman synod , which met from December 967 to early January 968. That Vitale, called Ugo or Hugo, brother of the Doge, became Comes of Padua and Vicenza . All of these were the fruits of the Doge's pro-Ottoman policies.

However, this interpretation was also contradicted, for example by Carlo Guido Mor . He pointed out that Uberto, the father of the Waldrada and Margrave of Tuscany, was hostile to Otto I and that Otto I had to flee to Hungary when Otto moved to Italy for the second time (February to March 962 or May to September 963 ). The clear and consistently friendly relationship between the rulers also contradicts the fact that the Candiano Doge still maintained good contacts with the Berengarians, especially with Uberto during his exile in Venice. In that Vitale Candiano, Mor does not recognize the doge's brother, but the son who was forcibly made a cleric. He also sees in his marriage, which he dated in 962/63, as an element of an anti-Ottonian group that was behind the actions against Oderzo and Ferrara. Finally, he sees Otto's concessions of August 26, 963 as an indication that there was a strong group in Venice that opposed the connection with the Roman-German emperor. In this way Otto tried to win allies in the lagoon. According to Mor, the benefit that Bishop Johannes von Belluno received on September 10, 963, probably in that Oderzo, against which the Doge was operating, fitted into this image . After all, the entire area between Piave and Livenza was later a major area of tension between Venice and the warlike bishop. The privilege granted to the Bishop of Padua on July 6, 964, whose territory bordered on the Venetian, allowed the construction of “castella cum turris et propugnaculis”. According to Mor, the Doge only changed its policy with the break-up of the Berengar faction and the defeat of Byzantium in Sicily. He approached Grado again, where his son was patriarch, in order to receive support against one of the emperor's most loyal allies, the Patriarch of Aquileia Rodoald (Rodaldo). Only now did the hostilities against Otto cease to exist, and it was only the renewal of the pactum and the recognition of the title of patriarch that were signs for Mor of a new relationship between the Doge and the Emperor. The question of which of the two hypotheses is more correct depends on the question of the dating of the central events. The marriage to Waldrada can only be concluded between August 26, 963 (Otto's privilege for Johanna, the abbess of San Zaccaria, who is consistently identified with the Doge's wife) and August 11, 976, the anniversary of the Doge's death (the first Document for Waldrada is from September 976, when she was already a widow!).

The fact that when Otto tried to regulate relations with Venice and Byzantium (it is significant that a “Veneticus”, certainly Domenico, traveled to Constantinople in the summer of 967 to attend to the Byzantine embassy in Ravenna in April of that year), Venice could no longer rely on weak princes in northern Italy.

The 4.1 g Byzantine gold coin, a Tetarteron, minted between 965 and 969, shows Emperor Nikephorus II. Phocas next to the Mother of God , both of whom are holding the cross with their right hands. It is an early example of the coin minted until 1092.

On the contrary, the great powers of their time not only turned out to be significant military powers, but they also pursued an increasingly universalist claim based on the respective empire. To a certain extent, Venice was able to rely on the granting of imperial-Carolingian rights. The traditional pactum , which Otto renewed on December 2, 967, when he was on the way to the imperial coronation of his son of the same name in Rome, represented a deterioration for Venice compared to earlier pacta on the economic-fiscal as well as the procedural level, but also on the territorial. With regard to the deterioration, the quadragesimum , a tax of 2.5% on the value of the goods, should be mentioned, and the rights of use, i.e. above all grazing rights and the right to logging, were not improved any further. The summary procedure has been replaced by the more cumbersome formal procedure. Due to the less favorable trading conditions, the Doge was compelled to introduce the said quadragesimum, possibly more heavily on the symbolic level, the introduction of a tribute of 25 Libra per year. Was quite serious territorial question, because south of Chioggia went Brondolo and Fossone lost, and important centers of salt production and the control of Brenta and Adige , the main trade routes showed. In addition, the border of Cittanova in the zone between Piave and Livenza remained unregulated (from 995 to 996 this indeed led to a violent dispute with John, the Bishop of Belluno ). It is also important that the periodic census was given the name tributum and was now designed to be permanent. Faced with the will of the emperor to control the territory to the south and north, the doge proved to be weak.

The mainland policy was therefore accompanied by negative consequences, indeed by victims. Johannes Diaconus only makes a few hints that this resulted in considerable opposition to the Candiano. The Doge suppressed not only the corresponding “extranei” but also the “subditi” “virtutis rigore plus solito”, which made him hated for a long time.

Increasing isolation of the doge, Ottonic attempts at support, fall (976)

It is significant how Venice reacted in July 971 to the demands of the other universalist power, namely the sharp Byzantine demand that war-relevant goods such as wood and weapons no longer be delivered to the Saracens. Constantinople harshly threatened to burn the ships in question, including their crew and goods. Own inspectors for wood and weapons - "inquirentes de lignamine vel armis" - came to Venice. These drastic measures were linked to the fighting that had broken out between Fatimids and Byzantium in the Middle East. Venice responded to the Byzantine demands in the form of a constitutio des Doge, with the consent of the leading lay people and clergy, similar to what had happened eleven years earlier with the question of the slave trade. However, this now took place in the form of a promissio of the assembly meeting for deliberation, this time "astante magna parte populi, maiores, mediocres et minores". Apparently, significant parts of the population stayed away or were excluded. The Doge and his successors were allowed to stay away from the decisions, but committed themselves through a freely chosen penal provision. The populus' turning away from the Doge seems to crystallize in this form, and ultimately even the Doge's isolation. Carlo Guido Mor, on the other hand, sees in it the conception of the relationship between fidelis and senior . Significant is the predominance of names that dominated Venetian politics immediately after the Candiano, namely those of the Morosini, Coloprini or Orseolo. This Byzantine attack on one of the most important markets in Venice, the Islamic states of North Africa and the Middle East, opened the cracks in the Venetian ruling class particularly clearly.

The earliest signs of Venetian trade with Syria and Egypt date back to the first decades of the 9th century, and the carta promissionis shows trade trips to Mahdia in Tunisia , Kairuan and Tripoli in Libya . There, in view of the war effort, there was once again an increased shortage of wood, but also of metals, i.e. goods that Venice obtained from Istria , Dalmatia and the Alpine region.

Otto I and Otto II tried in vain to support the Candiano. On January 8, 972, they offered the Isola d'Istria from Ravenna, not far from Capodistria , which happened at the request of the Empress Adelheid. The offer was made to “Vitale Candiano Veneticus”. It is unclear whether the doge's brother or future doge was meant here. In Werla the Patriarch received vital goods and rights from the Gradensian Church in the area of Aquileias, Istria and the Exarchate.

After Otto I. died on May 7, 973, the Venetians, who did not agree with the Doge's "austeritas", used the weakness of his protector to overthrow the Doge. In vain had Peter IV. Candiano surrounded himself with “milites” in the Doge's Palace. By setting fire to a neighboring palace - the fire spread to the Doge Castle - the rebels forced him to take refuge in the neighboring atrium of St. Mark's Basilica . Confronted with "nonnulli Veneticorum maiores", including some of his relatives (Johannes Diaconus, p. 139), he found no more grace this time, as he did as a rebellious fellow dog in 959. Despite all the promises “satisfacere omnia ad vestrum velle”, that is, to fulfill all demands according to her will, he was killed. His son of the same name by his wife Waldrada was also murdered on this day, August 11, 976.

The corpses were first taken to the butcher's market, the Beccaria , but Giovanni Gradenigo's piety led him to take them to the monastery of S. Ilario in the lagoon of Fusina ( Mestre ) - possibly because there were extensive Candiano estates there. The Doges Agnello and Giustiniano Particiaco , the founders of the monastery in the early 9th century, were already there .

Devastating city fire, later relationship between the Candiano and the empires

300 houses were burned in the fire set by the insurgents, as were the churches of San Marco, San Teodoro and Santa Maria Zobenigo . On this occasion, the Dogenburg archives were also burned. In 977 the new doge had to confess to Capodistria that both the Venetian and the Istrian documents had been burned.

Waldrada, the Doge's widow, who had stayed on an estate, escaped the murder. She left Venice for good after settling her economic situation with the local government. This government had confiscated the Doge's allodial goods . Waldrada received a royal carta securitatis , which she presented to the new Doge Pietro (I) Orseolo and the Venetian people in September 976. Candiano's other son Vitale also survived, but fled to Saxony to be on the safe side.

Some of the disempowered turned to Emperor Otto II , such as Vitale Candiano, of whom Andrea Dandolo claims to have been the brother of the murdered Doge, who tried in vain to come to an agreement with the Emperor, although he was his cousin of the same name , the Patriarch of Grado, had helped. After he had ruled from September 1st to October 979, he also retired to the monastery of S. Ilario. Even the later Doge Tribuno Memmo (979-992), who married a daughter of the last Candiano doge, could not end Venice's conflict. This was only achieved by another Peter, namely Pietro II Orseolo . Under him, Venice also made itself formally independent from Byzantium, as evidenced by Chrysobull from 992 exhibited by the emperor .

Even if the decades-long dominance of the Candiano was broken, the family still retained considerable influence. The decision to let oneself be drawn less into the conditions on the mainland, in this case those of the Roman-German Empire, should be of great durability. Venice also avoided further conflicts with Byzantium for the time being. In addition to these processes, the importance of the Venetian historiography can hardly be overestimated that the dramatically changed circumstances found an important historiographer in Johannes Diaconus.

reception

For the Venice of the 14th century, the interpretation given to the rule of the Candiano and especially Pietros IV was of the highest symbolic importance. The focus of the Chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo perfectly represents the views of the long-established political leadership bodies that have steered historiography especially since this Doge. His work was repeatedly used as a template by later chroniclers and historians. The focus was always on the questions of political independence between the empires that had risen to a new level of power, of law from their own roots, and hence of the derivation and legitimation of their territorial claims - which suffered setbacks at this point. Both the Roman-German Empire and Byzantium announced their rights and interests in Italy with an intensity that had not been seen for a long time. The emphasis on the role of the Candiano family played an essential role, whose claim to a kind of hereditary monarchy at the time of Andrea Dandolo was in no way in line with the interests of the ruling families at that time, but above all with the state of constitutional development was bring. At the same time, the balance between the ambitious and dominant families was one of the most important goals, the derivation of their prominent position in the state was of great importance. The stages of political developments that finally led to the disempowerment of the Doge, who was increasingly assigned representative tasks, but no longer allowed independent decisions, was a further objective of the presentation. Its implementation was comparatively far advanced in the 14th century. The steep fall of 976 with its devastating consequences, including the destruction of the archive and thus the possibility of adapting the past to the respective needs of the time, brought this process, which in retrospect amounted to a balancing of all inner power groups, into a significant phase.

Italy and the Adriatic region around 1000

The oldest vernacular chronicle, the Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, depicts the events, as does Andrea Dandolo, on a level that has long been known by individuals, especially the Doges, with the author only highlights the bad character of the Doge. The actual decision-making processes remain rather indistinct, even if historians tried to read changes from the finest nuances; foreign policy is not affected at all. The chronicle reports on "Piero Chandian, overo Sanudo", he was after the death of his father at the request of Berengar II, here called "King of Lombardy", then with the help of his "parentado", probably his not further defined following, from the Banished and elected Doge. He was accepted again with great honors and was supposed to treat everyone equally according to his status, but as a "pessimo homo" he forced his wife to become a nun and to go to the monastery of San Zaccaria. He made their son "Vidal", born by her, a cleric, namely the Patriarch of Grado. He took “Valdrada, sorella de Ugo marchese” as his wife, the sister of Margrave Hugo. She brought numerous castles in Ferrara and around Oderzo “per docte”, “as a dowry”, into the marriage. The Doge attacked Oderzo, causing great damage. He was hated by the whole people because of his "malvasitade et superbia", because of his diabolical malice and his arrogance. When he burned a man and his house (the name was never inserted in the gap in the text), a "grandissimo tumulto" occurred, during which the people burned the Doge's Palace and large parts of the St. Mark's Church to the ground. Pietro IV, with death before his eyes, picked up “uno suo fiolo piçenin”, one of his little sons, and asked for “misericorda”. But the angry people killed him along with the child. The corpses were dropped at the "Beccharia", but a "meser Zanne Gradenigo" brought them to S. Ilario.

In Pietro Marcello's count, "Candiano doge XXI." Is the 21st doge. In 1502, in his work, later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , he saw the moral failure of those in the foreground who - contrary to their oath - had brought the Doge back from exile and elected him Doge. He had previously reported how Pietro (IV.) Candiano was initially chased away because of his "insolente natura", how he had rejected every advice from his father and committed treason. There was almost an open fight between the “cittadini” in the middle of the city, but the old doge himself kept them from it. After the exile and the said oath of the clergy and the people, the son of the Dog went to Ravenna to meet Guido, the son of Berengario. From the latter he received six ships and captured Venetian ships on the banks of Ravenna. Thereupon the old doge died of pain in the 10th year of his reign. Now the city was punished, as it deserved, by the self-elected Doge, namely by fire, the 'tyranny' of the Doge, with his death and that of the “figliuolo bambino”. After Marcello, he forced his wife to go to the monastery 'because she was old' and made their son patriarchs. After he had 'chased away' his wife (“cacciata”), he married “Gualdera”, who was the daughter of Margrave Guido here. If the doge had kept his terrible character and wickedness hidden until then, he turned “il Prencipato” into a tyranny, full of arrogance, threats and the people terrible. With his army he attacked Oderzo, because he accused its residents of having taken possession of its land. In order to restore freedom to the people, they wanted to 'assault' him (“assaltare”), but the doge took refuge in his palace, where he had set up a good guard. A fire was started, but a strong wind fanned it so much that not only the palace but also the St. Mark's Church burned down. In a remote corner where the fire had not yet raged, the doge hid, but was caught by armed men. Now all requests, which the author presents in unusually extensive detail, were in vain, almost everyone screamed, the tyrant who had done so much evil, and his little son, too, were supposed to die. So the two were torn to pieces, their corpses thrown on the Beccaria for the dogs to eat. But Giovanni Gradenico picked them up and they were honored buried in the church of S. Ilario.

According to the chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , Pietro (IV.) Candiano brought the people to the fact that he was raised to a co-doge (“consorte del Ducato”). Refusing to obey, he rebelled against his father until the followers of the two Doges got into a scuffle on the “ Piazza di Rialto ” (“vennero insieme alle mani”). The majority were on the father's side and wanted to tear the son to pieces, but the father, full of compassion, asked the people not to kill him. In order to give in at least partially to the anger of the people, he was banished from Venice. The clergy and the people swore that neither before nor after the old Doge's death would they ever accept him as his successor. Pietro was forced to leave Venice, but through the mediation of "Georgio Diacono et di Gregorio Chierico" he found refuge with twelve servants at "Hunulcone Marchese", King Berengar's son, where he was received in honor. This introduced him to the court of Berengar and wanted to take him with him for the fight against the Mark Spoleto . Then, to take revenge on Venice, he turned to Ravenna, where he captured seven Venetian ships with six armed ships on the Po di Primaro , which were loaded with goods on their way to Fano . The old and sick doge died over it. Aside from their oath, the Venetians now called the exiled doge: "Pietro Candiano di questo nome IIIJ, nel DCCCCLVIIIJ, fu publicato Duce". In the sixth year of his reign he achieved the renewal of the privileges that had already existed under "Carlo Imperatore", that is, under the Frankish ruler Charles I. In the ninth year of his reign he achieved the confirmation of the Patriarchate of Grado by Otto I. Church should now be “Patriarchale et Metropoli” of the entire Venetian ducat. He forced his “consorte” and their son to become a nun or patriarch, the latter “anni circa L” living there for about 50 years. Instead, he took “Valderacha”, sister of Margrave Hugo, as his wife, who brought large estates and numerous vassals (“molte possessioni, vassali et beni per grande valore”) with her into the marriage. The Doge maintained "soldati Italiani", which not only served to protect these possessions, but also to expand them. Trusting in the foreign powers ("confidandosi nelle esterne forze") he fought for a castle in Ferrara, burned Oderzo. The chronicle attributes to the Doge to have forbidden the sale of war-relevant goods to the Saracens, together with his son and patriarch "Vital" and Mauritius, the bishop of Olivolo, the son of Pietro Cassiano, as well as the bishops, the clergy and the People of Venice. This should serve for an "espeditione" to the Holy Land, whereby one turned to Constantinople first. Because of the arrogance and tyranny of the Doge, the extreme preference given to his supporters, but also his marriage to the Margrave's sister, some Venetians conspired against him. The Doge had only a few, but battle-tested men, so that no one dared to break into the Doge's Palace. So, on the advice of "Pietro Orsiolo", the insurgents set fire using pitch and other materials. This spread to over 300 houses, to San Marco and the Chapel of St. Theodor and “ Santa Maria Zubenigo ”. From the heat and smoke of the fire, the besieged fled with difficulty through the atrium gate . Placed there, the doge offered to do whatever the insurgents wanted. But they shouted “con horribil voci” that he was unworthy to live and that they could free him from the ducat. They killed him with their swords. One of the men saw the “nutrice” with the doge's baby in her arms, how this “wet nurse” tried to save the child from the fire. He killed the child with a dagger, and the Doge's soldiers were also torn to pieces. The corpses of the doge and the “little son” (“figliuolino”) were brought with a “barchetta” to the “beccaria”, then by “Gioanni Gradenigo, huomo santissimo” to S. Ilario.

In the Chronica published in 1574, this is Warhaffte actual and short description, all the lives of the Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who based on Pietro Marcello made the Venetian chronicle known in the German-speaking area, is "Peter Candian the one and twentieth Hertzog". In contrast to his father, who had also been “chased away” for “sake of his arrogance”, but who “also changed his way of being with the Jars” and was consequently resumed “with great goodwill from the people”, he remained Conflict with the next generation until the death of Pietros III. Candiano unsolved. He initially took “his son Peter as an assistant or coadiutorn”, but this son despised his father's advice and “rides a number of bad boys into a riot or riot against their place.” Doge and “Raht” opposed this “and little is missing / that in the midst of the town the citizens had given one another a battle ”. The Doge's authority was able to calm the rebels, however, the son was "shocked and expelled from the regiment". People, clergy and “the princes of the place” even put down an “Eydt”, “that they never let this rebel come to Hertzogthumb ...” Petrus then went to “Guidone / Berengarii (who was in Lombardia what ) Son “, who made six ships available to him for pirate trips. In fact, he took Venetian ships "by the river around Ravenna / which (as they say) annoyed his father so much / that he / from excessive pain and Hertzenleidt" died soon after, after he had ruled for 11 years (p. 14r). Kellner begins the passage about Pietro IV, who was recalled in breach of the oath, with the announcement that the city and the new doge would not go unpunished, “Namely the place with Brandt and Tyranney des Hertzog / Peter but with his and his boy Sons terrible death. "" Peter / after whom he Hertzog what / he divorced his wife Johanna / because she was old / and also wants his son / whom he had with her / does not recognize / but does in spiritual ". Here the author notes that the son benefited from this because he had become Grado patriarch. The Doge's new wife was called "Gualtheran / Guidoni's Daughter", through whom he came to an enormous fortune. In the words of Kellner: “And while he had come across a lot of land / Gelt and Fahrendhaab / of great defenses with the same / he was completely proud and blown up.” Now he could “his wild courage / evil nature and manner / which he bit from it had kept hidden ”, no longer tame. While acting internally as an arbitrary tyrant, he attacked Oderzo , of whose residents he claimed they owned his wife's goods, and had the city burned down. When the "people" no longer "want to endure" their tyranny, they wanted to attack them in order to "put the fatherland in freedom". But he entrenched himself in the Doge's Palace with his “war men”, whom the “common” in turn set on fire. A strong wind caused the St. Mark's Church to "burn down". The doge took "one of his little children ... under the arm / and wanted to flee / to the most hidden secret place in the churches / since the fire had not yet got there." When he lost hope, he turned to pleading and pleading if not his life, then to spare that of his "little underage son". "But it was all in vain / then they all shout / one should take away the cruel tyrant ...". So he was "pierced a number of times / and chopped into pieces / with his son. Irish bodies were thrown into the muzzle or shear outside of the crowd / and partially eaten by the dogs there". "Johann Gradenico" had them honestly buried in "S.Hilarii churches."

In the translation of Alessandro Maria Vianolis Historia Veneta , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, und Die Die / Von dem Ersten Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the Doge, im Contrasted with Marcello, called "Petrus IV. Candianus, The 22nd Hertzog". After him, the fourth Candiano, now elected Doge, had "not changed his mind in the least". City and Doge should not go unpunished because of the breach of the oath and the "excessive willfulness" and "folly". So they should have "felt and felt the omnipotent Straffruthe". He had “forced” his wife to go to the monastery, his son “(if the boy was good enough for him)” had to become a cleric, “just so that he would be all the more prominent in the new marital status / which he had long been with Valderanda, of one heart From Ferrara's daughter decided / wants to walk. ”With her rich dowry he became“ even more daring / and inflated / so / that he could not tame his bad temper / if he was bithero in something / can no longer tame it ”. Now he has transformed the “duchy into a public tyranny”. "Meanwhile he gathered a lot of soldiers together," said Oderzo, "blamed them / as that they owned a lot of goods / that his wife was responsible for", and had the city burned down. In the “August month of the 975th year” (pp. 140 f.) The rebels attacked the Doge's Palace and when they encountered resistance they set fire to various places. With one of his little sons, the Doge wanted to "hide in the most hidden place in churches", the St. Mark's Church, "where the fire has not yet come / crawl". When he realized that all escape routes were blocked, "he began to plead and plead". The rebels nevertheless killed the two, "their bodies thrown into the mezge by the angry people / and partly eaten by the dogs there / then taken away by Johannes Gradenigo, with the permission of the mob / and honestly buried in S. Hilarii churches." “(P. 142 f.). Vianoli thinks that this was now “the wretched end of this heart drawn”, at which one can see how “highly dangerous” the punishment for arrogance and ambition can be for a prince “who / by choosing from so many people / far more affable / than the others must all be / and should be more friendly. ”Then the author enumerates which churches were built in the 17 years of this Dogate. They gathered "in St. Peters / the main episcopal church in the Castell / while Saint Marci was now consumed by fire" and there in 976 Pietro Orseolo was elected, "a person of many and heartfelt virtues".

In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart wrote in his opus Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice that Pietro II had already "adopted his son", the third of his name, "as a secondary regent". He ruled badly at first, but with increasing age "became much more modest and behaved well". He, in turn, took his son of the same name "next to him in the government", but "he behaved so badly / that the whole people got into an uproar / so that this son was chased out of the city". The expellee, whose return was to be prevented by an oath, switched to "stealing the sea" and "did so much damage to the Venetian merchants / that his father died of grief over it." But this death and the oath "became reckless with the careless man Volck was so little respected [...] only for the sake of his lucid ancestors / who did so much service to the Republicq / accepted back to their (XXI.) Hertzog. "" This then pushed his wife away / and married another / the very was mighty in slaves and land goods ”. After the successful war against Oderzo and Ferrara, he put his soldiers in the Doge's Palace. "Then finally in its 17th year the people got on their feet / and set the palace on fire". According to von Sandrart, the insurgents did not allow the doge, who was holding his son in his arms, to speak up. So he was “killed next to his little son.” “Through this conflagration, however, 300 houses and three of the most distinguished churches also went up in the smoke.” The author sums up: “And so it is always with the people / either it's too freaky / or all too good and gullible. "

Johann Friedrich LeBret , who published in his four-volume State History of the Republic of Venice from 1769 and dealt extensively with the Venetian constitution, knew about the Candiano: “This mighty house produced great minds. They loved war and their whole upbringing was martial. ”For the old Doge Pietro III. his son of the same name and fellow dog became the "source of a biting annoyance". The supporters of father and son "came together in the public square of Rialto to decide the matter by a skirmish." But the father's crowd was much larger, they "seized the son, they tied him, they wanted him for vengeance and sacrifice the fury of the heated mob. ”But the father“ bathes for him; and the people were softened by such a touching example of a dismayed father. ”Lifelong banishment followed. The exile traveled to Ravenna with a priest Gregorius and a deacon George along with twelve servants. King Berengar II asked “the young man” to “take part” in a campaign against the Mark Spoleto, then the king allowed him “to take revenge on the Venetians”. In the "Haven of Primaro" he captured seven Venetian merchants on the way to Fano and "cut down the team". The appointment of this pirate as the successor of the old Doge, which happened despite the opposing oath, prompted the author to investigate which errors had crept into the Venetian church and state constitution (pp. 199–215). So he “did everything that depended on him abroad in order to earn honor and fame for his name.” “He wanted to establish his highness on the land too, and for this he believed a marriage would pave the way.” His wife Johanna "If he sacrificed his ambition, he rejected it". Their son also had to be "put aside". "Now he chose a wife through whom he obtained excellent goods in the Italian empire, and who would have a good reputation among the mighty Italians." So he married Waldrada, "a sister of Margrave Hugo of Toscana, whose father Obertus died in 968 was. She was a granddaughter of King Hugo, and brought her husband large estates and even property over many cities [...] in Lombardy to the Heurathsgut. "Now he put aside all" moderation "" and fell into despotic principles "," took. " foreign soldiers in his service ”. "Unrestricted orders thundered under a freyes people who were least used to the imperious mine." "Nothing is more unpleasant to the freyen Venetian than a prince surrounded by soldiers." It took a while before one was ready to overthrow. "The bitter mob gathered around the palace in large numbers". The people wanted to break open the gates, but the soldiers drove them back. The author registers that the older historians who wrote before Andrea Dandolo knew nothing of Peter Orseolus' advice to set fire to the palace (p. 220). On August 12, 976, the houses of Orseolus burned in the vicinity of the Doge's Palace, to which the flames were supposed to spread. The smoke forced the doge to "show himself under the gate of the palace". According to LeBret, the Doge was surprised that some of the greats were at the forefront of the uprising. He still wanted to defend himself, remembered the merits of his ancestors, and offered to “do something for them in all respects”. But he was shouted down and murdered with daggers. The nurse of his son had been able to save him from the flames, but the child, like the soldiers, was "stabbed to death". This author also ascribes an insatiable anger to the people: "Their anger stifles the voice of reason ... no pleading, no tears, no promise finds room, but a terrible enthusiasm demands the blood of the tormentor and his semen." The corpses were "in thrown a boat at the butcher's market until a better-thinking patriot from the House of Gradenigo was found ”and had her buried in S. Ilario. The Doge "was hated by everyone and not complained about by anyone". The exact and so significant date, August 12, 976, noted, in view of the significance of the overthrow, according to LeBret "the oldest historians, however negligent they may otherwise be in determining the times".

Samuele Romanin , who depicts very detailed depictions and is embedded in the historical context of the neighboring territories , who portrayed this epoch in 1853 in the first of ten volumes of his Storia documentata di Venezia , briefly outlined the dramatic scenes in Venice, from the son's attempted insurrection to his capture , the requests of the father and the banishment. After the father's death, things were seen in Venice without precedent. In spite of the oath, which provided for the banishment for life and which should never have returned to his office, the son was raised to the rank of doge. Through prayers, processions, charitable gifts and the construction or restoration of churches, attempts were made to appease the divine anger. So San Simeone was built or rebuilt at the expense of the Brandossi, Beriosi and Ghise families, San Baseggio at the expense of the Baseggi and Acotanti, Santa Maria Zobenigo on that of the Zobenighi, Barbarighi, Semitecoli etc. Pietro III Candiano died in 959. The fact that the popolo minuto instigated by the relatives and comrades-in-arms of the exile was committed to bringing the exile back before the election, while the leading figures of the city resisted, was taken from a “Cronaca Barbaro” by Romanin without further details. At first, the elected man seemed to bring 'order and discipline to the islands' when he blinded a certain Mirico, who had become Bishop of Torcello through simony in 959, 'with excessive severity' and Giovanni III. Aurio nominated. Finally, the slave trade was strictly forbidden, including their transport and even money lending for this purpose - a resolution for which a specially invited synod was called in San Marco. There was also a ban on transporting letters from northern Italy to Constantinople. Meanwhile, Berengar II was brought to Bamberg , Otto I was crowned emperor in 962. The ambassadors Giovanni Contarini and Giovanni Dente diacono obtained the extension of the usual privileges in 964 or 965. The ambassadors Giovanni Contarini and Giovanni Venerio received the Pope's recognition of the Grado Patriarchate. Meanwhile Otto and Emperor Nikephoros († 969) got into a dispute over the marriage plans between Otto II and Theophanu , in the course of which Otto marched as far as Calabria and Apulia . The eastern imperial successor Johannes Tzimiskes made peace and in 972 the two married in Rome. The Byzantine demand for an end to trade in war-related goods with the Saracens was met. But the doge had a tendency to "impero assoluto", to unrestricted rule. He sent his wife to the monastery, "per aspirare a nozzi più illustri", waged war for the goods of his new wife, and brought foreign soldiers into the city. Finally there was an uprising, in the course of which the doge faced his adversaries directly and addressed them as 'brothers'. Nevertheless, he was killed along with his son and his soldiers, apparently by peers. "Così era compiuta la vendetta popolare" closes Romanin laconically, however, so the vengeance of the people was completed. Waldrada, who had escaped, threw herself at the feet of the Empress mother Adelheid. The patriarch Vitale, who had also fled to the imperial court, joined her requests for reparation (p. 251). Otto II sent corresponding demands to Venice's new government.

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) assumes in his history of Venice from its founding to 1084 , which appeared only eleven years after his death , that Byzantium exerted the greatest influence in the lagoon right up to the Dogate Petrus IV. Candiano, which is what many Details reflect. The doge submitted to the Ottonian emperor. The fact that “clergy and people” spoke out against Peter (IV.), Banished him for life, gives Gfrörer a different interpretation. He compares them with similar events in Rome or the Pataria in Milan. For Gfrörer, initially as a supporter of the old Doge, a new party in the city that demanded participation rights was born. He also looked at the events from a different angle. According to Gfrörer, Berengar II had concluded the Treaty of 948, which was advantageous for Venice, in order to finally support the exiled fellow doge against his father: “King Berengar reckoned the rich and sea-powerful neighboring country through the divisions he instigated in the ducal house to shatter, and thereby submit step by step to his sovereignty ”(p. 255 f.). In Gfrörer's opinion, the doge was not an absolute ruler. The author saw the long-standing reasons for the power restrictions already in the popular assembly that elected the Doge. "This right to vote of the citizens formed a not to be despised dam against the arbitrary desires of the Doges" (p. 260). Then "the constitution of 809 offered by the establishment of the two state tribunes the judicial power separated from the executive and thus set a second barrier against the disorderly lust for power of the Doges". Gfrörer assumes that those who brought Pietro (IV.) Back from Ravenna would have "put a great council at his side, without whose consent the fourth Candiano was not allowed to undertake anything important" (p. 263). The author also quotes the document in German translation, with which the slave trade was prohibited, as well as the transport of letters to Constantinople (pp. 265–267). He interprets this ban on the transport of letters - from which the Doge's Palace was exempt - as a means of obstructing the correspondence between Otto I and Constantinople, which Berengar was supposed to use. According to Gfrörer, this upset the rest of the Venetians, because they were missing out on a lucrative business and there was fear of making the future emperor of the west an enemy. In the slave trade, the repurchase of slaves for ransom, state trade in foreign potentates, such as Córdoba or Tunis, was allowed, and the Istrian Pola was the hub of trade, including with slave soldiers. Gfrörer goes so far as to say, "The mass of common fighters, on the other hand, delivered Hungary and Slavonia as early as the 9th and 10th centuries" (p. 276). At the time the document from the year 960 was issued, the doge “was no longer what his predecessors evidently were, namely neither absolute master nor imperial Greek governor, but in all important cases he had to obtain the approval of the most respected men of the Catching up with Zealand ”(p. 277). The new council was made up of the patriarch and the bishops, then, as Gfrörer believes from the order of the signatories, the “two state tribunes, then the old dog, and only now do the names of the heads of the commercial nobility follow”. Gfrörer believes that the clergy not only succeeded in putting an end to "Byzantinism", the submission and servicing of the church by the state, but they also ostracized "the worst horror of antiquity: the slave trade" (p. 279). According to Gfrörer, the law of 971, which, under brutal pressure from the Eastern Emperor, prohibited the arms and timber trade with the Saracens, was promulgated under different conditions of power. In the text it turns out that in addition to the Doge, only the Patriarch, at that time his own son, and the Bishop of Olivolo decided, according to Gfrörer, “a willless creature of the Doge”. The doge acted as sole ruler. But "the Venetians saw through his intentions and had no desire to become slaves of the House of Candiano" (p. 286 f.). For Gfrörer, the body he suspects exists is the core of the Grand Council. He had replaced the previous system of control of the old doge with a fellow doge, who then only appeared in two cases. At the same time, "almost all traffic between the West and Constantinople" was handled by Venetian ships, which Gfrörer proves with statements from the Ottonian ambassador Liutprand of Cremona . Finally the author believes that the Doge recognized “the sovereignty of Saxony over Veneto” in Rome in 967 (p. 304). The reward was her marriage to Waldrada, plus her property, which fell to the Doge. This possession was so enormous because father and brother were in exile at the time. The widowed Waldrada, who was married to the murdered Doge under Salic law , could not have sue for her property, because under this law, daughters were not inheritable. So, according to Gfrörer, she could only have won her inheritance with the permission of the Kaiser. This favor from the emperor earned the Doge a large number of soldiers who guarded not only these goods but also the Doge's Palace. After the death of Ottonen, who had supported the Doge, the concentrated resistance in the Grand Council turned into an uprising that cost the Doge and his son, as well as his soldiers, their lives.

Pietro Pinton, who translated and annotated Gfrörer's work in the Archivio Veneto in the annual volumes XII to XVI, corrected his idea of an overly strong influence of Byzantium. His own critical examination of Gfrörer's work did not appear until 1883, also in the Archivio Veneto. No new border was drawn for the Venetian ducat in the contract with Berengar, as Gfrörer claims. In addition, the search for a new ally for Berengar would have given him the opportunity, like Charles the Fat and Giovanni II Particiaco in 883, to exempt him from personal trade. In addition, Gfrörer deduces from the mere fact of later support for the rebellious son that Berengar had been in league with him for years. On the contrary, the young rebel was only introduced to the king by his son Wido, as Johannes Diaconus reports ("Is autem, qui patria pulsus fuerat ..., ad Hwidonem marchionem, Berengarii regis filium, pervenit. Qui cum devote suscipiens, patri Berengario regi presentavit. "). Just to underpin his argument, he put the elevation to co-doge and exile in 959, while Pinton, due to the events in between, such as the campaign against Spoleto or the pirate acts of the son of the Dog, assumes that three or four years must have been between the events. Pinton assumes the time around 957 for the "eviction". Henry Simonsfeld has already answered the question about the time of the father's death, viewed from a source-critical point of view, whether the Muratori edition had adopted a wrong term - a "creationem" appeared instead of "ejectionem" - had already been answered by Henry Simonsfeld . But Gfrörer, who repeatedly insisted on being able to interpret the language of the sources, ignored this. On the other hand, Gfrörer correctly assessed the moral value of the ban on the slave trade of 960, but this was devalued by a passage that lifted this ban if it caused damage to the state. Pinton calls the law a “finzione politica”, a “political pretense”. The second prohibition, the one on correspondence with Constantinople, served the reputation of Venice more than an alleged alliance between Berengar II and the Doge against Otto I. Pinton regards the arms and wood export ban of 971 more as a matter of consideration, because trade with the East was a matter of consideration so lucrative that Venice was prepared to ban this trade for a short time. Gfrörer correctly recognized that this was the first official document on which the Doge's signature was missing. But the interpretation of the document as proof of the Dogat's “sudditanza” goes too far (p. 333); nor did the document of 967 offer any special benefits for the Dogat. There is no evidence of a homagium , except for the goods of his second wife, for which he probably had to do this. Gfrörer explains that the Ottone could never exercise his sovereignty with the aforementioned constitutional change and the creation of the Grand Council. Pinton does not consider his evidence for the creation of the Grand Council, the long series of signatures on the said documents, to be convincing, since such columns can already be found on the documents handed down from the 9th century. Pinton also believes that Gfrörer's assumption that the Venetians took the Romans as a model is too weakly substantiated. As for the protection of Otto for Pietro, Pinton also believes that he just kept the Doge in office.

In 1861, Francesco Zanotto, who gave the people's assembly considerably more influence in his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , reported that the third Candiano had his son "se lo prese a compagno" in the 14th year of his rule, but without the consent of the "nazione" , so made him a fellow doge. 'But he soon had to regret it bitterly,' as Zanotto describes in a simplistic way. Peter IV finally attacked the Doge's Palace, but the people rose against him, and only the father's petitions prevented his killing. Then the author describes his alliance with Berengar and Wido, the war against Spoleto and his pirate acts. Finally, he adds the plague , which 'made the city a grave, as it were' and the pain caused by the son. Both killed the old doge. Without naming Romanin's name, he contradicts (p. 49, note 4) his claim that the churches mentioned were under Pietro III. Candiano emerged. The historians had “with great and justified astonishment” noted the return of the son of the Dog and his election. At Zanotto, the ceremonial entry took place after the election, not the other way around. He considers the expulsion and blindness of the Bishop of Torcello to be an act through which 'order and discipline' should be restored. According to the author, he called bishops and “dottori” to the 'Council' on Rialto, so that civil and ecclesiastical power would unite in order to condemn and prevent the slave trade. 'In order to keep Venice away from damage in these times of jealousy between empires', continues Zanotto, the said mail transport was banned. The rule of the Doge was only overshadowed by his marriage to Waldrada and the repudiation of the first wife and their son. The new wealth made Pietro IV a tyrant who was hated by many. A 'secret conspiracy' broke out in 976. Initially, the soldiers fended off the attack by the conspirators, but then the rebels set fire to the east side of the palace - the usual sequence of events follows. But in the end 'crying and pleading were in vain', he and the 'innocent child' 'who was killed in the arms of the wet nurse' ended up in the 'pubblico macello', where they lay unburied for a long time. Giovanni Gradonico had them brought to the said Candiano crypt near the monastery of S. Ilario.

Also Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna calls in the first, in 1867 published volume of his Storia dei Dogi di Venezia first "Pietro Candiano IV" than 22 doges, where it was the old Doge in him the desire to make his son Mitdogen. The people only gave their consent. This existed because in this way they hoped to win the friendship of Berengar II, with whom the exile had become friends, who was 'feared' - by no means because of the fickleness of the people, as the author emphasizes. At Cicogna, too, the old doge died of grief over the road his son had taken, which even hijacked Venetian ships. The year of death 959 for Pietro III. was now established. First, the new doge blinded the Bishop of Torcello, who had risen to bishop by 'unauthorized means', then 'unita la concione', after the popular assembly had been called, to forbid the slave trade with Christians. The ban on the transport of letters served to separate the spheres of power in West and East, because they 'should not know more about each other than was necessary in the national interest'. The success for the Grado Patriarchate and the confirmation of the old rights are not lacking in Cicogna. However, he does not mention that the Doge only forbade the arms and timber trade with the “Maomettani” because the Eastern Emperor had forced him to do so, or at least threatened massive consequences. At Cicogna, too, this success story of the fourth Candiano only ended with the repudiation of the wife and the greed for possession of Waldrada. He had to defend this extensive property, for which he needed soldiers, who he then used to protect the Doge's Palace. For Cicogna, it was the superiority of the House of Candiano, the extensive relationships outside the lagoon, and the ambitious and violent character of the Doge that led to his overthrow. With him it was the 'angry people' ("popolo furioso") who tore the Doge and his son as well as numerous followers ("seguaci") to pieces. Giovanni Gradenigo, a priest at Cicogna, finally took the bodies from the butcher's market and buried them in the family crypt. Waldrada 'perhaps' only survived the coup because the people feared the reactions from outside.

Heinrich Kretschmayr states: “With the Dogate of Petrus Candianus (Pietro Candiano) III. almost forty years of uninterrupted rule of the Candian house begin. ”But:“ There is no news about the later years of the Doge. ”Only the quarrel between father and son is described. According to the author, the episcopate and the nobility feared the conflict with their son, "probably also influenced by a party leaning towards them". Then they broke their oath never to elect their son doge. Instead, "[he] was solemnly overtaken in Ravenna with 300 ships and called back to the palatium" (p. 109). "Perhaps with the ban on slaves of June 960 he fulfilled a wish expressed by the bishops on this occasion, admittedly in a way that they hardly liked." Kretschmayr calls the fourth Candiano "a pronounced personality". According to him he was “energetic and cunning, belligerent and diplomatically well-versed, not supported by popular opinion or the financial strength of his sex, but a whole, full, strong man.” His goal was “a monarchy based on itself”. Kretschmayr believes that Johannes Diaconus was the “house chronicler of the Orseoli”, the “denigration” of the fourth Candiano “became more and more a law, the more the aristocratic oligarchy came into force over the years as the only legitimate constitution of Venice, and every attempt made against it as cursed revolution had fallen into disrepute. Pietro Candiano IV became the type of the rough tyrant in Venetian saga and history ”(p. 110). Regarding the ban on slaves and mail of June 960, the author says: "The state took in a lot of money from the slave trade with the Saracens, the Doge may have benefited from this to pay the bodyguard [...]." This trade became "the monopoly of the Dogates “, Just as a monopoly on mail transport between West and East emerged. In Kretschmayr's eyes, the fourth Candiano was up to the difficult task of ensuring that “the small state is not crushed as if between two millstones”. The aristocracy "of course has repaid the dogal monopoly and prohibition policy with the most thorough aversion to its sponsor" (p. 111). Around 967/68 the Candiano broke his marriage under completely changed political conditions, married the "brother's daughter" of the Empress Adelheid. Otto I, on whom the Doge increasingly leaned, could possibly make good use of the Venetian fleet in the 968 fighting with Byzantium in southern Italy, speculates Kretschmayr. In the end, the attempt to establish an “independent monarchy” was “suffocated in fire and blood”.

In 1944 Roberto Cessi , head of the Venice State Archives , made some changes to the representation of the uprising of 976. So he turned a nobility uprising into a “popolo”, the city became a “nazione”, and Waldrada a stranger - all this was therefore the cause of the uprising, which was also directed against the foreign soldiers. For him, the causes were no longer where they were seen by Johannes Diaconus, namely in the harshness of the rule of the fourth Candiano (“ob austeritatem sui exosum”), but in the turning to the kingdom, in the loss of the Venetian identity. Still Gherardo Ortalli saw it, and, in the turning away of Byzantium a major cause. Waldrada thus became the cause of the overthrow, because it induced the Candiano to interfere in imperial affairs.

John Julius Norwich , in his History of Venice, considers it more likely that the conflict between father and son was not a bad character on the part of the son, but rather solid political conflicts. The conflict led to "open warfare broke out in the streets of the city". As a mercenary, the son fought under the banners of the "Guy, Marquis of Ivrea, who in 950 was crowned King of Italy". Then he became a corsair, "blocking no less than seven of the Republic's galleys at the mouth of the Po." For the author, it was the outbreak of a "terrible epidemic of plague" that hit the city in 959, and the "finally broke." his spirit ”, so that the old doge died. When the fourth Candiano was fetched from Ravenna with 300 ships, "it was a dark day for Venice". Although there was no longer a father to oppose, he had turned against everything he stood for, 'the old, strict, republican virtues on which the state was founded and which made him great had ', their distrust of personal pomp and boasting. On the mainland, however, he got to know luxury at court, but also the autocratic rule, which stood in sharp contrast to the "checks and balances" that characterized Venice. "His energies were not at first completely misdirected", as Norwich believes it can judge with confidence. So he forbade the slave trade. Norwich believes that he not only signed this ban, but also had it signed by clerics and nobles ("nobles") in order not to attract the anger of the slave traders. He also believes that from this point onwards “references to similar councils became increasingly frequent in Venetian legislation”. During his exile, as was Norwich again, he kept an eye on Waldrada. Now he got a divorce and sent his wife to the monastery of S. Zaccaria. The huge inheritance turned the doge into a feudal lord who was considered a vassal of the Ottonian emperor. “So much for Venice's hardwon independence”, as the author laconically adds, “so much for Venice's hard-won independence”. The Candiano, “living in state like some perfumed princeling of Byzantium”, surrounded himself with a legionnaire troop that he had recruited on his property. When he was able to have the Patriarchate of Grado recognized at the imperial court for his son, he had practically all of Venice's lands in his hand. "Unfortunately, like so many of his otherwise talented family, he never knew when to stop". Allegedly at the moment when he asked the Venetians to represent his personal interests in the Ferrarese, an uprising broke out. He describes its course after Johannes Diaconus, whom he considers to be a possible eyewitness to the events. "Venice had got rid of her Doge, but she had paid dearly for her mistake" adds the author, "Venice had got rid of her Doge, but it paid dearly for its mistake".

Perhaps the second wife, Waldrada, was for Pietro Candiano the strategically prerequisite that he could play a significant role in the struggles of the nobility at the level of the Regnum Italicum, and not, as earlier historians have speculated, to avoid exotic distractions to leave. Johannes Diaconus conceals the father Waldrada, who was a partisan of Berengar, as Chiara Provesi continues in her deliberations. Pietro's swing to the Ottonian side is concealed in this way. Luigi Andrea Berto, who examined the vocabulary of Johannes Diaconus, dealt with the concept of the afines , as the chronicler describes some of the Doge's murderers as such. Such a term denotes members of a group who were linked by Parentel . When the first woman, Johanna, now abbess of San Zaccaria, asked Otto I for confirmation of the rights of the monastery in 963, this could have been done at the request or with the consent of the Doge. With that, the two had prepared the political side change. What other conflicts were hidden behind the drama became apparent after the murders and the city fire. In 976 Waldrada asked for her morning gift , which included a quarter of the property of the murdered spouse, then the inheritance of their son, who was also murdered, and all that she had acquired during her husband's lifetime. This led to disputes between the groups around Waldrada and Johanna, which can be summarized in two documents, more precisely their copies, from the year 983. Vitale Candiano , the Doge, did not succeed in laying his hand on the morning gift of the Waldrada, but had to agree to the restitution of the property, which was carried out after the death of his father, i.e. after 976, from the subsequent Doges had been sequestered. This area, the Fogolana , located between Padua and Venice at a junction of the Brenta , was close to the Pertinenzien of San Zaccaria. This split into two branches later led to considerable disputes within the Candiano. In 997, Waldrada sold Vangadizza , today in Badia Polesine , to her brother Ugo, an area that extends on the Adige to the town of Adria . One of the last exponents of the Johanna branch of the Candiano, the son of the Tribuno Menio and the Marina, decided to donate his share of the Fogolana to the Brondolo Monastery . So it could be that Pietro's first marriage with Johanna, who perhaps came from Ravenna, was about the acquisition of these huge areas in the south of Venice. Then, according to the author, it is not the question of behavior towards Berengar and Otto I, or that of a parliamentary group that demanded an autonomous path for Venice, but the attempt of the fourth Candiano to create his own territory, which ultimately failed. The internal tension of the Candiano could have led to the disaster of 976. According to the author, the fact that monolithic families were hostile to one another, and that this has been the case for centuries, which can also be easily recognized by their family names, needs to be revised at least in part.

swell

Narrative sources

Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999 ( text edition based on Berto in the Archivio della Latinità Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) from the University of Siena).
La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 138–140 ( digitized version ).
Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 174-179. ( Digitized, p. 174 f. )

Legislative sources, letters

Roberto Cessi (Ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille , 2 vols., Vol. II, Padua 1942, n. 41, pp. 70-74, n. 48, pp. 85 f., N. 49, pp. 86-91, n. 58, pp. 109 f., N. 65, p. 130 f., N. 66, p. 131 f.
Roberto Cessi: Pacta Veneta , Vol. II: Dal "Pactum Lotharii" al "Foedus Octonis" , in: Le origini del ducato veneziano , Naples 1951, pp. 185, 269-285, 298.
Roberto Cessi (Ed.): Pactum Octonis , in: Le origini del ducato veneziano , Naples 1951, pp. 309-313.
Theodor Sickel (Ed.): Conradi I Heinrici I et Ottonis I Diplomata (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica , Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae , Vol. I), Hannover 1879-1884, n. 351, p. 483 f.
Luigi Lanfranchi , Bianca Strina (eds.): S. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , Venice 1965, n. 10, pp. 42-44.

literature

Margherita Giuliana Bertolini: Candiano, Pietro , in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Vol. 17, 1974, pp. 764–772 (represents the basis of the presentation)
Chiara Provesi: Le due mogli di Pietro IV Candiano (959-976): le donne ei loro gruppi parentali nella Venezia del X secolo , in: Reti Medievali Rivista 16.2 (2015) 21-51.
Luigi Andrea Berto: Pietro IV Candiano, un duca deposto perché troppo virtuoso o perché troppo autoritario? , in: Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): La guerra, la violenza, gli altri e la frontiera , Pisa 2016, pp. 41–47.

Remarks

↑ So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these doges, especially since the 17th century, were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families (allegedly) ruling Venice since 697: "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro discendenti "(Maurizio Carlo Alberto Gorra: Sugli stemmi di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).
↑ Agostino Pertusi : Quaedam regalia insignia. Ricerche sulle insegne del potere ducale a Venezia durante il Medioevo , in: Studi Veneziani XII (1966) 3–124, here: p. 69.
^ Gherardo Ortalli : Venezia dalle origini a Pietro II Orseolo , in: Giuseppe Galasso (Ed.): Storia d'Italia , Vol. 1: Longobardi e Bizantini , Turin 1980, pp. 339-438, here: p. 411 (reprint Milan 1995).
^ Charles Verlinden : L'esclavage dans l'Europe médiévale , Vol. I, Bruges 1955, pp. 218-222; Gino Luzzatto : L'economia veneziana nei suoi rapporti con la politica nell'Alto Medio Evo , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florenz 1964, p. 157 f.
↑ Nicola Bergamo: Venezia bizantina , Helvetia editrice, Spinea 2018, p. 152.
^ Eduard Hlawitschka : Franks, Alemanni, Bavaria and Burgundy in Northern Italy (774-962). Understanding the Frankish royal rule in Italy , Freiburg 1960, p. 203.
^ Adolf Fanta : The contracts of the emperors with Venice up to the year 983 , in: Mittheilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Suppl. I, Innsbruck 1885, p. 101 f .; Paul Kehr : Rome and Venice up to the XII. Century , in: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries XIX (1927) 1–180, here: p. 72.
↑ On the meaning of these "inquisitiones" and the legal relationship between Byzantium and Venice cf. the different views of Roberto Cessi : Pacta , p. 298, and Agostino Pertusi : L'Impero bizantino e l'evolvere dei suoi intersti nell'Alto Adriatico , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, p. 80 and Agostino Pertusi: Quaedam regalia insignia. Ricerche sulle insegne del potere ducale a Venezia durante il Medioevo , in: Studi Veneziani XII (1966) 3–124, here: pp. 66, 69 f.
^ Carlo Guido Mor : L'età feudale , 2 vols., Milan 1952, vol. II, p. 166, n. 78, p. 190 speaks of a “vero capovolgimento della funzione legislativa”, of a reversal or reversal of the legislative function.
^ Carlo Guido Mor: Aspetti della vita costituzionale veneziana fino alla fine del X secolo , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, p. 132.
↑ Agostino Pertusi : Bisanzio e l'irradiazione della sua civiltà in Occidente nell'Alto Medio Evo , in: Centro italiano di studi sull'Alto Medioevo, Settimane di studio, XI, Centri e vie di irradiazione della civiltà nell'Alto Medio Evo ( 18-23 aprile 1963) , Spoleto 1964, p. 89.
^ Wilhelm Heyd : Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age , 2 vol., Leipzig 1886, reprint, Amsterdam 1967, p. 113; Adolf Schaube : Trade history of the Romanic peoples of the Mediterranean area up to the end of the Crusades , Munich / Berlin 1906, reprint, Osnabrück 1973, p. 23 f.
↑ Luigi Lanfranchi, Bianca Strina in the foreword to Carte del monastero di S. Ilario , in: Dies .: S. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , n.1 , p. XII.
↑ Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia , reprint Milan 2003, p. 28.
↑ Roberto Cessi (ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al mille , Vol. 11, Padua 1942 (reprint Venice 1991), p. 106.
↑ Gina Fasoli ; I fondamenti della storiografia veneziana , in: Agostino Pertusi: La storiografia veneziana fino al secolo XVI , Florence 1970, pp. 19-23.
^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 44 f.
↑ "ad pregiere delo re de Lombardia et poi cum l'aida et favor del suo parentado fu desbandegiado et electo Duxe" it says in the chronicle.
↑ Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 35-38 ( digitized ).
↑ Pietro Marcello: Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 33-35.
↑ Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 69-73. ( online ).
↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all Hertzieh zu Venice life , Frankfurt 1574, pp. 13v – 14r (in the section about Pietro III. Candiano) and 14v – 15r ( digitized, p. 13v ).
↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Hertsehen Leben / Government, und die Nachben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 137-140, translation ( digitized ).
↑ “… as from the Campobian and Mulic sex with the one / which S. Giacomo dell'Orio is called: from the Zianic and Capellic the S. Maria Mater Domini ; S. Apollinar had the Rampan and Capuan languages performed. In the year 965, the Querinic and Brondolian deß H. Johannis Baptistae built his in the Insul Zuecca from the Barozzi / Balduin / and Tranquil S. Fantino; But S. Eustachio was brought to an end by the Tronic / State and Odoardic in the following year "
↑ Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 24-26 ( digitized, p. 24 ).
↑ Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws, and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vol., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 216–221 ( digitized version ).
↑ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 243–245, on Dogat: p 246-251 ( digitized version ).
↑ Cronaca SUL R47 , called Cronaca Barbaro because it comes from Daniele Barbaro, who wrote it in Volgare. It covers the period from the creation of Venice to 1413.
↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, pp. 250–259, in detail on the Dogat Petrus' IV. Candiano on pp. 260–311 ( digitized version ).
↑ Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto 25.2 (1883) 288-313, here: pp. 308-313 ( digitized version ) and 26 (1883) 330–365, here: p. 330 -335 ( digitized version ).
↑ Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 47–49 at the time before the Dogat, on the Dogat Petrus' IV. Candianus p. 49–51 ( digitized version ).
^ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Vol. 1, Venice 1867, o. P.
↑ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, pp. 108–116.
^ John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.
↑ Chiara Provesi: Le due mogli di Pietro IV Candiano (959-976): le donne ei loro gruppi parentali nella Venezia del X secolo , in: Reti Medievali Rivista 16,2 (2015) 21–51, here: p. 45.

predecessor	Office	successor
Pietro III Candiano	Doge of Venice 959–976	Pietro Orseolo

personal data
SURNAME	Candiano, Pietro IV.
BRIEF DESCRIPTION	22. Doge of Venice
DATE OF BIRTH	10th century
DATE OF DEATH	August 11, 976
Place of death	Venice

[1] So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these doges, especially since the 17th century, were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families (allegedly) ruling Venice since 697: "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro discendenti "(Maurizio Carlo Alberto Gorra: Sugli stemmi di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).

[2] Agostino Pertusi : Quaedam regalia insignia. Ricerche sulle insegne del potere ducale a Venezia durante il Medioevo , in: Studi Veneziani XII (1966) 3–124, here: p. 69.

[3] Gherardo Ortalli : Venezia dalle origini a Pietro II Orseolo , in: Giuseppe Galasso (Ed.): Storia d'Italia , Vol. 1: Longobardi e Bizantini , Turin 1980, pp. 339-438, here: p. 411 (reprint Milan 1995).

[4] Charles Verlinden : L'esclavage dans l'Europe médiévale , Vol. I, Bruges 1955, pp. 218-222; Gino Luzzatto : L'economia veneziana nei suoi rapporti con la politica nell'Alto Medio Evo , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florenz 1964, p. 157 f.

[5] Nicola Bergamo: Venezia bizantina , Helvetia editrice, Spinea 2018, p. 152.

[6] Eduard Hlawitschka : Franks, Alemanni, Bavaria and Burgundy in Northern Italy (774-962). Understanding the Frankish royal rule in Italy , Freiburg 1960, p. 203.

[7] Adolf Fanta : The contracts of the emperors with Venice up to the year 983 , in: Mittheilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Suppl. I, Innsbruck 1885, p. 101 f .; Paul Kehr : Rome and Venice up to the XII. Century , in: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries XIX (1927) 1–180, here: p. 72.

[8] On the meaning of these "inquisitiones" and the legal relationship between Byzantium and Venice cf. the different views of Roberto Cessi : Pacta , p. 298, and Agostino Pertusi : L'Impero bizantino e l'evolvere dei suoi intersti nell'Alto Adriatico , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, p. 80 and Agostino Pertusi: Quaedam regalia insignia. Ricerche sulle insegne del potere ducale a Venezia durante il Medioevo , in: Studi Veneziani XII (1966) 3–124, here: pp. 66, 69 f.

[9] Carlo Guido Mor : L'età feudale , 2 vols., Milan 1952, vol. II, p. 166, n. 78, p. 190 speaks of a “vero capovolgimento della funzione legislativa”, of a reversal or reversal of the legislative function.

[10] Carlo Guido Mor: Aspetti della vita costituzionale veneziana fino alla fine del X secolo , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, p. 132.

[11] Agostino Pertusi : Bisanzio e l'irradiazione della sua civiltà in Occidente nell'Alto Medio Evo , in: Centro italiano di studi sull'Alto Medioevo, Settimane di studio, XI, Centri e vie di irradiazione della civiltà nell'Alto Medio Evo ( 18-23 aprile 1963) , Spoleto 1964, p. 89.

[12] Wilhelm Heyd : Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age , 2 vol., Leipzig 1886, reprint, Amsterdam 1967, p. 113; Adolf Schaube : Trade history of the Romanic peoples of the Mediterranean area up to the end of the Crusades , Munich / Berlin 1906, reprint, Osnabrück 1973, p. 23 f.

[13] Luigi Lanfranchi, Bianca Strina in the foreword to Carte del monastero di S. Ilario , in: Dies .: S. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , n.1 , p. XII.

[14] Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia , reprint Milan 2003, p. 28.

[15] Roberto Cessi (ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al mille , Vol. 11, Padua 1942 (reprint Venice 1991), p. 106.

[16] Gina Fasoli ; I fondamenti della storiografia veneziana , in: Agostino Pertusi: La storiografia veneziana fino al secolo XVI , Florence 1970, pp. 19-23.

[17] Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 44 f.

[18] "ad pregiere delo re de Lombardia et poi cum l'aida et favor del suo parentado fu desbandegiado et electo Duxe" it says in the chronicle.

[19] Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 35-38 ( digitized ).

[20] Pietro Marcello: Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 33-35.

[21] Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 69-73. ( online ).

[22] Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all Hertzieh zu Venice life , Frankfurt 1574, pp. 13v – 14r (in the section about Pietro III. Candiano) and 14v – 15r ( digitized, p. 13v ).

[23] Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Hertsehen Leben / Government, und die Nachben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 137-140, translation ( digitized ).

[24] “… as from the Campobian and Mulic sex with the one / which S. Giacomo dell'Orio is called: from the Zianic and Capellic the S. Maria Mater Domini ; S. Apollinar had the Rampan and Capuan languages performed. In the year 965, the Querinic and Brondolian deß H. Johannis Baptistae built his in the Insul Zuecca from the Barozzi / Balduin / and Tranquil S. Fantino; But S. Eustachio was brought to an end by the Tronic / State and Odoardic in the following year "

[25] Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 24-26 ( digitized, p. 24 ).

[26] Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws, and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vol., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 216–221 ( digitized version ).

[27] Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 243–245, on Dogat: p 246-251 ( digitized version ).

[28] Cronaca SUL R47 , called Cronaca Barbaro because it comes from Daniele Barbaro, who wrote it in Volgare. It covers the period from the creation of Venice to 1413.

[29] August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, pp. 250–259, in detail on the Dogat Petrus' IV. Candiano on pp. 260–311 ( digitized version ).

[30] Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto 25.2 (1883) 288-313, here: pp. 308-313 ( digitized version ) and 26 (1883) 330–365, here: p. 330 -335 ( digitized version ).

[31] Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 47–49 at the time before the Dogat, on the Dogat Petrus' IV. Candianus p. 49–51 ( digitized version ).

[32] Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Vol. 1, Venice 1867, o. P.

[33] Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, pp. 108–116.

[34] John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.

[35] Chiara Provesi: Le due mogli di Pietro IV Candiano (959-976): le donne ei loro gruppi parentali nella Venezia del X secolo , in: Reti Medievali Rivista 16,2 (2015) 21–51, here: p. 45.