Canela (ethnicity)
The Canela are an indigenous people in northeastern Brazil , in the state of Maranhão . The Portuguese name Canela is applied to three culturally related Timbira groups: the Ramkokramekrá, the Apanyekrá and the Kenkateye, the latter no longer existing today. About 2100 Canela live in Maranhão, their language belongs to the Gê language family .
The word Canela comes from Portuguese and means “ cinnamon ” or “ shin ” - the reason for this name remains unclear. While the Ramkokramekrá took Canela as their own name, the Apanyekrá kept their traditional name.
history
Settlement history
The first records of the Canela date from the 17th century, the time of the colonization of the northern Brazilian hinterland by the Portuguese. They built a military base opposite the island of São Luís, which enabled them to move soldiers, missionaries and settlers into the Canela's area of origin in order to develop it agriculturally and militarily.
Various ethnic groups, including the Canela, who lived in Maranhão state at the time, came together for their own protection and took action against the colonialists. They fended off their attacks, but were forced to relocate their settlements to new locations in order to permanently escape the attackers.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Canela settled in the village of Escalvado, on the Santo Estévão river. A messianic movement among the Canela led to heightened tensions with neighboring large landowners in 1963, so that they were forced to leave their village and relocate to Sardinha in the Guajajara area, 50 km northwest of their village of Ponto. During this time they had to struggle with massive problems. Agriculture in the new area, while requiring more time and labor, produced better results and richer yields. Most of the Canela, however, wanted to return to their home area, because the work in Sardinha was harder. In addition, they were not welcome among the Guajajaras. As a result of the contacts with them, the Canela took over their clothing. Due to the nearby road between Barra do Corda and Sardinha, there was increased contact with tourists and neo-Brazilian people, which is another reason why the Canela took the habit of wearing clothes every day. However, the women continued to leave their upper bodies uncovered, as this was perceived by tourists as characteristic of indigenous people . The Canela were also able to sell their traditional handicraft products profitably to tourists and neo-Brazilian people, which later led to a change in the production of jewelry and art objects for the external market.
At their own request, the Canela returned to their home village of Ponto in 1968 with the help of the newly founded Indian protection agency FUNAI ( Fundação Nacional do Índio ).
Contact with neo-Brazilian people
From the 17th to the 19th century, the Canela encountered neo-Brazilian people with displacement and intolerance. Contact was mainly with Portuguese colonialists, the military and large landowners. The Canela always had to give way to the needs of the Portuguese crown for territorial expansion. As a result of literacy in the 20th century by the Indian Protection Service (SPI) and today's schooling, the Canela are now better able to deal with the Brazilian population and, for example, trade without being cheated.
Indian aid
The Indian Protection Service Serviço de Proteção ao Índio (SPI), founded in 1910, was the first organization to protect and support the Canela. He provided them with food supplies and helped them return to the Santo Estévão River, where they founded the village of Ponto in 1918.
In addition, the SPI opened a school in the village in which some young men were taught the national language Portuguese, deployed staff in the village for permanent support and in 1949 helped two Canela to visit an agricultural training farm near São Luíz. There they acquired knowledge of agriculture, which was passed on to the village community. In 1955 the SPI ended the financial and material support of the Canela.
Since the SPI was exposed to more and more accusations of corruption , torture and genocide against Brazilian indigenous peoples , it was replaced in 1967 by the successor organization Fundação Nacional do Índio (FUNAI), which took over its work. Two years later, a road linking the Canela village to the nearby town of Barra do Corda was built to facilitate trade trips and supplies. In the 1970s, FUNAI built a school, storage rooms, an administration building, an infirmary and a dental laboratory in the immediate vicinity of the village of Ponto. Contact with the authorities in Barra do Corda was possible at any time via a radio device. The territory was also demarcated, and in 1983 the Canela obtained official land rights for their territory with the help of FUNAI.
Proselytizing
The Canela had their first contact with Catholicism as early as 1900. From 1898 to 1901 several young Canela men were guests in a Catholic monastery in order to receive agricultural techniques and knowledge about medical care from the monks. Contact with the Catholic Capuchin Order lasted until 1962. It was only when the Summer Institute of Linguistics SIL showed interest in the Canela in 1968 that they came into contact with Protestantism for the first time.
In 1968 Jack Popjes came to the village of Ponto with his wife Josephin and their two daughters. The aim of the visit was to convert the Canela to the Christian faith. Popjes hoped to do this by writing the Canela language and translating the Bible. In addition to the missionary concern, the Popjes couple pursued the intention until 1991 to connect the Canela more closely with the Christian neighboring population and to adapt them to them.
Popjes worked with 60 to 100 Canela on the development of the written language Canela-Krahô. He translated the New Testament and beginnings of the Old Testament . 40 Bibles and an accompanying booklet with Christian songs were commissioned and distributed to the village community in 1990. Today only three copies exist, one of which is in the ethnological collection of the University of Marburg .
Social organization
The village of Canela its circular layout around a central village square. Paths radiate from the center to the residential buildings of the community, so-called long houses ( ikhre-rùù "house-long"). Originally there was only one row of houses around the village square in the village, but more rows of houses were built due to the growing population. A longhouse consists of a series of adjacent hearth groups with small families whose female members belong to the same ancestry group ( lineage ). Such a family usually consists of two to seven members: the mother, her daughters, their husbands and children, and unmarried brothers. Two to seven such related families form a "stove group" (hàwmrõ) , which shares a stove and most of the food.
The Canela society is organized according to the parentage of the maternal and the paternal side ( bilinear : one line each according to social context). Some rights to carry out rituals are partly transferred along matrilineal kinship relationships. As a rule, the Canela marry within their own society ( endogamous ), but outside their own and closely related longhouse (longhouse exogamy ). After the wedding, a man always moves into his wife's longhouse ( Uxori / Matrilocality ), and together the couple builds a new department there. All women who live in the house of the father or grandfather on the maternal or paternal side are out of the question as spouses for a man and fall under the incest taboo .
Division of labor
The roles and tasks in everyday life are clearly assigned to the Canela. Women take care of tilling fields, preparing food for the family, household chores and raising children. Men clear the fields, hunt game and go fishing. However, this traditional distribution of roles has changed significantly in today's world, and much of the work is now carried out by people of both sexes. The manufacture of jewelry and other art objects that are sold to tourists nowadays is also carried out by men and women. The political tasks, however, fall solely on the men.
Amji-kin and Amji-crit
Canela's social organization is based on a complex, two-part worldview. It is not based on a simple “good-bad scheme”, but pervades all social units and is an ever-present part of Canela's social life.
In their worldview there is a happy and a sad season: Amji-kin and Amji-krit in Gê, the language of the Canela. Amji-kin includes everything positive, happy, healthy, beautiful and "fragrant" within society. In the understanding of nature, it describes the harvest-rich dry season and is attributed to the vital sun. This is based on the fact that in this season of the year there are fewer snakes and other poisonous animals due to the dry and hot climate. Also in this time of the year there are few diseases and the hunt is mostly satisfactory. In contrast, the Amji-Krit stands for everything negative, sick, ugly and "foul-smelling", as well as for the rainy season and the darkness.
In the imagination of the Canela, various cultural activities such as rituals, festivals and "log runs" (see below) must be carried out during the friendly Amji-kin time . These activities ensure the continued existence of the world and ensure the survival of the Amji-krit period, in which only a few festivals can take place due to the bad weather conditions.
Political organization
The basic dualistic division of society is also evident in the political organization of the Canela, which is the sole responsibility of the men. The village is divided into a western and an eastern "half" ( ethnosociologically called moiety ). This dichotomy is important for the allocation of the different age groups on the village square: Men aged 10, 30 and 50 years are classified in the "western" moiety, while men aged 20, 40 and 60 years are classified in the "eastern" moiety become. Both moieties also serve to divide groups for ceremonies and rituals in which they compete against each other.
Every 20 years the male council of elders is formed from the two moieties ; it meets twice a day in the middle of the village square. Half of the council of elders is made up of approximately 50-year-olds from the western moiety and 50-year-olds from the eastern moiety; the eastern moiety takes on the advisory role.
The tasks of this council of elders include the determination and support of the chief in political, economic and social decisions. In order to represent the interests of the village community, it is also the responsibility of the men to get in touch with Brazilians outside the village and to take care of the trade and the acquisition of resources. Furthermore, the festival cycle is organized and directed by the council of elders. Smaller ceremonies and rituals such as the log run are planned by both moieties.
Economy and tourism
Before contact with European immigrants, the Canela secured their food supply mainly through hunting, fishing and gathering. They only farmed crops on the side to supplement their diet, as the territory was large enough to provide meat for all members of the group. An economic reorientation took place through resettlement and in particular through the delimitation of their area. Trade and agriculture became an integral part of their subsistence .
Thanks to newly built trade routes, bridges and vehicles donated by Indian aid, the Canela have been able to drive to Barra do Corda themselves to buy and sell goods for several decades. In addition to agricultural products, these are also jewelry and art objects. These are made for locals and tourists from purchased materials such as nylon thread, colorful plastic beads, thread, and decorative coins. The sale of handicrafts is an important source of income for the Canela and also contributes to the independent supply of money and their independence.
Rainy season and dry season
Due to the geographical location and climatic conditions, the varied cycle of the environment is of great importance for the Canela. In their opinion, the year begins in early September. With the start of the rainy season, the first plants grow. From this point on, the seeds will be distributed in order to prepare for the coming year. The harvest is brought in over the next five months. The dry season begins in June. From now on the fields will be prepared for the coming year. The following months are extremely dry, until the end of August the first cumulus clouds herald the beginning of the rainy season.
Food procurement
Hunting has always been a major part of the Canela's subsistence. Hunting lost its economic importance due to the restrictions on its territory and the expansion of livestock farming. In addition, the use of firearms very quickly reduced the game population in their area. The Canela have been using American metal axes for about 100 years, occasionally stone axes. The bow was originally considered the most important weapon of the Canela, but is being replaced more and more by rifles. The Canela today have more firearms than any other indigenous group. Although there is still a great diversity of species, the population of the individual animal species is too small to provide a reliable source for meeting the demand. Because of the progress in agriculture, collecting has lost more and more of its importance.
Even before the first contact with immigrants from Europe, the Canela had a well-developed farming system. Corn, sweet potatoes, yams , cassava and urucu are traditionally grown . Most of the fields are in the gallery forests , which are created by slash and burn on the river banks. Due to the necessary annual deforestation, the distance between the fields and the village is increasing steadily, so that fields have to be relocated approximately every ten years. The yield depends on the extent of the clearing and the number of plants, but the special handling of the plantings also influences the yield. Since agriculture was not originally the main source of food, the Canela often neglect their fields.
Employment and consumer behavior
Male Canela often take on jobs as unskilled workers during the rainy season in order to counteract supply bottlenecks. They either work in agriculture, construction, aid organizations, missionaries or ethnologists. In addition, as Brazilians, you have the right to social benefits such as old-age or accident pensions. This income is brought into the respective kinship groups and the village community through distribution and exchange rules.
The consumer behavior of the Canela was strongly influenced by the other Brazilians. A bridge built in 1956 across the Rio Alpercatas enables goods to be imported from the surrounding cities. The surplus from agricultural production is sold in Barra do Corda to buy consumer goods, such as clothing, household goods and electronic devices, with the money generated.
Education and Cultural Change
With the support of aid organizations such as the SPI, the Indian Service or FUNAI, the Canela managed to set up a school in the village to learn Portuguese. The Canela also send their children to public schools in neighboring cities. Originally there was no written language among the Canela. Knowledge and wisdom about rites, social skills, hunting, household and life were passed down orally.
The social organization of the Canela and the handling of material goods have changed significantly in recent decades due to the contact with the Brazilian population. When traders first reached the Canela village, they brought all sorts of consumer goods such as household items and hunting instruments, i.e. individual possessions, with them that were previously unknown to the Canela. In contrast to earlier times, when all goods belonged to the entire village community, there is a personal right to everyday objects such as B. axes or firearms. This change has not only increased the potential for conflict within the village, but also means a break with traditional values. For several decades, more and more young Canela have been turning away from the traditional way of life in their community and moving to nearby cities.
Canela's worldview
The Canela world view is based on mythological ideas. These represent the basis for acting, thinking and the fundamentals of the organization of life and regulate the structure, philosophy and course of action of Canela. A close connection between mythology and lifeworld can be seen in rituals such as the log run.
The world, which in their opinion is composed of different levels, is supported by a world tree, the Cicupira palm. Not only humans (Mehi) live on this earth, but also spirits of the dead (Megaro), who are only visible and contactable for medicine men. The Megaro differ in related ancestral spirits , which can also cause unintentional damage, as well as foreign spirits of the dead, which are always a danger to the Canela. The underworld is populated by Megaro, which feeds an underworld river that flows to the earth and washes Megaro in the form of fish, caimans, anacondas or electric eels to the surface of the earth.
A bird (ahuare) also lives in the underworld , "[...] which constantly pecks at the world foundation of the Cicupira palm [...] which will eventually bring the world to collapse."
Mythology in relation to the cosmological conception of the world
The myths are part of the Canela reality. The oral narratives of the Canela occupy a special position because they explain the origin of the world. The world is divided into different worlds that differ in space or time. For example, there is the world of the dead. In addition, the past and present each form their own world. The Canela assume a multi-layered universe with open transitions between the different worlds. Ancestors and spirits of the dead, wandering souls, animated animals, plants and people populate a multidimensional space together.
The invisible living beings have the ability to influence and endanger the visible inhabitants in a mostly threatening way. Only the medicine man can counteract these processes, who in a special position "[...] operates as a mediator between this world and the hereafter."
Festivals
The life of the Canela is divided into various initiation rites and is organized through festive cycles. The background of their festivities is the introduction of individuals into other worlds through special experiences. The festivals take up much of the Canela's time and strength. They mostly take place during the Wè tè period.
Festivals, rituals and ceremonies are embedded in an annual festival cycle. The Wè tè festival time coincides with the dry season, while the Me-ipimràk festival time takes place in the rainy season. The respective festival times consist of several consecutive parts. Some festivals only last one evening; others are celebrated over several months. During these festivals, traditional principles or correct behavior within the group are recalled, and almost all members of the group are actively involved.
Me-ipimràk and Wè tè
The Me-ipimràk festival begins with the beginning of the rainy season in September or October. During this time, rituals are mainly performed that promote fertility and regeneration. Block runs are also part of the festival season, which are usually held by different age groups. The many festivals that take place during this time are supposed to improve the growth of the plants and the harvest.
The Wè tè festival season begins with the maize harvest in April or May. This festival time falls in the dry season and is therefore the hilarious time for the Canela. There are five major festivals, one of which takes place every year. In addition to the festivals, there are also block runs during this time, especially between older and younger age groups. Towards the end of the Wè tè period, families have to take care of agriculture again before the rain sets in. The village members now turn back to their family life. The festival times are always based on the seasons and natural conditions.
Daily song-dance rituals
In addition to the activities during the festival times and the individual rites, there are also rituals that take place daily. They can be embedded in a festival time or run parallel to it. However, these everyday rituals are no longer performed regularly.
The daily life of the Canela includes song-dance rituals that take place in the morning before sunrise, in the afternoon and in the evening after sunset. Most of these dances and chants are held by women who are called together by a lead singer. There are several presidents, one of whom is chosen by the council or by a moiety. Every morning the young women and girls of the village come together and line up in front of the cantor. The owner of the singer's sash should be the first to be present. 20 to 30 women can come together for this ritual, during the festive season it is 60 to 70. The singing can take several hours. The men seldom sing along, but they accompany the singing with instruments (horns, small pumpkins with holes) or dance to it.
The content of the songs can be taken from the life of the village community or tell a story from earlier times. Often the texts are also about animals and plants, especially when a hunt is imminent or the harvest is supposed to be good.
The log run
A special ritual of the Canela is the log run. It is seen as a central part of the festival cycle and can be seen as the key to understanding the world conception and can be equated “[...] with the survival of culture, of the human world, by bringing about amji-kin for the community [...]”.
As a rule, two groups of men (more rarely women) compete against each other. At the larger festivals, the various moieties usually run against each other, but most of the runs are held by an older and a younger age group. Wooden blocks, which can weigh up to 130 kg, are carried on the shoulders over long distances to the destination. The log is passed on from shoulder to shoulder. All runners are colorfully decorated, from various headdresses to elaborately designed belts. One differentiates between the block runs according to the length of the route, the type of run and the size and weight of the blocks. The blocks are knocked out of the Buriti palm after the morning council meeting and then returned to the village through a block race.
The runs are an important part of the festivals and ceremonies during the festival times, but these competitions are also held regularly in the everyday life of the Canela. The Klotzlauf is also of great importance with regard to the dual social organization and the dialectical worldview.
Rites of passage - rituals in life
In addition to the festivals of the festival cycle (Me-ipimràk and Wè tè), there are also individual festivals and rituals that are celebrated in the course of life. They are celebrated exclusively within the family and with close relatives, but can be embedded in a festival. These individual celebrations mark important events such as birth, initiation, growing up, the birth of the first child and many others.
individual
The experiences of the two sexes hardly differ up to the age of six. Up to this age, boys and girls play together and there is still no division into the predominant gender roles. Immediately after the birth of a child, it is initially in a defenseless and disease-prone state in which it is dependent on the help of others and cannot yet contribute to the community. The 'bad smell' and 'ugliness' of every child are a reflection of the prevailing notion of Amji crit in society . Within the Canela educational system it is now the task of the community to lead the child into the amji-kin state. The child is adorned with body paint and should not leave the protective surroundings of the village and the community during this time to avoid something bad happening to him.
The goal in the life of a Canela is to earn the status of the log runner or at least that of the follower (active participation in the run, but not wearing the log). To do this, they have to cope with various tests and tasks as they grow up.
birth
Only women are present when a child is born, the father is not present, but his female relatives. The mother of the father takes care of the child when it is born. After that, it is washed, painted with red urucu paint, and its hair is cut.
The child gets the name from an uncle or an aunt. If it is a girl, then the namesake is a woman of the paternal relationship, if it is a boy, he is named after a man of the mother's relationship. The eponymous uncle or the eponymous aunt have a special relationship with the children and also play a particularly important role in rituals and upbringing. You teach them their ceremonial roles and tell them traditional stories.
Initiation and life cycle of girls
From the age of six, the girl begins to follow her female relatives around the house and to support them as best she can. It is made familiar with its role in society. At around eleven, the girl loses her virginity to a childless older man from the community who she pleases. This is known as a "first marriage". After the first menstruation, sexual and food taboos are imposed on the girl and she has to stay at home for several days.
The girls receive a maturity belt for their successful initiation after they have fulfilled their duties as honorary girls. This includes that they always accompany the moiety for a while, cook for them, fetch water and paint them for rituals. Two girls are always selected. One of the honor girls belongs to the western moiety and one to the eastern moiety. When log races take place in the Wè tè time, the different age groups meet in the house of 'their' honorary girls to prepare.
The reputation of these girls depends on the group from which they were selected. Years later, people in the village will remember which girl was made a maid of honor by which group. After receiving her belt, the girl is called a young woman. However, she does not become an adult woman until her first child is born.
At the average age of 16, a woman gives birth to her first child, goes about her business and looks after the household, children and family. Generally, up to the age of 30, women take part in festivities and rituals in the village square. After that, participation is completely stopped and you only observe what is happening together with the children. After the marriage of the daughter or the moving out of the sons, the woman enjoys a largely free life with few obligations.
Initiation and life cycle of boys
From the age of six, the boy learns his first physical skills through games and group work. He receives a bow and arrow from his eponymous uncle in order to be playfully prepared for his task as a hunter.
At around the age of twelve, the young person is introduced to sexual practices by an older woman from the community. For the adolescent, the Resguardo phase then begins with strict sexual and food taboos. This strengthens the character of each individual. Furthermore, successful participation in various festivals and rituals is necessary. After completing the examination phase, one is considered 'fragrant' and 'beautiful' and is viewed as a full member of the community.
During a period of ten years, the boys go through four to five initiation festivals. Those who are initiated together form an age group that will last a lifetime. When the boys are introduced to their age group, they are one to ten years old. The council assembly determines when the boys celebrate their first initiation feast. The initiation cycle begins with the first Khêtúwayê festival and ends with the second Pepyê festival. During both festivals the boys have to live in seclusion for three months. This isolation is supposed to give the boys strength, they are supposed to think about their future development and during this time they hear some traditional stories from their uncles. After the isolation there is a ceremony lasting several days.
In their age groups, the boys learn to integrate into the community and develop a high level of solidarity and respect for the group.
In addition to the large initiation festivals, there is another ritual in which the individual is the focus. With the Canela, the ears are symbolic of listening, understanding and obedience. They are pierced with a wooden needle for the boy between the ages of nine and eleven in order to use wooden jewelry. However, this practice is declining in the 21st century. After this initiation ritual he has to withdraw from society for some time in abstinence. The ear hole is widened over the years to a diameter of up to eight centimeters , so that ear stakes can be worn. These can be painted and decorated with patterns.
After successfully participating in the initiation festivals, he is recognized as a man. Only now can he be fully incorporated into the structure of the moieties, take on various political and social tasks and actively participate in chants and dances on the village square.
From this point in time until the birth of the first child, the young man takes on individual tasks within society and enjoys great freedom. As a father, his active participation in festivals is steadily declining as the main task is to provide for his family.
Objects of honor
Through special achievements, boys and girls can receive so-called objects of honor by attracting particular attention through their participation at festivals or rituals. A girl can receive up to three special awards. These three objects of honor are a chain with a small bottle gourd, a small wooden comb (usually also attached to a chain) and a singer's sash , which is called a hahí . These objects can be awarded before or after receiving their maturity belt, but usually before the birth of their first child. In order to preserve the singer's sash, the girl must appear particularly frequently at the daily song-dance rituals, especially those in the early morning. The singer with the best voice and the most unusual singing talent is awarded the hahí. The girl's family will decide whether to wear the sash. If she chooses it, her eponymous aunt weaves the hahí out of cotton. As soon as a girl receives this special award, she must henceforth appear first at the daily singing. From this point on, she is considered a role model for the other singers.
Young men can win their objects of honor in the initiation festivals Khêêtúwayê, Pepyê and Pepkahàk. This is intended to motivate them to make an extra effort with the dances and chants during the festivities. The one who sang best during the festival period is awarded a ceremonial staff. This ceremonial staff is adorned with macaw feathers by the young person's uncle, who gives it his name. The feathers come from the headdress that the initiators wear during the Khêtúwayê festival. In addition, the young person receives a feather headdress, which his eponymous uncle also makes from macaw feathers. A young man who receives these objects will from now on be allowed to sing most often.
Another award are special cotton bracelets. These singer bracelets are worn by the young men and maid of honor who dance at the Waytikpo ceremony during the Pepyê and Pepkahàk festivals. At the end of the Wè tè festival, the best dancers and singers are awarded these bracelets.
sexuality
The Canela's sexual behavior, which appears to be quite open-hearted to outsiders, has changed due to the influences of Brazilian society and, above all, missionaries.
If Canela women wanted to become pregnant, they chose up to twelve additional suitable men with whom they were out of wedlock. In doing so, they paid attention to particularly advantageous characteristics and abilities of their partners, since the general belief prevailed that every chosen person would pass these characteristics on to the unborn child. This conception of multiple fatherhood was of particular benefit to the upbringing of the child, since each of the potential fathers felt responsible to support the mother in bringing up and caring for it.
When the Protestant couple Popjes moved into the Canela village in 1968, they preached against sexual openness in particular. They spread the idea of marital fidelity and the feeling of jealousy towards supposed rivals. In this way, the Canela's sexual behavior gradually became similar to that of Western Christianity.
First child and adulthood
If a woman is expecting her first child, she will avoid certain foods as these make the birth more difficult and could negatively affect the child's health. The man with whom the woman lives is considered a 'social father' who must stay with her from now on. It often happens that a woman sleeps with other men who are particularly good runners or hunters, so that their properties are transferred to the unborn child. This then automatically turns them into 'biological fathers' who later care for the child. With the birth of the first child, the life of the young mother also changes. Between her time as a maid of honor and her first child, she enjoys a lot of freedom and is exempt from some household chores. With the birth of her first child, she now takes on all the important tasks in the house and in the fields. Women over 30 years of age no longer take an active role in festivals and ceremonies, but they make the main decisions when it comes to the participation and role of their children in festivals and rituals.
The man also has to adhere to a strict diet when his wife is expecting a child. At the time of the birth of his first child, he has usually been living in the house of his wife's family for some time. After the birth he has to live separated from his wife for a while, separated by a kind of partition. This period is called the couvade . During the couvade, he lies on mats on the floor for a long time during the day, has to be very calm and avoid certain foods. The couvade lasts until the child's umbilical cord falls off.
Web links
- Homepage: Teaching research project on the Canela. Förderverein Völkerkunde in Marburg eV, 2013, accessed on December 8, 2013 (one-year teaching research project “Canela: Rituals, Objects and Social Organization in a Dialectical Society”, Philipps University of Marburg 2012–2013 at the Department of Cultural and Social Anthropology).
- Canela Apanyekrá , Instituto Socioambiental
- Canela Ramkokamekrá , Instituto Socioambiental
Individual evidence
- ↑ a b c d e f William H. Crocker: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction. [without name of publisher or location] 1990.
- ↑ a b c Andreas F. Kowalski: Tu és quem sabe. “You are the one who knows”: The culture-specific understanding of the Canela von Indianerhilfe. An ethnographic example from the Indian north-east Brazil. [no publisher or location information] 2004.
- ↑ Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. [without details of publisher and location] 2003.
- ^ A b William H. Crocker: Canela. In: Johannes Wilbert (Ed.): Encyclopedia of World Cultures. Volume 7: South America. Hall, New York 1994, pp. 94-98 (English; PDF file; 123 kB ).
- ^ A b Curt Nimuendajú : The Eastern Timbira. University of California Press, Berkeley / Los Angeles 1946. ( digitized version ).
- ↑ Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, p. 26.
- ^ A b Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, pp. 27-28.
- ↑ Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, p. 28.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 302.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 302.
- ^ A b Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, p. 15.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 277.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 163.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 98.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 100.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 163.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 100 f.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 116.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, pp. 120-122.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 117 f.
- ↑ Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, p. 38.
- ↑ Jürgen Dieckert, Andreas F. Kowalski, Jakob Mehringer: Running for life. A visit to the Brazilian Canela Indians. 2003, p. 17.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, pp. 135-137.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 101.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 102.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 104.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 96.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 92.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, pp. 105-107.
- ^ Nimuendajú, Curt: The Eastern Timbira. 1946, p. 170.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 111.
- ↑ source aloud canela-forschungsprojekt.de : Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira), I. An Ethnographic Introduction , 1990, p 110th
- ^ Crocker, William H .: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 103.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 106 f.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, p. 112.
- ↑ Beckerman, S. and P. Valentine, 2002. Introduction. The concept of partible paternity among Native South Americans. In Beckerman, S. and P. Valentine (eds), 2002. Cultures of Multiple Fathers. The theory and practice of partible paternity in Lowland South America.
- ↑ Nuber, Ursula (2006): "The infidelity of women - a move by nature?", In: Psychologie Heute compact - Liebesleben 15: p. 39.
- ^ Crocker, William H: The Canela (Eastern Timbira). I. An Ethnographic Introduction, 1990, pp. 107-109.