Declaration of Sentiments
The Declaration of Sentiments or Declaration of Rights and Sentiments is an on the occasion of the 19./20. A manifesto signed by 68 women and 32 men at Seneca Falls held at Seneca Falls July 1848, calling for equal social status and rights for women, including the right to vote . The Seneca Falls Convention and the Declaration of Sentiments mark the beginning of the modern women's movement in the United States .
history
The gathering took place in Seneca Falls west of New York and was organized by Elizabeth Cady Stanton , Lucretia Mott and Martha Coffin Wright , among others . The Declaration of Sentiments was mainly written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, based on the Declaration of Independence of the United States and paraphrased it . Stanton saw parallels in the women's movement with the struggle of the American founding fathers for US independence.
The manifesto contains - building on the injustice experiences of the North American women and the positive experiences of living together of the Quakers - a list of many injustices with regard to the legal position of women in the family and society. They formulate in concise brevity the oppression of women by men, the lack of the right to vote as well as the lack of economic freedom and the lack of educational opportunities.
The Declaration of Sentiments is based on an opening paragraph that deals with the equality of men and women and explains the tyranny over women in the past. The main part enumerates the various injustices to which women are still exposed in the middle of the 19th century, and it is formulated: "The history of mankind is a history of the repetition of impairments and wrongful appropriations on the part of men against women." The final section of the Declaration insists on giving women all of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled as citizens of the United States.
Wording of the "Declaration of Sentiments" (and translation)
Opening credits in the style of the Declaration of Independence
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one portion of the family of man to assume among the people of the earth a position different from that which they have hitherto occupied, but one to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them to a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to such a course.
( If, in the course of world history, it becomes necessary for a part of the human family to take a different attitude within humanity to the position it has taken up to now - especially when it comes to one that is based on natural law and the nature of God - then making it the associated respect for public opinion required that this part should declare the causes which led him to such an approach: )
We hold these truths to be self-evident;
that all men and women are created equal;
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;
that to secure these rights governments are instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
Whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of those who suffer from it to refuse allegiance to it, and to insist upon the institution of a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in Such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
( We hold these truths to be apparently true; that all men and women are created equal, that they have been endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights that include life, freedom, and the pursuit of happiness; that governments are to safeguard these rights deriving their justified power from the consent of the governed. Whenever any government becomes destructive to these ends, it is a right of those who suffer to disobey it and insist that a new government be established which builds its foundations on these principles and organizes its exercise of power in a way that is highly beneficial for the safety and happiness of those. )
Reconciliation to the sentiments
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they were accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.
Such has been the patient sufferance of the women under this government, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to demand the equal station to which they are entitled.
( Indeed, prudence and prudence make it necessary that long-established governments are not changed for frivolous and transparent reasons; and accordingly experience has shown that humanity is more inclined to accept suffering as long as evil remains bearable than itself to change itself by destroying the forms it has become accustomed to, but when a long series of abuse and assault, incessantly hitting the same object, shows no sign that these can be reduced under absolute oppression it is their duty to shake off such rule and to set up new barriers to their future security, so great was the patient suffering of women under this government, and so much the necessity now arises which compels them to demand the same condition as they are due . )
Sentiments
The history of mankind is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations on the part of man toward woman, having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world: - (The history of mankind is a consequence of repeated injustices and assaults on the part of men towards women, with the clear intention of establishing an absolute tyranny over them to prove, facts are to be presented to the well-meaning public :)
1 He has never permitted her to exercise her inalienable right to the elective franchise. - ( He never allowed her to exercise the inalienable right to choose. )
2 He has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice. - ( He forced her to submit to laws that she was not allowed to have a say in drafting. )
3 He has withheld from her rights which are given to the most ignorant and degraded men - both natives and foreigners. - ( He has withheld from her the rights to which the most ignorant and unworthy men are entitled - both local and foreign. )
4 Having deprived her of this first right as a citizen, the elective franchise, thereby leaving her without representation in the halls of legislation, he has oppressed her on all sides. - ( He oppressed her on all sides after depriving her of this first civil right, the free right to vote, and thereby leaving her without representation in the halls of legislation. )
5 He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law, civilly dead. - ( As a married woman he made her civilly dead in the eye of the law. )
6 He has taken from her all right in property, even to the wages she earns. - ( He has robbed her of all property rights, even the right to her wages. )
7 He has made her morally, an irresponsible being, as she can commit many crimes with impunity, provided they be done in the presence of her husband. - ( He has made her morally irresponsible, as she can commit many crimes with impunity, provided they are carried out in the presence of her husband. )
8 In the covenant of marriage, she is compelled to promise obedience to her husband, he becoming, to all intents and purposes, her master - the law giving him power to deprive her of her liberty, and to administer chastisement. - ( In the consummation of her marriage she is forced to promise obedience to her husband, who thus becomes her lord and master in every respect - by the law giving him the power to deprive her of her freedom and correct her. )
9 He has so framed the laws of divorce, as to what shall be the proper causes of divorce, in case of separation, to whom the guardianship of the children shall be given; as to be wholly regardless of the happiness of the women - the law, in all cases, going upon a false supposition of the supremacy of man, and giving all power into his hands. - ( He has designed the divorce laws in such a way that he has the grounds for divorce that suit him, as in the case of separation, to whom the care of the children is awarded, regardless of the well-being of the women - whereby the law in all cases from the false assumption of Supremacy of man and handing over all power to him. )
10 After depriving her of all rights as a married woman, if single and the owner of property, he has taxed her to support a government which recognizes her only when her property can be made profitable to it. - ( After depriving her of all rights as a married woman, she is taxed as a single and possessing woman to support a government that only recognizes her if her property can be made usable for them. )
11 He has monopolized nearly all the profitable employments, and from those she is permitted to follow, she receives but a scanty remuneration. - ( He has monopolized almost all lucrative professions for himself, and with those she is allowed to practice, she earns only a meager wage. )
12 He closes against her all the avenues to wealth and distinction, which he considers most honorable to himself. As a teacher of theology, medicine, or law, she is not known. - ( He closes off from her all approaches to prosperity and prestige, which he considers very honorable for himself. As a teacher of theology, medicine and law, she does not exist. )
13 He has denied her the facilities for obtaining a thorough education - all colleges being closed against her. - ( He has denied her all opportunities for a thorough education - all colleges are closed to her. )
14 He allows her in church, as well as State, but a subordinate position, claiming Apostolic authority for her exclusion from the ministry, and, with some exceptions, from any public participation in the affairs of the Church. - ( He only allows her a subordinate position in the church and in the state, in that the authority of the apostles is used to exclude her from church offices and, with a few exceptions, to keep her from all public participation in church affairs. )
15 He has created a false public sentiment by giving to the world a different code of morals for men and women, by which moral delinquencies which exclude women from society, are not only tolerated but deemed of little account in man. - ( He created a false public attitude by giving the world a different moral code about men and women. Moral crimes that ban women from society are not only tolerated in men, but do not count particularly heavily with them. )
16 He has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and her God. - ( He himself has originated the right to legislate from God, seeing it as his right to assign it a limited sphere of activity, although this should actually be left to their conscience and their God. )
17 He has endeavored, in every way that he could to destroy her confidence in her own powers, to lessen her self-respect, and to make her willing to lead a dependent and abject life. - ( He has tried in every way possible to destroy trust in their own strength, lower their self-respect and force them to lead a dependent and poor life. )
Final section
Now, in view of this entire disfranchisement of one-half the people of this country, their social and religious degradation, - in view of the unjust laws above mentioned, and because women do feel themselves aggrieved, oppressed, and fraudulently deprived of their most sacred rights, we insist that they have immediate admission to all the rights and privileges which belong to them as citizens of these United States.
In entering upon the great work before us, we anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, and ridicule; but we shall use every instrumentality within our power to effect our object. We shall employ agents, circulate tracts, petition the State and national Legislatures, and endeavor to enlist the pulpit and the press on our behalf. We hope this Convention will be followed by a series of Conventions, embracing every part of the country.
Firmly relying upon the final triumph of the Right and the True, we do this day affix our signatures to this declaration.
( Now in the face of this complete deprivation of liberty of half of the people of this country, their social and religious humiliation - in the face of the above unjust legislation and because women see themselves humiliated, oppressed and unjustly deprived of their most sacred rights, we insist on it that they will have immediate access to all of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled as citizens of this United States. In getting into this great work that lies ahead, we foresee not a few misunderstandings, false endorsements and ridiculousness. But we do will employ agents, write circulars, petition state and national legislatures, and endeavor to harness the pulpit and press for our purposes. We hope that this convention will be followed by a series of other gatherings that will affect every part of the country we strongly rely on the sc If we trust the ultimate victory of law and truth, we put our signatures on this declaration. )
Signatory of the declaration
Signature page of the Declaration of Sentiments
Elizabeth Cady Stanton with daughter
Lucretia Mott , the best speaker
Martha Coffin Wright from Auburn (New York)
Jane C Hunt from Waterloo (New York)
The first 10 signatories of the declaration in the correct order:
- Lucretia Mott
- Harriet Cady Eaton - sister of Elizabeth Cady Stanton
- Margaret Pryor (1785–1874) - Reform Quaker
- Elizabeth Cady Stanton
- Eunice Newton Foote
- Mary Ann M'Clintock (1800–1884) - Reform Quaker, half-sister to Margaret Pryor
- Margaret Schooley
- Martha C. Wright (1806–75) - Reform Quaker, sister of Lucretia Mott
- Jane C. Hunt
- Amy Post
The first 13 male signatories in the correct order:
The men signed under the heading: "... the gentlemen present in favor of this new movement"
- Richard P. Hunt (1796–1856) - husband of Jane C. Hunt, brother of Lydia Mount and Hannah Plant, also signatories
- Samuel D. Tillman
- Justin Williams
- Elisha Foote - husband of Eunice Newton Foote
- Frederick Douglass
- Henry W. Seymour - husband of Malvina Beebe Seymour, a signatory
- Henry Seymour
- David Spalding - husband of Lucy Spalding
- William G. Barker
- Elias J. Doty
- John Jones
- William S. Dell (1801–1865) - uncle of Rachel Dell Bonnel, a signatory
- James Mott (abolitionist) (1788–1868) - husband of Lucretia Mott
Resolutions
On the evening of the first day, eleven resolutions were also presented, read out and discussed. These demands should do the following, as Sally G. McMillen puts it:
"The Resolutions strengthened the 'Declaration of Rights and Sentiments' by demanding that women should have the same rights and responsibilities as men and participate in the life of the nation as equal human beings."
(German: The demands reinforced this 'declaration of rights and feelings' by the demand that women have the same rights and responsibilities as men and should participate in the life of the nation as human beings with equal rights. )
The only resolution that aroused debate and concern on the second day before the decision was made was the eleventh, which read as follows:
"Resolved, That it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise."
(German: Decision, It is the duty of women in this country to secure their sacred right to vote. )
Opinions on this demand differed greatly, also among the women involved. Frederick Douglass saved that vote on the resolution by making strong arguments in favor of it.
effect
The contemporary media coverage of the Declaration of Sentiments and the public attention generated by the Seneca Falls Convention, at which the declaration was prepared and signed, has been considerable. The press reported nationwide, sometimes sympathetically, and printed parts of the declaration, while other newspapers responded in particular to the demand for political rights with the mockery and derision that was common at the time.
After the declaration was published , there was a lot of disputes as the traditional roles of men and women were very strict. There were also concerns that the Declaration might hamper the women's movement , in which abstinence and female property rights also played a large role, due to attracting public attention and support. Ultimately, the declaration was "indicative of the self-confident and right-wing pragmatic starting point of the US women's movement."
See also
Web links
literature
- Ute Gerhard: Women's movement and feminism: A history since 1789. CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-56263-1 .
- Sally G. McMillan: Seneca Falls and the Origins of the Women's Rights Movement. Oxford University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-19-518265-1 .
Individual evidence
- ^ Signers of the Declaration of Sentiments. National Park Service, accessed September 29, 2018 .
- ↑ Michael Kazin, Rebecca Edwards, Adam Rothman (Eds.): The Concise Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History. Princeton University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-691-12971-6 , p. 146.
- ↑ Declaration of Sentiments. on the website of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. accessed on October 8, 2014.
- ↑ Declaration of Sentiments from Wikisource, accessed on September 28, 2018.
- ^ Signers of the Declaration of Sentiments. National Park Service, accessed September 8, 2015 .
- ^ Sally G. McMillan: Seneca Falls and the Origins of the Women's Rights Movement. Oxford University Press 2008, p. 92.
- ^ Ute Gerhard: Women's movement and feminism: A story since 1789. CH Beck, Munich 2009, p. 47.
- ↑ Ute Gerhard: Human Rights - Women's Rights - Injustice Experiences of Women. In: Hans-Richard Reuter (Ed.): Ethics of Human Rights. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 1999, p. 225.