Tsotsitaal

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Tsotsitaal

Spoken in

Republic of South Africa
Linguistic
classification
Official status
Official language in -
Language codes
ISO 639 -1

-

ISO 639 -2

mis

ISO 639-3

cmt

Tsotsitaal , also known as Flaaitaal , is a mainly spoken by men sociolect the South African townships , especially in Gauteng -Provinz in South Africa , such as Soweto . Ellen Hurst also describes Flaaitaal as "stylect", as extralinguistic features, especially the way of speaking, play an important role. The structure of Tsotsitaal mainly based on Afrikaans , but the vocabulary is derived in large part from the vocabulary of Zulu , Xhosa , the Sothosprachen (Northern Sotho / "Pedi", Southern Sotho and Tswana) and English. It is very difficult to give precise information about the origin, history and definition of Tsotsitaal, since the scientific discourse on this includes great differences and sometimes contradictions. In addition, it is a sociolect that is constantly changing, can vary greatly from region to region and its use is very different depending on age, place of birth and social position.

etymology

The word flaaitaal is made up of flaai (Afrikaans "city experience" or "clever") and taal ("language"). The second, at least as frequently used name is "Tsotsitaal". The term tsotsi usually means something like "gangster", but its origin is not clearly understood. According to Glaser, it describes a fashionable trend among township youth in the 1940s to wear so-called “zoot suits”. This trend established itself strongly and is apparently associated with the specific habitus of a gangster. Not least because of the film "Tsotsi" (2005), this term was clearly associated with crime and gangsterism even beyond the borders of South Africa.

Differentiation from other language varieties

The first evidence of Tsotsitaal comes from Sophiatown and other townships in the area north of Johannesburg and was documented there in the 1940s. The literary sources for the exact definition or delimitation of Tsotsitaal from other varieties are contradictory. In the anthology "Language in South Africa" ​​Iscamtho by KDP Makhudu is equated with Tsotsitaal, while Ntshangase distinguishes between the two varieties in the next chapter of the same anthology. He defines the differences as explained below: Iscamtho probably originated in the southern mining area of ​​Johannesburg and was heavily influenced by the Amalaita gangs. Tsotsitaal has its origin more in the area north of Johannesburg, especially in Sophiatown, where the first records of Tsotsitaal come from. Linguistically, differences can be observed in that Tsotsitaal has significantly more influences from Afrikaans. Iscamtho, on the other hand, is more strongly influenced by English and is based on Zulu or Sotho, depending on the variety. However, since the Soweto uprising in 1976, the use of Tsotsitaal has declined in favor of Iscamtho, so Iscamtho is more widespread in Soweto today. In her doctoral thesis, Hurst explains that Iscamtho and Tsotsitaal could have a common origin and only later changed due to the different strong influences of Sotho, Zulu or Afrikaans. She suggests Shalambombo as a possible common origin. This was spoken by the Amalaita gangs, according to Ntshangase (1995). The word is composed of Zulu shala ("avoid") and mbombo ("turn around"), which, according to Hurst (2002), may indicate the secret character of Shalambombo. Different names for Tsotsitaal are common in different townships, such as Flaaitaal, Withi, Sepantsula, Setsotsi, Himbul, Hova or Bika, to name just a few examples. These many different names can be seen as evidence of the great flexibility of Tsotsitaal. According to Makhudu, Fanakalo is not a form of Tsotsitaal, but a pidgin language that probably developed in the mines through the influences of different languages. Tsotsitaal is not a pidgin language because it is used for communication within a language group, or at least within a group with a similar socio-cultural background and perspectives.

origin

The foundations for Tsotsitaal were laid in South Africa in the 19th century, when many different languages ​​clashed in the mining regions around Johannesburg. The men employed in the mining industry came from different parts of South Africa and beyond. Some spoke Sotho languages ​​like Pedi or Tswana, others Nguni languages ​​like Zulu or Xhosa. People who came from Europe to seek their fortune in South Africa spoke English, German, or French, to name just a few examples. In 1916, MS Evans documented farm workers trying to use Afrikaans to communicate with their "oppressors". These records from the area west of Johannesburg are evidence of a broken Afrikaans. They are possible evidence of Mathera's theory (1987: 14), which assumes that the origins of Tsotsitaal lie in the communication between domestic workers and the white, Afrikaans-speaking “upper class”. The domestic workers were usually South Africans with one of the Bantu languages ​​as their mother tongue. However, this type of Afrikaans was commonly referred to as kitchen kaffir , which is also related to the aforementioned Fanakalo and, according to other sources, has no connection to Tsotsitaal. Makhudu refers in his article to van Rensburg, who points to the influences of the Griqua groups living near the mines. Tsotsitaal could be a kind of proto-pidgin that arose out of the need to communicate with each other despite different language backgrounds. Another theory, however, refers to the urban use of Tsotsitaal and the distancing of the speakers from the rural population. According to Molamu (1995), the rural population was described with negative expressions such as country bumkins or kalkoenes (Afrikaans "turkey"), whereas speakers from Tsotsitaal described themselves as "clever" and autie.

Tsotsitaal as gangster language

Also at the beginning of the 19th century, gangs formed in the area around Johannesburg, which were led by the infamous Nongoloza (also known as Mzuzhepi Mathebula or Jan Note). He led a "band of robbers" who sometimes lay in wait for the miners on their way home and stole their wages, broke into houses or camped away in the mountains. They called themselves umkhosi wezintaba - "regiment of the mountains". Gang members were arrested for their criminal acts and locked in prisons where they consolidated the organization of their gang. These resembled the structures of a colonial army, and Nongoloza was able to command them from prison. On this basis, gangs such as the so-called The Numbers Gang developed in the prisons . The power structures of these gangs are not only dominant in the prisons of South Africa to this day, but also extend their effect into the townships. They have a very complex system of organization and particularly strict rules. The influence of Afrikaans on language usage and the establishment of certain terms within prison culture is interesting. This strong influence is due to the fact that in the 1960s and 70s about twice as many Coloreds as "Africans" were imprisoned. Tsotsitaal is also primarily associated with the tsotsis (young, criminal men, "gangsters") living in the townships (see section Etymology).

Style

The interviews conducted by Hurst (2002) make it clear that Tsotsitaal is also associated with a “style” and behavior typical of city dwellers, for example when the Tsotsitaal speakers interviewed compare the clothing and body language of the rural population with their own. There is a strong affinity for branded clothing that is very rarely available in rural areas. Some of the young people interviewed claim to be able to determine the origin of a person from a rural area due to differences in fashion. Regarding the Ganges, one of the women questioned said that she herself came from the country and that the urban population, unlike her , would walk smoothly . She herself would run with hard steps that were marked by the work in the country. The urban population is also said to speak faster than the rural population. Behavioral differences affect other aspects such as drinking behavior, the preferences of certain sports teams and lifestyle in general. This “style” is particularly identity-creating and is accompanied and underlined by linguistic features. Young people from urban areas call him streetwise or clever .

Tsotsitaal as slang

Tsotsitaal is by no means exclusively used by gangsters ("tsotsis"), but is present almost everywhere in South Africa, whereby the degree of use strongly depends on township, age, social class, gender and place of birth. Calteaux (1996) describes Tsotsitaal as the lingua franca of the townships, the secret codes and slang names of which are partly adopted in the general language of South Africa. For example, during the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the Tsotsitaal word ayoba (roughly: “cool”, expression of enthusiasm) was used on South African radio, television and the newspaper, and “make it ayoba!” Was one of the main slogans of the World Cup. It gained international fame just like the word diski ("football"). The diski dance, which was to be practiced in many places in South Africa and danced as part of the celebrations for the World Cup, also became famous. For example, the Sinethemba community center in Knysna held a diski dance workshop for over 1000 young people and children. This makes it clear that Tsotsitaal is not just a gangster language, but that it can definitely create identity for the average South African. Even Archbishop Desmond Tutu speaks in everyday conversations with his friends Tsotsitaal, according to an article in the Sunday Times. Poets and writers such as Sipho Sepamla , Achmat Dangor and Essop Patel also use tsotsitaal. The latter two do not have a Bantu language as their mother tongue, which suggests that Tsotsitaal should be viewed as an urban phenomenon. Tsotsitaal can be learned secondarily and it is precisely the process of learning and constant change that requires constant speaking and continuous adaptation.

Gender specific

Tsotsitaal is spoken mainly by men of the Africans and Coloreds in the townships. (In the context of the population structure of South Africa, the term “colored” refers to that part of the society living there that is neither referred to as “African” nor as “White” (descendants of the white colonial occupiers). It includes people who were either from Khoisan groups (South Africa's oldest identifiable population groups) or can be traced back to associations between “africans” and “whites.” These terms are not racist terms used by the author, but are used as standard in South Africa and associated with different cultural backgrounds.) Most speakers are between 15 and 54 years old. Makhudu provides various explanations for the main use of tsotsitaal by men. On the one hand, he considers the traditional initiation of men in Bantu cultures to be not unimportant, since this is a ritual in which men were isolated from women. But the lives of men in the mining regions or in South African prisons, isolated from women, could also be an explanation. The number of prisoners was generally high - long prison terms were imposed even for trivial offenses. These predominantly male societies developed their own dynamics, their own discourses, and probably also specific forms of communication. The influence of these patriarchal structures on Tsotsitaal is great. Molamu describes Tsotsitaal as a sexist language. There are often insulting names for women, such as rubber-neck , sker or the American word "bitch" . It is not uncommon for men in Flaaitaal to refer to women by speaking of gwang or gwer (synonyms for the term "vagina"). Molamu explains that this would openly sexualize women and reduce them to their external sexual characteristics. Tsotsitaal-speaking women are increasingly accepted, but according to the interviews recorded by Hurst, young women speak Tsotsitaal only to appear “cool”. This is associated with behavior that large sections of society consider immoral for women, similar to the public consumption of alcohol or cigarettes. Such behavior can be observed very often in the townships, but it is mostly men who are criticized much less than women for this.

Tsotsitaal as an anti-language

The concept of an anti- language developed by Halliday , which both Ntshangase and Makhudu apply to Tsositaal, offers an interesting perspective . It establishes a connection between an anti-language and an anti-society, each of which exists within a larger society. Tsotsitaal is to be seen in the construct of South African society, in which the entire non-white population suffered from the reprisals of the political system during apartheid. This inevitably led to resistance, which was brutally suppressed for a long time and thus gave rise to an anti-society with Tsotsitaal as the linguistic code. From this perspective it becomes clear once again that Tsotsitaal is not a pidgin language. Halliday: "The simplest form taken by an anti-language is that of the creation of new words for old, it is a language being relexicalized."

Processes of relexicalization

Makhudu names various processes of relexicalization, which he calls "metaphorical processes". The processes he described are briefly summarized below. (the abbreviations used mean: bt: Bantu language, af: Afrikaans, en: English, ts: Tsotsitaal)

a) Nasalization: The consonants / b /, / d /, / f /, / v /, / p /, / t /, / d / are replaced by / m /, for example Afrikaans baikie "jacket"> Tsotsitaal / maikie / Afrikaans dom "stupid"> Tsotsitaal / mom / English beer "Bier"> Tsotsitaal / miya /

b) Borrowing suffixes from Bantu languages, Afrikaans or English and their free combination with lexemes from other languages, for example the suffix -s from Afrikaans or English to form plural forms, as in ntwana "child" (from Bantu languages)> Tsotsitaal / ntwana -s / "children" the morpheme -a from Bantu languages ​​to create inflected verb forms, as in English drift> Tsotsitaal / drifta / "leave" the diminutive suffix -kie (from Afrikaans), as in Afrikaans dronk "drunk"> Tsotsitaal / dronki / "Drunk"

c) Complete or partial reduplication to create new lexemes, for example English nice "pretty"> Tsotsitaal / naisa-naisa / "party" Bantu languages ​​thenga "buy"> Tsotsitaal / thenga-thenga / "cheap woman" Afrikaans snaaks "funny" > Tsotsitaal / snakanaka / "stupid, stupid person" Tsotsitaal ndama "money"> / ndadama / "money"

d) Lexical metaphors (change of meaning) through association in color, substance or sound, for example Tsotsitaal / brown / "brown"> "Brandy" Afrikaans, Tsotsitaal yster "iron"> Tsotsitaal / eister / "coin" Tsotsitaal / vum / "car "(Onomatopoeic)

vocabulary

The Tsotsitaal vocabulary is made up of vocabulary from various South African languages. The Sotho languages, Zulu, Xhosa, English and Afrikaans provide the basis. As explained in the section Processes of Relexicalization , this vocabulary is often varied. Also clicking sounds can be found in the vocabulary of Tsotsitaal, such as in the words mca "good" or qava "beer". European roots can be identified in a few terms. For example, the word cherry means “girl; Girlfriend "(girlfriend) and is derived from the French name chérie " Liebste, most expensive ". mieren probably comes from the German verb lubricate and means a lot in Flaaitaal as "money".

Tsotsitaal origin English
ayoba - expresses amazement
bra English: brother brother
cherry French: chérie girlfriend
diski - soccer
chommie - friend
four five - penis
gata - policeman
heita Hello Hello
izojumpa Bantu others will know
kasi Afrikaans: lokasi Township
naisa-naisa English: nice to party
yayatsala - you are taking long
zol English: jolly joint
tsaysza - girl
six-nine - to urinate

See also

  • Tsotsi , 2006 Academy Award winner for best foreign language film

Web links and references

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 2
  2. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  3. ↑ Glaser: Bo tsotsi: the youth gangs of Soweto 1935-1976, 2000, p 50
  4. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 19
  5. ↑ Ntshanghase: Language Practice in Soweto, 2002, p 411
  6. ↑ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 17
  7. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  8. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  9. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  10. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 398
  11. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 398
  12. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 20
  13. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 398
  14. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 15
  15. ^ Steinberg: The number: one man's search for identity in the cape underworld and prison gangs, 2004, pp. 130-131
  16. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 225
  17. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 226
  18. ↑ Sunday Times: Doc Bikitsha's "in Focus" column, November 28, 2013
  19. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  20. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  21. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  22. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  23. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 399
  24. ↑ Molamu: The emergence and development of Tsotsitaal in South Africa, 1995, p 152
  25. ↑ Molamu: The emergence and development of Tsotsitaal in South Africa, 1995, p 153
  26. ↑ Molamu: The emergence and development of Tsotsitaal in South Africa, 1995, p 153
  27. ^ Halliday: Language as a social semiotic: the social interpretation of language and meaning, 1978, p. 165
  28. ^ Hurst: Style, Structure and Function in Cape Town Tsotsitaal, 2008, p. 226
  29. ^ Halliday: Language as a social semiotic: the social interpretation of language and meaning, 1978, p. 165
  30. ^ Halliday: Language as a social semiotic: the social interpretation of language and meaning, 1978, p. 165
  31. ↑ Makhudu: An introduction to Flaaitaal, 2000, p. 402
  32. ↑ Molamu: The emergence and development of Tsotsitaal in South Africa. 1995, p. 147.
  33. ↑ Molamu: The emergence and development of Tsotsitaal in South Africa. 1995, p. 147.