Eurafrica

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The European Union included Algeria in its early days as part of the French heartland; the country, which was independent after the civil war, left the Union in 1962 (before Greenland, which left in 1982).

The term Eurafrica is based on an idea that assumes the complementarity and mutual dependence of the two continents Africa and Europe . The concept appeared useful in the 19th to 20th centuries to describe the historically complex network of relationships between the two continents and to justify the continuation of colonial power structures.

In late colonialism, Eurafrica developed into a real political project within complex structures between the EEC , France and former French colonies in Africa , which were associated with the EEC in 1958. To this day, the basic Euro-African salary can be traced in trade agreements and development agreements between the unequal partners EU and Africa.

Origins of the term

In view of the European liberal belief in civilization at the time to integrate Sub-Saharan Africa into the European continent, the concept of a Euro -African double continent emerged at the end of the 19th century. Africa should be included in a progressive and united Europe within a common Euro-African interest and economic community in order to secure European influence in the colonies.

In the 1920s, the concept of “Eurafrica” gained prominence and scope within ideologically shaped integration-political movements. In particular, the term was first used by the Paneuropa Union , which was founded in 1922 under the leadership of the Austrian Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi . In view of the horrors of the First World War , the occupation of the Ruhr and the ongoing border conflicts between France and Germany, the cosmopolitan Coudenhove-Kalergi represented the idea of ​​a peaceful Europe through the organization of the economy on a continental level and the mediation of Europe as a spiritual and ideological unit.

The Eurafrica project played a role in the vision of economic and geopolitical bloc formation insofar as Africa represented the necessary area under European rule in order to secure the creation of a powerful Europe. According to Coudenhove-Kalergi, the Western Europeans could only form a third force against Eastern and Western powers within the framework of a "joint development of the European colonies" to supply Europe with resources.

Thus, the synergy of European states for the “management” of Africa in the context of racial segregation at the time could be interpreted as a moment of identity for the European population, because Eurafrica unites “the highest civilized peoples of the white race with the most primitive indigenous peoples of the black”. From the merger, Europe will also benefit from new sales markets and living space, Africa in return from European morality, culture, civil progress and democratic structures. In the mistaken belief that the Europeans do not appear as oppressors but as liberators of the black race, a racist, reality-distorting belief in progress emerged in the programmatic sketch of the double continent of Eur Africa, which was combined with imperialist European-federalist basic ideas.

The draft of a double continent found it difficult to transform itself into realpolitical strategies in the immediate post-war period. Coudenhove-Kalergi by no means planned a further development of national self-interests, but instead proclaimed primarily a peace project through the joint use of economic, military and political resources of the neighboring continents.

The project Eurafrica as an asymmetrical community between Africa and Europe based on colonial fundamental ideas formed a historical myth among writers, politicians and business leaders, which however developed into a reality-creating project after the Second World War in the process of European integration in the 1950s.

The institutionalization of Eurafrica in the post-war period

When looking at the initial situation of European integration , from a colonial-political point of view, it is noticeable that four of the six founding states were still colonial powers and thus the establishment of the European Community is not to be understood as free from colonial-political ambitions. Italy and the Netherlands had separated from their colonies, and Germany lost its colonies as early as World War I, but Belgium and France in particular continued to pursue self-serving strategies of power politics to maintain their colonial empire.

Eurafrica is thus to be interpreted inseparably in the context of pacifist, economic and geopolitical interest-guiding ideas of the history of European integration. In European integration research, however, the European unification process is strongly dominated by the idea of ​​progress, peacekeeping and the creation of European solidarity and a common economic area. The neglect of the clarification of the colonial question, according to Hansen and Jonsson in their research project on Eurafrika (2011), can be traced back to the transformation of colonization from national colonial projects to a common "European colonization" of Africa during the founding years of the European Community.

Since the conception of Eurafrica was not primarily the goal and guiding principle of all six EEC founding fathers, the latter is, however, controversial in the scientific discourse. France played a special role in the negotiations for the integration of the overseas territories in 1956. It is therefore more likely that the Eurafrica development cooperation acted as a kind of compensation payment for France's consent to the common market, said Gary Marks in his criticism of the statements by Hansen and Jonsson.

The role of France

The opinion that France's driving force in the process of European integration is mainly due to the French endeavor to maintain and strengthen its influence in Africa is shared by many European scholars. The consolidation of the relations between France and the French colonial empire was already ensured on the basis of the Union française , a large economic area encompassing the French colonial empire, which was institutionalized in 1946. The geostrategic importance of the African colonies in sub-Saharan Africa also resulted from the refusal of the Asian colonies such as Indochina to join the alliance. In the course of the end of the Second World War, France's autarkic Africa policy increasingly found itself in an international and internal legitimation crisis, which was to be resolved by new forms of investment-driven development policy in the African colonies.

As the European Economic Community provided financial means to stabilize African-French relations in the former colonies and the common European development policy was based on the development model of France, the early European Community initially continued colonial structures in Francophone Africa. The simultaneous existence of bilateral Franco-African agreements and multilateral development concepts of the EEC ensured a competitive situation in the young European community. Since the European development policy, immediately after the common agricultural policy, became one of the most active policy fields of the young community, a certain "Europeanization" of the colonial relations of France began. Or rather, in the course of European integration, France had to change its development strategy from the colonial era towards a sustainable, decolonized policy field. The political catchphrase Eurabia takes on some of the aspects such as actual networking in the context of the Eurafrica discourse in the right-wing populist environment.

OEEC, Hague Congress and the founding of the Council of Europe

The establishment of the OEEC in 1948 (Organization for European Economic Cooperation, later Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD) was one of the first institutionalized bodies in EurAfrica in the form of an integrated working group for the colonial overseas territories. With intensive European cooperation in the colonial area, economic and social development, especially in Africa, should be promoted through private and public investments in the overseas territories.

"It is in the interest of the whole free world that the [colonial] territories, which form part of it, should endeavor to speed up and increase the production of scarce material"

- OEEC 1951 : 20.

Large-scale construction plans to promote the infrastructure, agriculture, and water supply in the African colonies, albeit more modestly formulated than in the interwar period, testify to the continuation of a major Euro-African project under late colonial auspices.

The Hague Congress in 1948 gave the initial impetus for the establishment of the Council of Europe , which expressed itself in terms of the development of colonial territories for the collective benefit of Western Europe with regard to Africa. This benefit consists, according to Palayret (2005) in his remarks on the content of the congress, in the creation of new markets and living space, as well as in the appearance of Europe as a “third force” in world politics through the integration of the African colonies into the European states.

The Schuman Declaration

The Schuman Declaration of May 9, 1950 is celebrated in Europe as the birth of the EU . The Franco-German association of coal and steel production is not only a sign of peace, solidarity and economic cooperation between the EU states, but also a joint geopolitical decision in dealing with Africa. The resources created from the production community become

“Made available to the whole world without distinction or exception ... to help raise the standard of living and promote the works of peace. Europe will then be able to pursue one of its most essential tasks with increased resources: to derive the development of the African continent "

- Robert Schuman May 9, 1950

With these words, the Schuman Plan not only created the basis for the European Coal and Steel Community with Italy, West Germany, France and the Benelux countries, but also took a first contractual step towards the realization of the Eurafrica project. Since the militarily, politically and economically unstable post-war structure did not stabilize until the early 1950s, certain resources in Europe and Africa could be pooled for the first time with the foundation in order to increase the economic benefit for the former colonizers and to secure France's great power and colonial empire.

The escalation of the military conflict in the struggle for independence in French Indochina and Algeria shows that, despite the Euro-African basic content of the Schuman Plan and the ECSC Treaty, no decolonization strategy was discernible. Colonial historians of the early 1980s pointed out that France did not apply decolonization policies until the African territories were actually independent until 1960.

Meaning of the Suez crisis

The withdrawal of Franco-British military groups from Egypt in 1956 after the intervention of the United Nations and the Soviet Union represented both a climax of the Cold War and a turning point in Western unification policy. The only limited power and agency of the former colonial powers France and England created a change in awareness towards the decolonization of Africa and the integration of European states as a third power against the United Nations and the Soviet Union.

The Rome Treaties and the EEC Association Policy

The Treaty of Rome of 1957 for the establishment of the European Economic Community, as the starting point for the common market of the countries involved, implied the beginnings of a European Africa policy, and with it the institutionalization of Eur Africa.

In particular, France's motivation in the process of European unification must be interpreted against the background of a European institutionalization of colonial power structures in Africa. From an economic perspective, France's motives seem plausible: Around a quarter of French imports came from the colonies in which exports from France found a protected market through protectionist customs measures. In 1957 around 300,000 jobs were dependent on Franco-African trade relations. With a process of transformation in Franco-African relations that began in the mid-1950s, France represents a “special case of international North-South relations”.

In this context, France's transformation of Africa policy oscillated between persistent colonial ways of thinking and new development postulates, which were expressed in the terms of the treaty negotiations of the European Economic Community. The conditio sine qua non for the signing of the Rome Treaties stated

  • that France will only join the common market if all ECSC members felt obliged to take part in the French decolonization in Africa
  • to integrate the associated association of the overseas territories of all member states into the common market and thus to guarantee mutual market access
  • to embed the solution of France's development problem within a common European development policy.

Germany, the Netherlands and Luxembourg were skeptical of the demands. The economic obligations did not seem attractive to the member states that were exempt from colonial ties. However, Germany saw the signing of the treaty as an opportunity to improve its external image after the Second World War within the framework of a reconciliation with France. Despite internal political disagreements, after negotiations between Adenauer and de Gaulle, the colonial areas were unquestionably associated and the European Development Fund was launched.

"Finally, the overseas countries and territories of the Community will be associated in order to increase trade and promote economic and social development through joint efforts"

- EEC Treaty : Article 3k.

With the association of six overseas territories in France and Belgium, the interdependence between the colonial question and European integration was institutionalized. Similar to what the Schuman Plan and the founding of the ECSC intended to achieve intra-European peace and economic advantages for the member states, the aim of the “Eur-African Community” was to establish an equal development partnership between Europeans and Africans. Although the partnership propagated the safeguarding of the Euro-African peace in the sense of an international independence of Africa, the key term "Euro-African interdependence" referred more to European investments in the economic and social development in the African countries and territories. Likewise, the association policy within the framework of the Treaty of Rome against the background of the opening of the markets in the African overseas territories was more a strategy of protecting colonial markets and gaining resources for Europe than a European decolonization strategy.

The founding states of the EEC not only benefited more from economic cooperation with Africa in the sale of their industrial products and the supply of raw materials, the Euro-African merger ultimately also enabled a stronger position of power between the fronts of the Cold War. Conversely, the demands for political sovereignty and decolonization by the African territories were not heard during the negotiations. In this context, the continuation of Euro-African structures within the EEC could also be interpreted as a strategy to hinder the pan-African movement and any kind of regional African integration. Nkrumah, Ghanaian spokesman for the African independence movement, therefore described the Pan-African movement as the only way to move away from neo-colonial structures and achieve economic independence on the continent.

Eur-African development concepts

The European Development Fund

As the “Implementing Convention”, the individual provisions for the implementation of the EDF were incorporated into the Treaty of Rome on January 1, 1958. “In addition to 20 French colonies in Africa and seven other French overseas territories, there were two Belgian regions (Congo, Rwanda-Urundi), an Italian region (Somalia) and a Dutch region (New Guinea). Initially valid for five years (1958–1963), the EDF amounted to US $ 581 million. "

On the basis of the development agreement of a partnership of equal status and equal rights, the EEF had to be transferred to a new mode of development cooperation after the expiry of the agreement in 1963. In the Brussels Association Committee efforts were made - especially in the wake of the independence of most African territories - within the framework of the EDF to reconfigure the relations between the EEC and the associated territories within a new agreement. Close development cooperation with Africa should be continued on a “voluntary” basis and economic ties should be stabilized. The African states should at the same time be given the opportunity to confirm their sovereignty and independence.

Multilateral agreements in the course of decolonization (Yaoundé, Lomé)

The Yaoundé Agreement from 1963 with a renewed term of five years comprised 18 African countries (AASM countries, Associated African States and Madagascar), which Mauritius joined as part of Yaoundé II. Thanks to these multilateral agreements and economic agreements, the Euro-African partnership freed itself in the course of the 1960s from the late colonial shackles of the founding years of the EEC in the direction of an "integration model", but the trade privileges for the European states were not completely abolished

From the beginning, the signing of the treaties therefore attracted criticism from African leadership groups. Indeed, the EU made clear references to elements of the Eurafrican ideology of complementarity and interdependence when signing the successor Lomé Convention

"We are dependent on the Third World here and now as well as in the future. It, in turn, depends on us to a considerable degree. Our interests are linked. We should, therefore, try to express this dependence clearly and irrevocably. "

- Claude Cheysson , former Development Commissioner and French Foreign Minister : Martin 1982: 228.

The Lomé Convention from 1975 between the EC countries and 77 developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP countries), together with the associated Commonwealth countries, was seen as the beginning of a new kind of North-South dialogue and in the following years extended with successor agreements (Lomé II 1979, Lomé III 1984, Lomé IV 1989 and Cotonou Agreement 2000). While some believe that many elements of the Lomé Convention should be liberalized as a matter of urgency, others see the multilateral treaties as a solidification of post-colonial cooperation. The latter assumes that the EU is responsible for "neo-colonial" (re) production processes by continuing to exert economic, scientific and cultural influence on Africa.

The fact is that the concept of Eurafrica is still contained in the structures of existing international development cooperation, since the trade relations between today's EU and the ACP states cannot be viewed separately from late-colonial interactions between Africa and Europe.

literature

  • Stefan Brüne: The French Africa Policy: Hegemonic Interests and Development Claims . Baden-Baden 1995.
  • Brüne, Stefan (2000): Beyond benevolent rhetoric: Open basic questions of European development policy, In: Nord-Süd aktuell, No.14: 2, pp. 296-303.
  • Coudenhove-Kalergi, Richard Nikolaus (1929): Afrika, In: Paneuropa, No. 5, Issue 7.
  • Coudenhove-Kalergi, Richard Nikolaus (1933): Pan-Europa-Manifest, In: Paneuropa, No. 9, issue 6.
  • Hansen, Peo / Jonsson, Stefan (2011): Bringing Africa as a 'Dowry to Europe', In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, pp. 443–463 [1]
  • Klever, Martin (2006): EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent., Eupen.
  • Marks, Gary (2012): Scale, Community and 'Eurafrica': A Response to Hansen and Jonsson, In: JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, No. 50: 6, pp. 1042-1044.
  • Martin, Guy (1982). Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: NeoColonialism Or PanAfricanism ?, The Journal of Modern African Studies, No. 20, pp. 221-238.
  • Moser, Thomas (2000): European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community emerged from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963, Baden-Baden.
  • Organization for European Economic Cooperation (1951): Investments in Overseas Territories in Africa, South of the Sahara, Paris: OEEC.
  • Rempe, Martin (2011): Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27.
  • Rempe, Martin (2011): Review of Vahsen, Urban. Eur-African Development Cooperation: The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s, In: H-Soz-u-Kult, H-Net Reviews, No. October.
  • Thobie, Jacques (1990): Histoire de la France coloniale, Paris.
  • Vahsen, Urban (2010): Eur-African Development Cooperation. The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s, Stuttgart.
  • Zartman, I. William (1976): Europe and Africa: Decolonization or Dependency ?, Foreign Affairs; to American Quarterly Review, No. 54: 2, pp. 325-343.

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Guy Martin: Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: NeoColonialism or PanAfricanism ?. In: The Journal of Modern African Studies. No. 20, 1982, p. 221.
  2. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 3.
  3. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963. , 2000, p. 95.
  4. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 448 f.
  5. ↑ Caudenhove-Kalergi: Pan-manifesto. In: Paneuropa. No. 9, 1933.
  6. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 104.
  7. ↑ Coudenhove-Kalergi: Africa. In: Paneuropa. No. 5, 1929, p. 4.
  8. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 449 f.
  9. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 101 f.
  10. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 144 f.
  11. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 17.
  12. ↑ Martin Klever: EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent. , 2006, p. 53.
  13. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 444 f.
  14. ^ Gary Marks: Scale, Community and 'Eurafrica': A Response to Hansen and Jonsson. In: JCMS. No. 50: 6, 2011, p. 1043.
  15. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 5.
  16. ↑ Urban Vahsen: Eur-African Development Cooperation. The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s. , 2010, p. 66.
  17. ↑ Jacques Thobie: Histoire de la France coloniale. , 1990, p. 368 f.
  18. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 7.
  19. ↑ Urban Vahsen: Eur-African Development Cooperation. The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s. , 2010, p. 122 ff.
  20. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 10.
  21. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 16.
  22. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 451.
  23. ^ Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC): Investments in Overseas Territories in Africa, South of the Sahara. , 1951, p. 20.
  24. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 451.
  25. ↑ Jean-Marie Palayret: Les mouvements proeuropéens et la question de l'Eurafrique you Congrés de La Haye à la Convention de Yaoundé (1948-1963). , Quoted from: Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 452.
  26. ↑ Schuman Declaration, May 9, 1950 . European Union website. Retrieved April 15, 2013.
  27. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 454.
  28. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963. , 2000, p. 274.
  29. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 508.
  30. ^ Martin Rempe: Review of Vahsen, Urban. Eur-African Development Cooperation: The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s. In: H-Soz-u-Kult, H-Net Reviews. No. October, 2011, p. 1.
  31. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963. , 2000, p. 341.
  32. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 456.
  33. ^ Stefan Brüne: The French Africa Policy: Hegemonic Interests and Development Claim, Baden-Baden. , 1995, p. 43.
  34. ^ Brüne, Stefan: The French Africa policy: Hegemonic interests and development claim. , 2011, p. 109.
  35. ^ Martin Rempe: Decolonization by Europeanization? The Early EEC and the Transformation of French-African Relations. In: KFG Working Paper Series. No. 27, 2011, p. 9.
  36. ↑ Stefan Brüne: Beyond benevolent rhetoric: Open basic questions of European development policy , In: Nord-Süd aktuell 14. No. 2, 2000, p. 296.
  37. ^ EEC Treaty . European Union website. Retrieved April 15, 2013.
  38. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963. , 2000, p. 503 ff.
  39. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929-1963. , 2000, p. 508.
  40. ^ Zartman I. William: Europe and Africa: Decolonization or Dependency ?. In: Foreign Affairs, an American Quarterly Review. No. 54: 2, 1976, p. 328.
  41. ↑ Peo Hansen / Stefan Jonsson: BRINGING AFRICA AS A 'DOWRY TO EUROPE'. In: Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. No. 13: 3, 2011, p. 457 ff.
  42. ↑ Martin Klever: EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent. , 2006, p. 53.
  43. ↑ Guy Martin: Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: NeoColonialism or PanAfricanism ?. In: The Journal of Modern African Studies. No. 20, 1982, p. 236.
  44. ↑ Guy Martin: Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: NeoColonialism or PanAfricanism ?. In: The Journal of Modern African Studies. No. 20, 1982, p. 238.
  45. ↑ Martin Klever: EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent. , 2006, p. 55.
  46. ↑ Martin Klever: EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent. , 2006, p. 56.
  47. ^ Thomas Moser: European integration, decolonization, Eurafrika. A historical analysis of the conditions in which the Euro-African community was formed from the Great Depression to the Yaoundé Treaty, 1929–1963. , 2000, p. 504.
  48. ^ Zartman I. William: Europe and Africa: Decolonization or Dependency ?. In: TForeign Affairs, an American Quarterly Review. No. 54: 2, 1976, p. 330 ff.
  49. ↑ Guy Martin: Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: NeoColonialism or PanAfricanism ?. In: The Journal of Modern African Studies. No. 20, 1982, p. 228.
  50. ↑ Urban Vahsen: Eur-African Development Cooperation. The Association Policy of the EEC towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s. , 2010, p. 396.
  51. ↑ Martin Klever: EU development policy between aspiration and reality Europe's responsibility for the African continent. , 2006, p. 65.