Karl Martell

The title of this article is ambiguous. Further meanings are listed under Karl Martell (disambiguation) .

Karl Martell's grave in St. Denis

Karl Martell (* between 688 and 691 ; † October 15 or October 22, 741 in the royal palace Quierzy ) was a Franconian house man . As the son of Pippin the Middle, he rose to this office, the occupation of which was marked by succession battles over which the Merovingian king no longer had any influence. Under Karl Martell, the development that began in the early 7th century continued into the royal domination of the Hausmeier. At the end of this process, the Merovingian kings were only puppets of the rival aristocratic factions until, with Karl Martell's son Pippin the Younger, a Carolingian house master became king of the Franks and replaced the old dynasty.

Charles's military activities expanded the Frankish Empire and created the basis for the later expansion of the Carolingian kings, especially his grandson Charlemagne . He filled important secular and spiritual posts in the Franconian Empire with his own followers. In his later years he could even rule without a king. Karl promoted the missionary efforts of his time and maintained contacts with the Pope. However, because of his attacks on church property, medieval authors saw him as a church robber.

Since the 19th century in particular, posterity has remembered the victory of Charles Martell over the Arabs and Berbers in the Battle of Poitiers in 732 . Karl was subsequently stylized - wrongly according to recent research - as the savior of the Christian West. He gave its name to the Carolingian dynasty . His military successes earned him the nickname Martellus ("the hammer") in the 9th century .

Life

origin

Family tree of the Carolingians from the second half of the 12th century. Ekkehard von Aura , Chronicon universale, Berlin, State Library , Ms. lat. Fol. 295, fol. 80 ^BC

Karl came from the noble family of the Carolingians , whose name did not appear until the end of the 10th century. The ancestors of Karl Martell were the Arnulfinger and Pippiniden . The oldest reliably verifiable and named representatives of the family were Arnulf von Metz and Pippin I. In the eastern part of Austrasia , Pippin the Elder was the first Carolingian to hold the caretaker's office in 624/25. From about 687 the Carolingian with the victory had Pippin the Middle in the battle of tertry over the Neustro - Burgundy House Meier transferred its authority throughout the Frankish Empire. The battle is considered a "turning point" for the replacement of the Merovingians by the Pippiniden-Arnulfinger. The medieval research is a broad consensus that the Merovingian kings from the late 7th century were only shadows kings. The Merovingian monarchy became the plaything of rival noble families through numerous early deaths and underage kings. The king was nevertheless necessary to balance the power structure between the individual aristocratic factions.

Pippin the Middle married Plektrud , who came from an influential Austrasian noble family. Through this marriage he was able to expand his power. Plektrud had possessions from the middle Moselle over the Eifel to the Lower Rhine . Early on, Pippin gave his sons Drogo and Grimoald responsible tasks. Probably 697 he made Drogo the dux Burgundionum (Duke of Burgundy ). A little later Grimoald became a caretaker of Neustria.

Pippin's illegitimate son, Karl Martell, was at a disadvantage. It had emerged from a connection with Chalpaida that had not yet been clearly clarified . However, it was not a so-called Friedelehe , a form of marriage, the existence of which research has rejected as a non- source construct of the 1930s. Based on estimates of the ages of his sons, Charles' birth is dated between 688 and 691. The baptism was carried out by Bishop Rigobert of Reims . Nothing is known about the adolescent's relationship with his father Pippin, his siblings and his stepmother Plektrud. His education, actual appearance and youth are also unclear. He is the only Carolingian who rose to power and there is no news of his activities before his father's death. Unlike the two sons from Pippin's marriage to Plektrud, Karl was in no way involved in the exercise of power.

The Philippine-Carolingian succession crisis (714–723)

Detail from the battle between Chilperich and Karl Martell ( Grandes Chroniques de France , BL Royal 16 G VI f. 116)

Grave plate (12th century) of the plectrum in St. Maria in the Capitol in Cologne

Shortly before his death, Pippin had lost his two sons from his first marriage. Drogo died in 708, Grimoald was murdered in 714. However, this did not give Karl any power and he was not taken into account in the settlement of Pippin's successor. Plektrud, who wanted to succeed Pippin for her sons and grandchildren, benefited most from this exclusion. Due to Pippin's death, there were disputes about the succession, which are referred to in research as the "Pippinid-Carolingian succession crisis".

After Pippin's death in December 714, Plektrud acted like a king's widow, while the mother of the then Merovingian king Dagobert III. not even the name is known. Plektrud secured her grandson Theudoald 's successor in the caretaker's office. In order to prevent claims from her stepson Karl, she arrested him. She resided mainly in Cologne, while Theudoald was Dagobert III's caretaker. stayed in Neustria.

Against Plectrud, however , the great neustrians rose up , who wanted to regain their former position in the Franconian Empire. On September 26, 715 the Neustrians defeated Theudoald in Compiègne . They seized the Merovingian King Dagobert III. and installed their leader Raganfrid as the new caretaker. After Dagobert's early death at the age of almost 20 in 715/16, the Neustrians raised a monk Daniel as the new king, who from then on bore the name Chilperich II .

Meanwhile, Karl Martell had managed to escape from custody. In 716 the Neustrians penetrated as far as Cologne and seized the treasures of the Plektrud. In this situation leading supporters of Plektrud defected to Karl Martell. In addition, the Carolingian was able to secure the support of the Anglo-Saxon missionary Willibrord . The basis for Karl's rise was the traditional following of his maternal family in the Maastricht-Liège area. Against the Frisians of Radbod , Karl suffered his only defeat before Cologne in 716 and fled the battlefield. But then he gathered his strength and defeated the Neustrians in the spring of 716 at Amblève in the Ardennes and on March 21, 717 in the battle of Vinchy near Cambrai . Cologne was then besieged and taken. Karl forced his stepmother Plektrud to hand over the Merovingian royal treasure. This came completely under the control of the Carolingians.

With the handover of the treasure, the transition of rule from stepmother to Karl was symbolized. The royal treasure was an important means of power for gaining and establishing rule. It made it possible for its owner to materially reward the followers and thus to ensure their loyalty. The treasure was increased by booty from military campaigns. Plektrud had to give up her political ambitions and became the founder of the Cologne Convention of St. Maria in the Capitol .

Before February 3, 718, Charles raised his own Merovingian king, Chlothar IV., To legitimize his power , who formally appointed him a caretaker. After their defeat at Vinchy Herzog (dux), Chilperich and Raganfrid were able to win Eudo of Aquitaine as allies. In the spring of 718 or October 718/719, Karl defeated Chilperich and Raganfrid again in the battle of Soissons . He pursued Eudo and moved with his army as far as Orléans in 718 . Eudo was therefore forced to hand over Chilperich and his treasures. By settling with Charles, Eudo was able to secure his position of power in Aquitaine. Raganfrid had to be content with a local rule in Anjou until his death (731) . The Merovingian king Chlothar died in 719. Karl then recognized the Merovingian king Chilperich II, who had been raised by his opponents. So the Neustrians could hold on to their king, while Karl was able to increase the acceptance of his rule. After Chilperich's death in 721, Charles raised Theuderich IV , a son of Dagobert III, a new Merovingian king.

In 723 Karl had two sons of his half-brother Drogo imprisoned. He was probably afraid that they would lay claim to family property or the office of housekeeper. With this, Karl had eliminated the last rivals within the family. The Philippine-Carolingian succession crisis came to an end.

External Martial Activities (718-739)

The expansion of the Franconian Empire from 481 to 814

Karl tried to assert his rule on the outer borders of the Franconian Empire. The campaigns in areas outside of his previous domain lasted from 718 to 739. The warlike activities were directed against Frisians , Saxons , Alemanni and Bavaria as well as the regions of Aquitaine , Burgundy and Provence . The extent to which the respective territories were incorporated into the Franconian Empire varied. Apparently, Karl didn't always intend to be incorporated.

Conflicts with the Frisians

After consolidating his position in the Franconian Empire, Karl took revenge on the Frisians who had defeated him in 716 near Cologne. Radbod , the ruler ( dux , in Anglo-Saxon sources rex ) of the Frisians, relied on strengthening paganism in order to get rid of Franconian supremacy. This interrupted the Christianization begun by the Anglo-Saxon missionary Willibrord . Radbod had expelled Willibrord from his diocese of Utrecht . Thereupon Willibrord sought support from the caretaker Karl; he hoped he would return to his mission area. Radbod's death in 719 weakened the Frisians considerably. In the following years, Charles's campaigns against them were apparently successful, because according to a document from 723 he donated extensive property to the Willibrord monastery in Utrecht. In 734 Charles defeated the Frisian army and killed their dux (Duke) Bubo (Poppo) in the Battle of the Boorne . He succeeded in taking the Frisian core area between Vlie and Lauwers . The campaign also served as a booty enterprise. At the same time, numerous pagan sanctuaries were destroyed. According to this, no further conflict with the Frisians is recorded for the time of Karl Martell.

Punitive expeditions to Saxony

The Saxons always posed a threat to the Frankish Empire. In 700 their politico-military expansion efforts reached a climax. During the succession crisis, in 715 they invaded the Hattuari , located on the Rhine, to take prey. Unlike the Frisians, however, Karl did not seek annexation, but contented himself with several punitive expeditions in order to curb the advance of the Saxons. In 718 Karl moved with an army to Saxony and reached the Weser . This first move was probably a retaliation for the invasion of the Franconian Empire. In 720 Karl undertook another campaign to Saxony. It is unclear whether a campaign in 722 was directed against the Saxons or the Frisians. Another move to Saxony connected Charles in 724 with the overthrow of a new revolt of his Neustrian opponents. He besieged his former adversary Raganfrid in Angers . The area was devastated and extensive booty was taken. Then Karl ended the uprising in Saxony. A military campaign planned there in 729 was not implemented due to problems in Alemannia. In 738 Karl undertook another campaign to Saxony. The continuer of the Fredegar Chronicle referred to the Saxons in this context as paganissimi (extremely pagan). This time their paganism was probably the reason for the military advance. The Saxons were forced to pay tributes and had to take many hostages. It is Karl's last traditional military venture to Saxony.

Incorporation of Alemannia into the Franconian Empire

Unlike in Saxony, Karl intended to integrate Alemannia into his dominion. The Alemannic Duke Gotfrid was loyal to the Merovingian kings and resisted the rule of Pippin the Middle. After the Duke's death in 709, disputes broke out between his sons in Alemannia about rulership in the ducat . The Chronicon Laurissense breve (Short Lorsch Chronicle) , created around 807, and the Annales Fuldenses , which were also only written in the 9th century and are dependent on it, record campaigns to Alemannia for the years 722 and 723. However, their information is considered dubious, because in the contemporary sources these features of Charles are not mentioned. The late news is probably based on a chronologically incorrect takeover of material from the Fredegar continuations.

In 724 Pirmin founded the Reichenau Monastery with the help of Karl Martell and the Alemannic Duke Lantfrid . In 725 and probably 728, Lantfried had to tolerate the march of Karl's army through the Alemannic region to Bavaria. According to the chronicle of Hermann von Reichenau , Lantfrid's brother Theudebald drove the abbot Pirmin out of the Reichenau monastery ob odium Karoli in 727 (out of hatred against Karl). After Jörg Jarnut , Pirmin left Alemannia voluntarily to found the Murbach monastery in Alsace . In any case, no response from Karl to Theudebald's approach has been recorded.

In 730 fighting broke out between Karl and Lantfrid. Lantfrid may have died in the process; in any case, he died that same year. Theudebald succeeded his deceased brother in the Alemannic ducat in 730. Pirmin's successor Heddo also had to flee from Theudebald in 732. Karl reinstated the abbot in the monastery and Theudebald was sent into exile. Karl did not appoint a new Alemannic duke, because he pursued the incorporation of Alemannia into the Franconian Empire and saw the ducat as an integral part of his rule. After Karl's death, Theudebald tried to enforce his claims in Alemannia as the remaining heir, but Karl's son Karlmann was able to assert himself there in several campaigns. The duchy finally became extinct under Karlmann.

Pirmin and Heddo found a new field of activity as abbots in Alsace. This indicates a progressive integration of this region into the Franconian Empire. Pirmin founded the Murbach Monastery in 728 . Heddo was installed in 734 by Karl Martell as Bishop of Strasbourg. In Alsace, Karl never had to intervene militarily.

Integration of Main Franconia and Thuringia without a military campaign

Under the rule of the Hedenen , the areas of Main Franconia and Thuringia were united to form a ducat . Heden II , the dux of Main Franconia and Thuringia, apparently did not belong to Karl Martell's followers during the succession crisis. Two documents from the years 704 and 717, in which Heden had transferred ownership to the Anglo-Saxon missionary Willibrord , could point to amicable relations with Karl Martell, because Willibrord had supported the caretaker in the chaos of his successor. The deed of donation from 717, however, is dated after the reign of Chilperich II, Karl Martell's opponent. The donation made in 717 is not mentioned in the will that Willibrord drew up for his monastery in Echternach . Karl Martell had probably refused to recognize the diploma from 717 on the acquisition of Hammelburg. In the Main Franconian-Thuringian area the "people of the Eastern Franks" apparently drove the overthrow of the Hedens. Karl profited from these operations without carrying out a campaign. The region was stately consolidated. The Anglo-Saxon missionary Bonifatius was able to found not only monasteries but also dioceses in Main Franconia and Thuringia.

Interventions in the conditions in Bavaria

In 725, Karl intervened in disputes within Bavaria together with Liutprand , King of the Longobards , on behalf of Duke Hugbert . The disputes arose from the deaths of the previous dukes Theodo (717) and Theudebert (after 716). Liutprand had become the brother-in-law of Theudebert's son Hugbert through his marriage to Guntrud . Karl and Liutprand helped Hugbert to defeat his uncle Grimoald . Intervening in Bavarian affairs led to positive relations between Charles and the Lombard king. In 725 Karl brought Grimoald's wife Pilitrud and her niece, the Bavarian princess Swanahild , from the Agilolfinger house to Francia, the core region of the empire. Shortly thereafter, he married Swanahild. With this he consolidated his position in Bavaria and in the Franconian Empire. In 728 Karl moved to Bavaria again. The background remains unclear. There may have been resistance to Hugbert's rule. Hugbert died childless in 736. Thereupon, Karl installed Odilo, a duke related to Swanahild, in Bavaria. The alien Odilo planned a church organization of the dioceses in Bavaria authorized by the Pope. Shortly thereafter, for unknown reasons, resistance arose against him, so that he had to flee to the court of Karl Martell. There he married Karl's daughter Hiltrud , from which in 741 the son Tassilo III. emerged. In March 741 Odilo was able to return to Bavaria and prevail there again with Franconian support.

Clashes with the Muslim Arabs and Berbers

Islamic expansion until the Battle of Poitiers

→ Main article : Battle of Tours and Poitiers

Muslim Arabs and Berbers (in Frankish sources Saracens or Ishmaelites) had taken the Visigoth Empire in Spain in 711 . In 720 they also occupied Visigoth outposts in southwest Gaul. They increasingly penetrated the Pyrenees and threatened Aquitaine . Duke Eudo of Aquitaine was able to repel the invaders near Toulouse in 721 . Despite the defeat, the Arabs and Berbers advanced a short time later. They took 724 Carcassonne and a little later Nîmes . In August 725, Autun in Burgundy was sacked and destroyed.

In view of the Arab-Berber expansion, Eudo entered into an alliance with the Berber prince Munnuza . The background was growing tensions between Berbers and Arabs. Munnuza was defeated by the Arab Abd ar-Rahman , the governor of the caliph in Spain, and committed suicide . From then on, Abd al-Rahman fought his adversary's ally. In 732 Eudo suffered a heavy defeat on the Garonne . Therefore he was forced to ask Karl Martell for help. Karl reacted quickly; he went to meet the Arabs with an army of Franks and Burgundians. In October 732 there was the battle of Poitiers (ad Pectavis) , in which Abd ar-Rahman was killed. The Berbers and Arabs, however, did not flee the country in a hurry, but plundered through the Limousin .

During their campaign, the Muslims had not intended to conquer the Frankish Empire, but merely wanted to carry out a punitive expedition as a raid against Eudo. Their defeat thwarted this project. Charles' victory was not absolute, however, because even after his victory the Muslims were able to undertake raids. Nevertheless, Charles took over the political and military leadership in Aquitaine with his victory, especially since Eudo died in 735. Karl then recognized Eudo's son Hunold as Duke of Aquitaine. The new duke had to swear allegiance to the house man and his two sons Karlmann and Pippin. Hunold seems to have sought an understanding with Karl all his life; in any case, no conflicts have survived.

Reaching out to Burgundy and Provence

Detail from the siege of Avignon. Illumination in a manuscript from the Chroniques de France ou de St Denis (1332–1350), London, British Library , MS Royal 16 G VI, fol. 118v

After the victory of 732 and especially after Eudo's death in 735, Charles concentrated militarily on Aquitaine, Burgundy and Provence. These regions should be more closely tied to the Franconian Empire. From 733, Charles gradually subjugated Burgundy and Provence. The calm in the north and east gave him the opportunity to assert his rule in this previously neglected region. The previous local rulers were disempowered and replaced by reliable followers of Charles. So Karl sent Bishop Eucherius von Orléans into exile in Cologne and distributed his church property to his entourage. The same thing happened to Bishop Ainmar of Auxerre, who was captured in Bastogne .

Despite these measures, Charles's rule in this region was not secured. So the dux of Provence, Maurontus, sparked an uprising and entered into an alliance with the Muslims. Under the leadership of Yusuf ibn Abd ar-Rahman al-Fihri , they established themselves in Avignon . Karl was able to take Avignon with the support of his half-brother Childebrand. The houseman besieged Yusuf al-Fihri in Narbonne in vain in 737 , but finally succeeded in completely defeating the relief army of the Arabs in the Battle of the Berre . On the march back to Austrasia, Charles devastated the cities of Béziers , Agde , Maguelone and Nîmes . In 738 the Arabs and Berbers invaded Provence again. At that time Karl was on a campaign in Saxony. The Longobard king Liutprand therefore advanced for him with an army. The invaders then withdrew without a fight. It was not until the Berber uprisings in the Maghreb, clashes on the Iberian Peninsula between Arabs and Berbers and finally the break-up of the Islamic empire that the expansion came to a standstill.

Phase of sole rule (737-741)

Before his death, Karl Martell divided the empire between his sons Karlmann and Pippin. Illumination in a manuscript from the Grandes Chroniques de France , Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. fr. 2615, fol. 72

Karl Martell on his deathbed. Chroniques de France ou de St Denis (1332-1350), London, British Library, Royal MS 16 G VI, fol. 119v

In the spring of 737 the Merovingian king Theuderich IV, who was raised to the throne by Karl Martell in 721, died at the age of about 25 years. From then on, until his death in 741, Karl ruled the entire Franconian empire alone; he was a houseman without a king. This was a unique constellation in the history of the Franconian Empire. Although Theuderich had with Childerich III. a son and heir, but Charles refused to make him king. The unfavorable source situation during this period makes it difficult to assess the possible motives and concepts of Charles' sole rule. He had largely secured his position through his military successes and thereby also increased his reputation. At the same time he had filled important positions with his followers and relatives. He had the Franks secure his position as “elected housekeeper” at an imperial assembly.

In the year 737, when after the death of Theuderic IV. No new Merovingian king was raised, Charles sent his son Pippin III. to the friendly and childless Longobard King Liutprand. There Pippin was adopted in the Longobard style by shearing the hair. The adoption did not serve the succession in the Longobard Empire, for this Liutprand had planned his nephew Hildeprand as early as 735 . It was only supposed to secure the Franconian-Lombard alliance. With the adoption and the related alliance, the rulers expressed their will to stand by each other against enemies in the Burgundian and Provencal regions. It is controversial whether Pippin's adoption should also prepare for the replacement of the Merovingian dynasty in the Franconian Empire. Jörg Jarnut suspects that "the elevation of Pippin to the prince [...] must appear to every contemporary as the first step towards making him one day Frankish king", and that this elevation also meant "a blatant dismissal of Karlmann", the older brother . According to Brigitte Kasten, on the other hand, Karlmann, who remained with his father, was the more important son, since "in such risky ventures the oldest son was generally spared". Karlmann had to be ready “in the event of the failure of the now and then ailing father”.

According to a thesis by Matthias Becher , Karl Martell wanted to implement the change of dynasty from the Merovingians to the Carolingians after the death of King Theuderich IV. In this step, Boniface took on an important role on his third trip to Italy (737/38) in an effort to obtain papal and Lombard support. However, the caretaker gave up his ambitions at the latest when he became seriously ill in 740.

In two letters from 739/40 the Pope titled Karl as viceroy (subregulus) . Karl Martell increasingly usurped royal rights. He had fiscal and church property, issued placita (royal court documents) and immunity privileges in his own name based on the model of royal documents . The validity of such privileges was in principle unlimited, but many recipients preferred to have them confirmed by their successors. Since it was customary to date royal documents according to the years of the king, dating in the period without a king was a problem. Karl dated the last document he received after the years that had passed since Theuderich's death. Ingrid Heidrich noticed a change in the dating of the documents from the 720s onwards: Karl no longer dated the documents to the year X regni domni nostri N. regis ("in the umpteenth year of the rule of our Lord, King N"), but rather clearly simpler anno X regnante N. rege ("in the umpteenth year in which King N. rules"). Heidrich therefore interpreted the documentary system of the late Merovingian kings as "an instrument in the hands of the caretaker". The court of the kings was also replaced by the court of the housewife. Charles' turn to the royal palaces in the Oise Valley illustrates his monarchical self-image and at the same time his turn to the royal model of the Merovingians.

Like a king, Charles divided the Frankish empire among his sons. The Reichsannals and their later, revised version (so-called Einhardsannalen ), the continuation of Fredegar's and the Metz Annals are the four most important sources that report from a pro-Carolingian perspective. The events surrounding the succession of Karl Martell are presented in different ways. Two succession orders have come down to us from Karl’s last years. Accordingly, Karl divided his empire into two parts between Karlmann and Pippin. Karlmann received Austrasia, Thuringia and Alemannia, Pippin was awarded Neustria, Burgundy and Provence. In a further succession plan, Karl decided to include his son Grifo among the heirs and to assign him his own domain.

In research it was discussed whether Grifo received any further commitments. In Karl's last document of September 17, 741, the only one from the period without a king, he gave the Merovingian royal palace Clichy to the Merovingian royal monastery of Saint Denis . The consensus signatures under the document were carried out by Swanahild and Grifo, but not by the older sons Karlmann and Pippin. Grifo and Swanahild were thus in an amicable relationship with him five weeks before Karl's death. According to Matthias Becher, shortly before his death, Karl intended to make Grifo “the main heir or even the sole heir”. Carolingian historiography suppressed Grifo's claims and instead Pippin III. and Karlmann, the actual successors of Karl Martell, as the only legitimate heirs. This concealed the blemish that the real successors of Karl Martell did not appear in his last succession plan. The pro-Carolingian authors wanted to create the impression of an amicable continuity within the ruling family. Andreas Fischer argues against Becher's remarks that Karlmann's sons Karlmann and Pippin may have already been in the territories assigned to them. In any case, unrest in the partial empires could only be stopped by the presence of the ruling housekeeper. Fischer explains that it was not taken into account in the first plan of division of the empire with the young age of Grifos. According to Sören Kaschke, the Fredegar continuations and later the Reichsannals left the inheritance claims of Grifo 741 unmentioned not because they wanted to ignore conflicts within the dynasty, but rather because the respective author “did not see himself in a position to justify the suppression of Grifo or to condemn his final "wrongdoing" - his rebellions against Pippin ".

Karl Martell's grave in St. Denis

In 741 Karl Martell was seized with a strong fever. He died on October 15 or 22, 741 in the Palatinate Quierzy . As the first member of his family, he was buried in the royal grave church of Saint-Denis and not, as has been the case up to now, in the Austrasian town of Metz or on the Chèvremont . With this decision he tied in legitimacy to the Merovingian dynasty. The last Merovingian rulers, however, were only buried in simple grave churches in Arras , Nyon or Compiègne .

Pippin and Karlmann imprisoned their half-brother Grifo and his mother. In Vieux Poitiers they made another division of the empire in 742, which Grifo no longer took into account. Caused by uprisings in several peripheral areas they raised 743 with Childerich III. last time a Merovingian king. The origin of Childerich III. is just as unclear as that of its Merovingian predecessors Daniel / Chilperich II. and Chlothar IV. Apparently the Merovingian succession was already unclear 40 years before the change of dynasty of 751 and thus appeared questionable. The sources reports about this time put the ambitious Carolingian family in the foreground, the Merovingian royal dynasty is hardly mentioned. Given the ambiguity of their claims to the throne, the power of the individual Merovingian kings was mainly based on the support they could mobilize. The sons of Karl Martell owed their position solely to their power and no longer held their rule because of a king. Karl Martell, on the other hand, owed his position as a caretaker to the appointment by a king. With Pippin's elevation to King of the Franks in 751, the phase of powerful house keeper and weak king ended. Pippin deposed the last Merovingian king and sent him to the monastery.

Family, farm and church

Marriages and offspring

Karl had three sons from two marriages. The sons Karlmann and Pippin as well as the daughter Hiltrud emerged from the first marriage with Chrodtrud , a noblewoman of unknown origin. The son Grifo came from the later connection with the Bavarian Agilolfinger Swanahild . In addition, Karl had three illegitimate sons, Bernhard, Hieronymus and Remigius , whose mother was probably the concubine Ruodhaid. He only thought of them a subordinate position.

After the hard-won ascent, Karl concentrated all of his power on himself. Unlike his father Pippin and his grandson Charlemagne , he neither shared the rule with his sons nor gave them their own territory. They are also not mentioned as participants in his military ventures. He even claimed the office and title of housekeeper for himself throughout his life. Only Karl's eldest son is listed once in 723 with his hand sign in a deed of donation from the father for the Utrecht Monastery. His first wife did not appear in any of his documents despite at least twenty years of marriage; also no narrative source reports of her. Various annals only record her death in 725.

The marriage to the Agilolfinger Swanahild, who belonged to the ducal family of one of the ducats bordering the empire, was singular in the history of the Carolingians. So far the Carolingians had avoided marital connections with such families. Karl's step also illustrates the high reputation of the Agilolfingers. His marriage formed the basis for friendly relations between Karl and the Longobard king Liutprand . Swanahild was the niece of Liutprand's wife Guntrud. The marriage brought not only a Franconian-Lombard rapprochement, but also a Franconian-Bavarian alliance. In addition, Karl possibly reconciled Plectrud's appendix with it, if it is true that Swanahild was their great niece. The marriage also increased Karl's reputation in the ancestral society of the early Middle Ages. On his father's side, Swanahild came from the venerable family of the Agilolfingers , whose reputation was only comparable to that of the Merovingians, who had been the Frankish king for 200 years. With this prestigious marriage, Karl made an important step to the top of the entire Franconian aristocratic society.

court

In the early Middle Ages , royal rule was exercised through outpatient rule practice ( travel royalty ). The Merovingian king traveled with his court through the empire and thereby gave his rule validity and authority. The owners of the court offices and numerous servants belonged to the court. Various spiritual and secular greats also stayed at court for a time. The most important court office was that of the house manger (maior domus) . It was awarded by the king, but in the 7th century the caretaker's office developed into an independent entity in the respective sub-kingdoms and the king lost control of it. At the beginning of the 8th century, the greats left the royal court and only appeared in the vicinity of Pippin the Middle's house manger. Due to the succession crisis triggered by Pippin's death, a circle of nobles formed again for a short time at the court of the Merovingian king Chilperich , who held the previous court offices and were in opposition to Karl Martell. In her documentary research, Ingrid Heidrich came to the conclusion that Karl “after his victory over Chilperich and Raganfrid no longer followed the old court office tradition”. Not a single court meeting in the presence of the king is recorded from the period from 697 to 750. The office of housekeeper was no longer filled under the Carolingians. Karl had young nobles educated at court. With this practice, documented for the first time under him, the integration of the nobility into the Carolingian monarchy should be promoted. Gradually, a court orchestra was also formed as the central spiritual institution at the court. Even under Karl Martell, capellani ( chaplains ) and Carolingian court chaplains can be traced.

Relationship to the Church

Access to dioceses and monasteries

In the 8th century, the Carolingians succeeded in expanding their position through direct control over central monasteries in the Franconian Empire. Karl Martell in particular used the monasteries to consolidate his power and pursued a well-thought-out church policy. In doing so, he skilfully navigated between different church groups. So he supported the reformers of Anglo-Saxon origin such as Willibrord and Bonifatius . At the same time he also maintained good relationships with secular bishops such as Milo von Trier . Milo received the diocese of Reims from the caretaker, after he had previously been Bishop of Trier. He had drawn criticism from Boniface, who accused him of sexual misconduct and the pillaging of dioceses.

Karl used bishopric and abbot positions to consolidate and expand his power. In this he was no different from his father or previous house fights, nor from the Merovingian kings. Bishop Rigobert von Reims had taken an undecided position in the succession crisis between Neustria and Austrasia. After Karl's victory in the Vinchy battle, he lost his position. He was replaced by Liutwin von Trier, who was apparently a staunch supporter of Charles. According to a source from the 11th century, the abbot Peter of St. Ghent had also held back too much towards Charles when the confusion of succession broke out; he too was deposed after the battle of Vinchy. A similar fate met the bishops Ainmar of Auxerre, Eucherius of Orléans and Willicarius of Vienne when Charles reached out to Burgundy . Karl Martell entrusted his faithful and relatives with the management of important abbeys. Hugo, a nephew of the Hausmeiers ordained priest at an early age, headed the abbeys of Saint-Denis , Saint-Wandrille and Jumièges and was head of the dioceses of Paris , Rouen , Bayeux , Lisieux and Avranches . Karl Martell made him one of the most influential people in Neustria and practically held the position of governor in the western part of the empire. By filling offices in churches and monasteries, Karl tried to prevent long vacancies that gave regional rulers the opportunity to take over church property. For him, the reduction in ecclesiastical property also meant a reduction in his own resources.

In the 9th century the picture of Karl Martell as a "church robber" was created. In a letter that Boniface had sent to King Æthelbald of Mercia at the beginning of 746 , he was described as a monastery and church molester. However, history has put this picture into perspective. The confiscations of church property did not go beyond what was customary until then. In an investigation of four monasteries from the early 8th century ( Saint-Trond , Amay , Saint Servatius in Maastricht , Lobbes ) in the Meuse region, recent archaeological research revealed that Charles's church policy did not differ from that of his predecessors or successors. An analysis of two placita (royal court documents) from around 780, in which it is allegedly alienated from Charles Martell church property, suggests that the secularizations only from his son Pippin III. around 751. Rather, contemporary hagiography reflects Charles's good relationship with the Church compared to other house flocks. Timothy Reuter (1994) also weakened the image that had long prevailed in historical studies that the Frankish clergy were in a desolate state and that Karl Martell was an opponent of reform efforts . The information about church grievances in the Franconian Empire in the first half of the 8th century mainly comes from Boniface's collection of letters; In contemporary Franconian sources such news hardly occurs. Boniface drew a desolate picture of the state of the Frankish Church: “No other Christian people in the world has such a great crime and such a great sin against the Church of God and the monasteries as the people of the Franks: not in Greece, not in Italy, not in Britain, not in Africa, not in any other Christian people. ”According to Reuter, Boniface's“ moral and rhetorical ”strategies portrayed the conditions of the Church in a distorted manner. The depicted grievances were neither new nor specifically Franconian. However, the criticism of the church's conditions was not completely groundless. Synods have not taken place since the second half of the 7th century . Karl cared little about canon law, as he often gave several church offices to loyal followers and used the income from church property to reward military services.

Fiefdom

Karl's takeover of church goods and their distribution to his followers were interpreted in older research as targeted steps towards the formation of the feudal system . This interpretation goes back to the end of the 19th century, when medieval studies limited the origin and development of the feudal system. Heinrich Brunner (1887) in particular saw Karl Martell as the originator of feudalism. Brunner believed that taking over church property was necessary to build up and maintain a powerful force. His approach was broadened in historical studies: Karl was portrayed not only as a social but also as a military innovator. According to a monograph by Lynn Townsend White published in 1962, he used the stirrup to help his mounted units achieve greater penetration. White's interpretations aroused considerable criticism, especially in the Anglo-American world. Rather, the continuity of war technology was emphasized there. Today, White's theses are considered refuted.

The previously generally accepted notion of a "feudal system" widespread in Europe since the Carolingian era was also radically questioned in the 1990s by Susan Reynolds . According to other historians, it has become very questionable whether the composition and equipment of the troops under Charles Martell went hand in hand with targeted measures to develop feudalism. The assumptions of the older research were based on a source base that was far too narrow. Ambiguous expressions in the Carolingian sources were, as Steffen Patzold summarized, interpreted prematurely by older research within the framework of their model of feudalism.

Missionary work and church organization

The Anglo-Saxon missionary Bonifatius first came to Bavaria in 719 without staying for a long time. His second stay was characterized by Stephan Freund as a “preaching and visitation trip” through Bavaria. He went preaching through the country and examined churches. It is controversial whether Karl Martell influenced the missionary's activities in Bavaria. During his third stay, Bonifatius planned to divide the country into the four dioceses of Regensburg , Freising , Passau and Salzburg and to carry out a comprehensive church organization. The Bishop of Passau was already from Pope Gregory III. been consecrated. It is considered likely that Charles supported Boniface's church organization. The activities of the Anglo-Saxon missionary in Bavaria would hardly have been possible without the approval of the Pope and the housekeeper.

After Karl Martell's successful campaign in Saxony in 738, Bonifatius made his first major missionary attempt there. According to a lost letter he sent to Pope Gregory III that year . judged and the content of which can be deduced from the papal answer, the efforts of Boniface and Charles brought about a hundred thousand souls to the Church. The defeated Saxons were probably forced to go to mass baptisms. There is no further news about proselytizing efforts. Since the Saxons clung to their pagan beliefs, the military and missionary interventions in Saxony do not seem to have been successful.

So if Karl on the one hand promoted Boniface in the missionary work of the Saxons and in the organization of the churches in Bavaria, on the other hand he held back on religious politics in the Main Franconian-Thuringian area. The dioceses of Büraburg , Würzburg and Erfurt were probably not founded until after the death of Karl Martell in 742. The Hausmeier had apparently not supported Boniface's plans for a church province because of the resistance of influential aristocratic groups. The Austrasian episcopate feared that the creation of these dioceses would affect the churches on the left bank of the Rhine. Charles's declining health may also have diminished his interest in reorganizing the church.

Contacts with the papacy

Charles's first contact with the papacy is attested to in the year 723, but he never came to Rome. Charlemagne was the first Carolingian to move to Rome as ruler. Pope Gregory III got increasingly distressed by the Lombards under King Liutprand. Liutprand wanted to bring the Apennine peninsula under his control and become king of all Italy. In 739, the Pope therefore sent two embassies to Charles, who handed him the shackles of St. Peter and the keys to the Holy Sepulcher, as well as a wealth of other gifts. Such relics played an important part in the ruler's sacredness. A delegation allegedly showered the Carolingian with gifts on an unprecedented scale. The Pope turned away from the Byzantine Emperor and turned to the Hausmeier. Karl responded to this rapprochement with gifts in return, but he did nothing to support the Pope. Both his good relationship with the Lombard King Liutprand and his declining health prevented him from forming an alliance with Gregory.

Name and nickname

The later name of the family as "Carolingians" goes back to Karl Martell. The name Karl was a new name in the family that had not previously appeared in either the Arnulfingian or the Pippinid branch of the ancestors. Research has indicated that it is a "name that has not been documented before, so it has no tradition".

The successes of Karl Martell after 714 led to a reorientation of the dynastic leading names : Karl and Karlmann became predominant, Arnulf and Drogo were only given to sons with minor rights, the name Grimoald disappeared completely.

All early Carolingians up to Charlemagne are named in the contemporary sources without surnames or other additions. It was not until the 9th century that Karl was given the nickname Martellus (“the hammer”) because of his bravery and strength in his many battles. Contrary to a widespread opinion in popular scientific literature, this epithet appears only rarely in connection with the Battle of Poitiers in 732 against the Arabs and Berbers. It is first passed down around 875, but not in the form of Malleus ("hammer"), but Tudites ("pusher"). A little later, in the Vita Rigoberti, which was probably written between 888 and 894, the epithet Martellus is found for the first time , which later became established in history. According to Ulrich Nonn , who followed an assumption made by Theodor Breysig in 1869, the original form of the nickname was probably vernacular and was then translated into Latin on various occasions.

The nickname Martellus was also used by later rulers, such as Gottfried II of Anjou in the middle of the 11th century and a later Count of Anjou . At the end of the 13th century, another Karl Martell met , the son of King Charles II of Naples , who married Clementia in 1281, the daughter of King Rudolf of Habsburg .

The image of Karl Martell through the ages

middle Ages

The sources of information about Charles's reign are sparse, with the wars and campaigns taking up the largest part. Statements about his character are hardly possible. The state of war was normal. The monastic annals even recorded it if there was no campaign in a given year. Only six originals and nine more copies have been preserved from Karl Martell. Nevertheless, more documents have come down from him than from the contemporary Merovingian kings or from other nobles, which is an indication of the importance of the Hausmeiers at this time.

The most important sources are the contemporary historiographical and hagiographical works. The Liber Historiae Francorum ("Book of the History of the Franks") was completed in 727 and thus only covers the first half of Charles' reign. The Fredegar chronicles are a pro-Carolingian source. So far, the predominant view in research was that it was a single work that was later continued. Roger Collins (2007), on the other hand, based his analysis of the Fredegar Chronicles on two independent historiographical texts. Instead of “Fredegar sequels”, he suggested the name “Historia vel gesta Francorum” for the second work. The work was written by Count Childebrand , a half-brother of Karl Martell , up to 751 . For the years 736 to 751 it was regarded by research as a “family chronicle of the Carolingian house” ( Wilhelm Levison ). Both sources paint Karl's picture of a victorious warrior. Karl was an "outstanding warrior" (egregius bellator) and a triumphator. For the Fredegar sequel, Charles's successes in battles had a biblical connection. The chronicler compares the conquest of Avignon in 737 with the capture of Jericho . In the concluding appreciation there are references to the book of Joshua . According to Eugen Ewig , “Karl Martell's life's work was put in parallel with that of Joshua”. The Annales regni Francorum begin their presentation in 741 with the death of Karl Martell (Carolus maior domus defunctus est) . For a clergyman fifty years later, the death of the Hausmeiers was the appropriate starting point for his annals on the history of the Carolingians. The Reichsannalen are one of the most important sources of the Carolingian era. Another important source is the Annales Mettenses priores , which are considered credible for the time of Charles Martell, although the information was not compiled until the 9th century. It is a compilation of the Fredegar sequels, the Reichsannals and unknown texts. It was probably written in the Carolingian-Franconian monastery of Chelles (according to Hartmut Hoffmann ) or in St. Denis (Irene Hasselbach).

Charles' access to the church property clouded his picture in the hagiographic sources of the 9th century. The Reims Archbishop Hinkmar (845-882) described him in the Visio Eucherii as a robber of church property . As a church robber, Karl had to endure severe punishment from hell. This negative image of Charles had a long lasting effect. The vita of Bishop Rigobert from Reims, which was written between 888 and 895, followed on from Hinkmar. It paints a purely negative picture of Karl's church policy. In the further course of the Middle Ages, two strands of memory emerged: the image of a church robber and the highly positive image of a glorious general. Despite their contradictions, the two strands are not clearly separated; they were mainly mixed up in the great compendia of the late Middle Ages.

The Byzantine Emperor receives Gerard de Roussillon and Karl Martell. Loyset Liédet , illuminated 1467–1472. J. Paul Getty Museum , Ms. Ludwig XIII 6, fol. 2

Charles's military successes were not reduced in the historiographical sources of the Middle Ages to the Battle of Poitiers of 732. The so-called Mozarabic Chronicle from the Muslim-dominated Iberian Peninsula, written in 754, reports on the battle victory of 732, that the Europenses were victorious against the Muslim troops. The entry is one of the earliest records of the term "European". However, the representation of this source does not correspond to the perspective of the Franconian chroniclers. The term initially referred to the army of the Franks and Burgundians, not generally to the inhabitants of Europe. Ulrich Nonn saw in the Lombard history of Paulus Diaconus , written at the end of the 8th century, a possible reason why this battle was later seen as outstanding. In this Historia Langobardorum the historian stated the losses of the Saracens at 375,000 men; only 1,500 men were killed on the Frankish side. The majority of Carolingian historians, however, do not know these figures. In the 9th century, Regino von Prüm took over the information about Paulus deacon in his chronicle. For Otto von Freising , probably the most important historian of the Middle Ages, the number in his world chronicle, written from 1143 to 1146, was increased to 385,000 due to a typing error. From the middle of the 11th century, the memory of Karl Martell's victory in 732 faded in the empire. For Marianus Scottus and Frutolf von Michelsberg , the battle was not worth an annual entry. Also in Gottfried von Viterbo and in the Saxon World Chronicle there is no mention of Karl's victory at Poitiers.

Although Karl was not a king, the title rex (king) was added to his name in the Echternach necrology , which upgraded him as ruler. In later sources, the title of king for the caretaker became quite common. In some cases this was intentional, in others it was due to the ignorance of the historians. Karl experienced an upgrading of his position in the 13th century. In the tomb arrangement under Ludwig IX. In 1246/47 he was placed in the rank of kings. For the dynastic history of the Capetians important persons like the Duke of Franzien Hugo , the father of Hugo Capet , resigned. The Capetians wanted to propagate “the return to the family of Charlemagne” (reditus ad stirpem Caroli Magni) and enhance their dynasty.

In the late Middle Ages , Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy (1419–1467) traced his origins back to Karl Martell. The court clerk David Aubert wrote for him between 1463 and 1465 a Histoire de Charles Martel et de ses successeurs (history of Karl Martell and his successors). The events were adapted to the current situation of the 15th century. In the factory, Karl was awarded the title of king. The caretaker fought against the Saracens off Laon and Soissons . There was also a meeting with the Byzantine emperor in front of Constantinople .

Modern

Research Perspectives

From the 18th century on, the name Karl Martells was mainly associated with his victory against the Saracens. Edward Gibbon (1788) in his work Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire gave battle an epoch-making role. According to Gibbon, without Charles' victory there would have been mosques in Paris and London long ago , and in Oxford the Koran would have been taught instead of the Bible . Gibbon celebrated Karl "as the savior of the West". Jacob Burckhardt (1840/41) venerated Karl Martell in his historical debut as “the great founder of a new Western Christianity”, who prevented “the prophet's flag [...] from blowing perhaps centuries from the towers of France”. For Karl Lamprecht (1882) it was “a victory which the Church immediately understood as a world historical event”. For Engelbert Mühlbacher (1896), the battle of 732 was for the "world domination of Islam and the Christian-Germanic culture". Leopold von Ranke (1884) and Paul Kirn (1932) came to balanced judgments about Karl's battle success . Since the 1990s, there have been increasing voices that relativize the importance of Karl's battle victory. Success is seen as a defense against a movement that is already declining overall.

Since the volume Die Zeit Karl Martell by Theodor Breysig in the series of the year books of German history (1869), neither in the 19th nor in the 20th century a detailed biography of Karl Martell appeared in German. Breysig proceeded in strict chronological order and comprehensively evaluated the written sources for each year. The detailed and source-saturated representation is still important today. Paul Fouracre published the monograph The Age of Charles Martel in 2000 , with which he replaced the French version by Jean Deviosse published in 1978 as the standard work. In German-language research, the basic anthology Karl Martell in his time appeared in 1994 , which goes back to an interdisciplinary conference on the occasion of the 1250th anniversary of his death in 1991. The organizers of the conference, Jörg Jarnut , Ulrich Nonn and Michael Richter , interpreted Karl’s time as “a key epoch in Franconian history - between the decadence of the Merovingian royal power and the rise of the Arnulfingian domestics, between the decline of church life and Bonifatian reform, between the acute endangerment of the borders and powerful reach beyond the borders ”. The result of the conference was a differentiated assessment of the situation of the church in the time of Karl Martell and the relationship between house flocks and the church. In 2012, Andreas Fischer published a German-language synthesis of the state of research. In view of the sparse sources, this is not a comprehensive biography or character study. Rather, Fischer intends “to more precisely grasp the rule of Karl Martell in its independence, its continuity and its breaks”.

Reception in public

The Battle of Poitiers , painting by Carl von Steuben , 1837.

The figure of Karl Martell has been dealt with on various occasions in popular science literature and art. Here, too, the battle of Poitiers in 732 was the main focus. A history painting by Carl von Steuben (1837) stylized Karl Martell as the savior of Christianity. More recent representations also focus on Karl's victory, such as the novels by Thomas RP Mielke (1999) and Sabine Lippert (1999).

A battleship of the French Navy was named after Karl Martell in 1897. An anti-Arab terrorist group in France also named itself after the Carolingian ( Groupe Charles-Martel ) in the second half of the 20th century .

swell

• Annales Mettenses priores, ed. Bernhard von Simson (= MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 10). Hannover u. a. 1905, pp. 1-98.
• Reinhold Kaiser , Sebastian Scholz (ed.): Sources for the history of the Franks and the Merovingians. From the 3rd century to 751. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2012, ISBN 3-17-022008-X .
• The documents of the Arnulfinger, ed. Ingrid Heidrich , Bad Münstereifel 2001, pp. 76–92, no. 9–14; Pp. 136-145, numbers 32-34 (forgeries) and pp. 158-162, numbers 62-73 ( Deperdita ).
• Liber historiae Francorum, ed. Bruno Krusch (= MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum. 2). Hannover 1888, pp. 215–328.
• Chronicarum quae dicuntur Fredegarii Scholastici libri IV cum continuationes, ed. Bruno Krusch (= MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum. 2). Hannover 1888, pp. 1–193.

literature

• Theodor Breysig: Yearbooks of the Frankish Empire 714-741. The time of Karl Martell. Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1869 ( digitized ; reprinted Berlin 1975, ISBN 3-428-03364-7 ).
• Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule (= Kohlhammer-Urban pocket books. Volume 648). Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2012, ISBN 978-3-17-020385-3 .
• Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Longman, Harlow 2000, ISBN 0-582-06476-7 .
• Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time (= research on Western European history. Volume 37). Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1994, ISBN 3-7995-7337-2 ( digitized from Perspectivia.net).
• Waltraud Joch: Legitimacy and Integration. Investigations into the beginnings of Karl Martell (= historical studies. Volume 456). Matthiesen, Husum 1999, ISBN 3-7868-1456-2 (also: Paderborn, Universität, dissertation, 1998).

Web links

Commons : Karl Martell  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

• Literature by and about Karl Martell in the catalog of the German National Library

Remarks

1. ^ Karl Ubl: The Carolingians. Ruler and empire. Munich 2014, p. 6.
2. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 21–42.
3. ^ Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, p. 48.
4. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 26.
5. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 169. Martina Hartmann: The Merovingians. Munich 2012, p. 54. Matthias Becher: Merovingians and Carolingians. Darmstadt 2009, p. 49.
6. ^ Matthias Becher: Merovingians and Carolingians. Darmstadt 2009, p. 46.
7. ↑ Martina Hartmann: The Queen in the Early Middle Ages. Stuttgart 2009, pp. 91 and 144f .; Andrea Esmyol: lover or wife? Concubines in the early Middle Ages. Cologne 2002, pp. 13–36 and 142–144; Waltraud Joch: Legitimacy and Integration. Investigations into the beginnings of Karl Martell. Husum 1999, pp. 21-24.
8. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 306; Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 45.
9. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 45.
10. ↑ The term goes back to the essay by Josef Semmler: Zur Pippinidisch-Carolingischen Successionskrise 714 to 723. In: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 33 (1977), pp. 1–36 ( digitized version ).
11. ↑ Brigitte Kasten: The sons of kings and the rule of kings. Studies on participation in the empire in the Merovingian and Carolingian times. Hanover 1997, pp. 65ff., 84ff. Theo Kölzer: The last Merovingian kings: Rois fainéants? In: Matthias Becher, Jörg Jarnut (Ed.): The dynasty change from 751. Prehistory, strategies of legitimation and memory. Münster 2004, pp. 33-60. here: p. 55f.
12. ^ Richard A. Gerberding: 716: A Crucial Year For Charles Martel. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 205-216.
13. ↑ See on this cooperation Waltraud Joch: Legitimität und Integration. Investigations into the beginnings of Karl Martell. Husum 1999, p. 108ff.
14. ↑ Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, p. 402 (accessed via De Gruyter Online). See in detail Richard A. Gerberding: The Rise of the Carolingians and the Liber Historiae Francorum. Oxford 1987, pp. 116ff. Richard A. Gerberding: 716: A Crucial Year For Charles Martel. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 205-216.
15. ↑ Doubt on March 21, 717 Marco Kamradt: The early Franconian historiography and the battle of Vinchy on March 21, 717. In: Concilium Medii Aevi 10, 2007, pp. 153–166 ( online ) recently expressed.
16. ^ Daniel Carlo Pangerl: The royal treasure of the Merovingians. An interdisciplinary historical-archaeological study. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien Vol. 47 (2013), pp. 87–127, here: pp. 104f.
17. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 24. Cf. in detail on the royal treasure: Matthias Hardt : Gold und Herrschaft. The treasures of European kings and princes in the first millennium. Berlin 2004.
18. ↑ Josef Semmler: On the Pippinid-Carolingian succession crisis 714 to 723. In: German Archives for Research into the Middle Ages 33 (1977), pp. 1–36. Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, pp. 69f.
19. ↑ The opinion prevailing since Josef Semmler: On the Pippinid-Carolingian succession crisis 714 to 723. In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages 33 (1977), pp. 1–36, here: p. 10 ( digital copy ).
20. ↑ So recently Roland Zingg: On the dating of Karl Martell's victory in the battle of Soissons. In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages 68 (2012), pp. 127-136 ( digitized version )
21. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 170.
22. ↑ See in detail Waltraud Joch: Legitimität und Integration. Investigations into the beginnings of Karl Martell. Husum 1999, p. 102ff.
23. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 66
24. ^ Matthias Hardt: Gold and rule. The treasures of European kings and princes in the first millennium. Berlin 2004, p. 174 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
25. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The time of the Carolingian empire (714-887). Stuttgart 2005, p. 68.
26. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 84. Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, p. 116.
27. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 81. Matthias Springer: The Saxons. Stuttgart 2004, p. 167.
28. ↑ Continuationes Fredegarii c. 19. Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 83. Matthias Springer: The Saxons. Stuttgart 2004, p. 168.
29. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 89. Jörg Jarnut: Investigations into the Frankish-Alemannic relations in the first half of the 8th century. In: Swiss Journal for History , Vol. 30 (1980), pp. 7–28, here: p. 16 ( digitized version )
30. ↑ Hermann von Reichenau, Chronicon, a. 727
31. ↑ Jörg Jarnut: Investigations on the Frankish-Alemannic relations in the first half of the 8th century. In: Swiss Journal for History , Vol. 30 (1980), pp. 7–28, here: p. 19 ( digitized version )
32. ↑ Jörg Jarnut: Investigations on the Frankish-Alemannic relations in the first half of the 8th century. In: Swiss Journal for History , Vol. 30 (1980), pp. 7–28, here: p. 20 ( digitized version )
33. ^ Dieter Geuenich: History of the Alemanni. 2nd, revised edition. Stuttgart 2005, p. 105f. Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 44.
34. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 93.
35. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 56 and 106–110; Hubert Mordek: The Hedenen as a political force in the Austrasian Franconian Empire. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 345-366, here: p. 347.
36. ^ Jörg Jarnut: Contributions to the Franconian-Bavarian-Lombard relations in the 7th and 8th centuries (656–728). In: Journal for Bavarian State History , Vol. 39 (1976), pp. 331–352, here: pp. 348ff. ( Digitized version ).
37. ↑ Jörg Jarnut: Investigations into the origin of Swanahilds, the wife of Karl Martell. In: Journal for Bavarian State History , Vol. 40 (1977), pp. 245–249.
38. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 101.
39. ^ Matthias Becher: On the year of Tassilos III's birth. In: Journal for Bavarian State History , Vol. 52 (1989), pp. 3–12 ( digitized version ).
40. ↑ On the dating of flight and return to the period between August and March 741 cf. Jörg Jarnut: Studies on Duke Odilo (736-748). In: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung , Vol. 85 (1977), pp. 273–284, here: p. 283.
41. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 118.
42. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 121; Matthias Becher: Merovingians and Carolingians. Darmstadt 2009, p. 54; Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Poitiers 732. Problems of historical judgment formation. In: Rudolf Schieffer (Ed.): Contributions to the history of the Regnum Francorum. Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 37-56, especially pp. 53f. ( online ); Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Tours and Poitiers 732. In: Georg Scheibelreiter (Hrsg.): Highlights of the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2004, pp. 48–58, here: pp. 52, 54f. 57f .; David Nicolle: Poitiers AD 732. Charles Martel turns the Islamic tide. Oxford 2008, pp. 7, 36f .; Klaus Herbers: History of Spain in the Middle Ages. From the Visigoth Empire to the end of the 15th century. Stuttgart 2006, p. 82.
43. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 122.
44. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Tours and Poitiers 732. In: Georg Scheibelreiter (Hrsg.): Highlights of the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2004, pp. 48–58, here: p. 54.
45. ^ Klaus Herbers: History of Spain in the Middle Ages. From the Visigoth Empire to the end of the 15th century. Stuttgart 2006, p. 82.
46. ↑ See in detail Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, pp. 155-174.
47. ↑ Martina Hartmann: Father incertus? On the fathers of the opposing king Chlothar IV (717–718) and the last Merovingian king Childerich IIL (743–751). In: German Archives for Research into the Middle Ages 58 (2002), pp. 1–15, here: pp. 7–14.
48. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 170. Matthias Becher: A trip to Rome, a cry for help and a kingdom without a king. Bonifatius in the last years of Karl Martells In: Franz Felten (Hrsg.): Bonifatius - life and aftermath. The shaping of Christian Europe in the early Middle Ages. Mainz 2007, pp. 231-254, here: p. 237.
49. ^ Jörg Jarnut: The adoption of Pippins by King Liutprand and Karl Martell's Italian policy. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 217-226. Werner Affeldt: Investigations into the rising of Pippins as king. The papacy and the establishment of the Carolingian monarchy in 751. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien Vol. 14 (1980), pp. 95–187, here: p. 171.
50. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 165.
51. ^ Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, pp. 158f. Sören Kaschke: The Carolingian divisions up to 831. Rule practice and norms in a contemporary perspective. Hamburg 2006, p. 83f.
52. ^ Jörg Jarnut: The adoption of Pippins by King Liutprand and Karl Martell's Italian policy. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 217-226, here: p. 220.
53. ↑ Brigitte Kasten: The sons of kings and the rule of kings. Studies on participation in the empire in the Merovingian and Carolingian times. Hanover 1997, p. 111.
54. ↑ Brigitte Kasten: The sons of kings and the rule of kings. Studies on participation in the empire in the Merovingian and Carolingian times. Hanover 1997, p. 109.
55. ↑ Matthias Becher: A trip to Rome, a cry for help and a kingdom without a king. Boniface in the last years of Karl Martell. In: Franz Felten (ed.): Bonifatius - life and aftermath. The shaping of Christian Europe in the early Middle Ages. Mainz 2007, pp. 231-254. See also Rudolf Schieffer: Neue Bonifatius-Literatur. In: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages. Vol. 63 (2007), pp. 111-123, here: p. 122 ( digitized version ).
56. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 48. Ulrich Nonn: From maior domus to rex. The conception of Karl Martell's position in the mirror of the title. In: Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter , Vol. 37 (1973), pp. 107–116, here: pp. 109–111.
57. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: Titulature and certificates of the Arnulfingischen Hausmeier. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 11/12 (1965/66) pp. 71-279, here: pp. 106ff., 116ff., 132ff., 200f. (accessed via De Gruyter Online); Theo Kölzer: The last Merovingian kings: Rois fainéants? In: Matthias Becher, Jörg Jarnut (Ed.): The dynasty change from 751. Prehistory, strategies of legitimation and memory. Münster 2004, pp. 33-60. here: p. 56.
58. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: Titulature and certificates of the Arnulfingischen Hausmeier. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 11/12 (1965/66) pp. 71–279, here: p. 158 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
59. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: Titulature and certificates of the Arnulfingischen Hausmeier. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 11/12 (1965/66) pp. 71–279, here: pp. 204, 213 and 230 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
60. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 48. Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 313.
61. ^ Matthias Becher: A veiled crisis. The succession of Karl Martell in 741 and the beginnings of Carolingian court history. In: Johannes Laudage (Ed.): Of facts and fictions. Medieval historiography and its critical appraisal. Cologne u. a. 2003, pp. 95-133, esp. Pp. 124f. and 132f.
62. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 180f.
63. ↑ Sören Kaschke: The Carolingian divisions up to 831. Rule practice and norms from a contemporary perspective. Hamburg 2006, p. 187.
64. ↑ Sören Kaschke: The Carolingian divisions up to 831. Rule practice and norms from a contemporary perspective. Hamburg 2006, p. 119.
65. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 188. Martina Hartmann: The Merovingians. Munich 2012, p. 54.
66. ↑ Cf. for example Gunther Wolf: Grifo's legacy, the appointment of King Childerich III. and the struggle for power - at the same time remarks on the Carolingian "court historiography". In: Archiv für Diplomatik , Vol. 38 (1992), pp. 1-16.
67. ↑ Ian Wood: usurper and Merovingian Kingship. In: Matthias Becher, Jörg Jarnut (Ed.): The dynasty change from 751. Prehistory, strategies of legitimation and memory. Münster 2004, p. 15–31, here: p. 26. Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and the Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, p. 182 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
68. ↑ Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, p. 182 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
69. ^ Matthias Becher: Merovingians and Carolingians. Darmstadt 2009, p. 56.
70. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 47.
71. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 179. Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 310.
72. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 39.
73. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 309. Rudolf Schieffer: Die Karolinger. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 40.
74. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 311.
75. ^ Jörg Jarnut: Contributions to the Franconian-Bavarian-Lombard relations in the 7th and 8th centuries (656–728). In: Journal for Bavarian State History , Vol. 39 (1976), pp. 331–352, here: p. 352 ( digitized version ).
76. ^ Matthias Becher: A veiled crisis. The succession of Karl Martell in 741 and the beginnings of Carolingian court history. In: Johannes Laudage (Ed.): Of facts and fictions. Medieval historiography and its critical appraisal. Cologne u. a. 2003, pp. 95-133, here: p. 111.
77. ^ Jörg Jarnut: Agilolfingerstudien. Research into the history of a noble family in the 6th and 7th centuries. Stuttgart 1986, p. 79ff.
78. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: Titulature and certificates of the Arnulfingischen Hausmeier. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 11/12 (1965/66), pp. 71–279, here: p. 199. See also Rudolf Schieffer: Die Karolinger. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 38.
79. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: Titulature and certificates of the Arnulfingischen Hausmeier. In: Archiv für Diplomatik 11/12 (1965/66), pp. 71–279, here: pp. 198f. (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
80. ^ Stuart Airlie: Towards a Carolingian Aristocracy. In: Matthias Becher, Jörg Jarnut (Ed.): The dynasty change from 751. Prehistory, strategies of legitimation and memory. Münster 2004, pp. 109–127, here: pp. 125f .; Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, p. 198.
81. ^ JM Wallace-Hadrill: The long-haired kings and other studies in Frankish history. London 1962, p. 242. Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, pp. 191f. (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
82. ↑ Matthias Becher: Charlemagne. 5th updated edition. Munich 2007, p. 34. Wolfram Drews: The Carolingians and the Abbasids of Baghdad. Legitimation strategies of early medieval ruling dynasties in a transcultural comparison. Berlin 2009, p. 188 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
83. ^ Matthias Becher: Ut monasteria… secundum ordinem regulariter vivant. Norm and reality in the relations between rulers and monasteries in the Carolingian era. In: Julia Becker, Tino Licht, Stefan Weinfurter (eds.): Carolingian monasteries. Knowledge transfer and cultural innovation. Berlin 2015, pp. 197–209, here: p. 197 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
84. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 145.
85. ↑ Timothy Reuter: "Church Reform" and "Church Policy" in the Age of Karl Martell: Concepts and Reality. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 35-59, here: pp. 51-58.
86. ↑ Alain Dierkens: Carolus monasteriorum multorum eversor et ecclesiasticarum pecuniarum in usus proprios commutator? Notes on the politique monastique du maire du palais Charles Martel. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 277-294.
87. ↑ Patrick Geary: The Provence at the time of Karl Martell, In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (Hrsg.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 381-392.
88. ↑ Hans-Werner Goetz: Karl Martell and the saints. Church policy and Mayordomat in the mirror of late Merovingian hagiography. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 101-118.
89. ↑ Sententiae Bonifatianae Wirceburgenses 54, after Michael Glatthaar: Bonifatius and the sacrilege. On the political dimension of a legal term. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 2004, p. 118.
90. ↑ Timothy Reuter: "Church Reform" and "Church Policy" in the Age of Karl Martell: Concepts and Reality. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 35–59, here: p. 37 and following this point of view Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 143.
91. ^ Karl Ubl: Incest prohibition and legislation. The construction of a crime (300–1100). Berlin 2008, p. 252 (accessed via De Gruyter Online); Rudolf Schieffer: The time of the Carolingian empire (714-887). Stuttgart 2005, p. 21f.
92. ^ Heinrich Brunner: The equestrian service and the beginnings of the feudal system. In: Journal of the Savigny Foundation for Legal History, German Department 8 (1887), pp. 1–38. Werner Hechberger: The feudal system as an interpretation element for the constitutional history of the 12th century. In: Jürgen Dendorfer, Roman Deutinger (ed.): The feudal system in the high Middle Ages. Research constructs - source findings - relevance to interpretation. Ostfildern 2010, pp. 41–56, here: p. 44. Brunner's theses were discussed intensively in Paul Fouracre: The Age of Charles Martel. Harlow 2000, pp. 2f. and 121f.
93. ^ Lynn Townsend White: Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford 1962, reprint 1965, p. 28. German edition: The medieval technology and the change of society. Munich 1968, p. 31. On the criticism of White cf. Bernard S. Bachrach: Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup and Feudalism. In: Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History , 7 (1970), pp. 49-75, especially pp. 74-75. Bernard S. Bachrach: Merovingian Military Organization, 481-751. Minneapolis 1972, pp. 114ff.
94. ↑ See for example Timothy Reuter: Vasallität. In: Concise Dictionary of German Legal History , Vol. 5, Berlin 1998, Sp. 644–648.
95. ↑ Susan Reynolds: Fiefs and vassals. The medieval evidence reinterpreted. Oxford 1994.
96. ↑ For example Herwig Wolfram: Karl Martell and the Franconian fiefdom. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 61-78 ( digitized version ); Rudolf Schieffer: The time of the Carolingian empire (714-887). Stuttgart 2005, p. 20.
97. ↑ Steffen Patzold: The fiefdom. Munich 2012, p. 25ff.
98. ↑ Stephan Freund: From the Agilolfingers to the Carolingians. Bavaria's bishops between church organization, empire integration and Carolingian reform (700–847). Munich 2004, p. 51.
99. ↑ See the different points of view with Stephan Freund: From the Agilolfingers to the Carolingians. Bavaria's bishops between church organization, empire integration and Carolingian reform (700–847). Munich 2004, p. 52 and Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157f.
100. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 158; Jörg Jarnut: Boniface and Bavaria. In: Wilfried Ehbrecht, Angelika Lampen, Franz-Joseph Post, Mechthild Siekmann (ed.): The historian's wide view. Cologne u. a. 2002, pp. 269-281.
101. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157; Michael Glatthaar: Boniface and the sacrilege. On the political dimension of a legal term. Frankfurt am Main u. a. 2004, pp. 544-547.
102. ^ Lutz E. von Padberg: Bonifatius. Missionary and reformer. Munich 2003, p. 58f. Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157.
103. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157; Rudolf Schieffer: The time of the Carolingian empire (714-887). Stuttgart 2005, p. 35.
104. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 157; Rudolf Schieffer: The time of the Carolingian empire (714-887). Stuttgart 2005, p. 159. Lutz E. von Padberg: Bonifatius. Missionary and reformer. Munich 2003, p. 49.
105. ↑ Stephan Freund: From the Agilolfingers to the Carolingians. Bavaria's bishops between church organization, imperial integration and Carolingian reform (700–847). Munich 2004, p. 29.
106. ↑ Cf. Jörg Jarnut: History of the Longobards. Stuttgart 1982 a. a. Pp. 80-97.
107. ^ Daniel Carlo Pangerl: The royal treasure of the Merovingians. An interdisciplinary historical-archaeological study. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien Vol. 47 (2013), pp. 87–127, here: p. 124.
108. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 163f. Matthias Hardt: Gold and rule. The treasures of European kings and princes in the first millennium. Berlin 2004, p. 272. (accessed via De Gruyter Online)
109. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 160-166.
110. ↑ Wilfried Hartmann: Charlemagne. Stuttgart 2010, p. 27.
111. ^ Karl Martell: Name and nickname. In: Uwe Ludwig, Thomas Schilp (eds.): Nomen et Fraternitas - Festschrift for Dieter Geuenich for his 65th birthday. Berlin u. a. 2008, pp. 575–585, here: p. 575 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
112. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 35.
113. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: Karl Martell and his family. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 305-315, here: p. 305.
114. ^ Karl Martell: Name and nickname. In: Uwe Ludwig, Thomas Schilp (eds.): Nomen et Fraternitas - Festschrift for Dieter Geuenich for his 65th birthday. Berlin u. a. 2008, pp. 575–585, here: p. 578 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
115. ^ Theodor Breysig: Yearbooks of the Franconian Empire 714-741. Leipzig 1869, p. 8.
116. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: The image of Karl Martell in the Latin sources mainly from the 8th and 9th centuries. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien Vol. 4 (1970), pp. 70-137 (especially 124-137 on the epithets).
117. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: The image of Karl Martell in the Latin sources mainly from the 8th and 9th centuries. In: Frühmittelalterliche Studien Vol. 4 (1970), pp. 70-137, here: p. 70 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
118. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 13. Ingrid Heidrich: The documents of Pippins des Mittleren and Karl Martell: observations on their temporal and spatial dispersion. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 23-33, here: p. 23.
119. ^ Ingrid Heidrich: The documents of Pippins des Mittleren and Karl Martell: observations on their temporal and spatial dispersion. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 23-33.
120. ↑ Roger Collins: The Fredegar Chronicles. Hanover 2007, p. 2.
121. ^ Wattenbach-Levison: Germany's historical sources in the Middle Ages: Prehistory and Carolingians. II. Booklet: The Carolingians from the beginning of the 8th century to the death of Charlemagne. Edited by Wilhelm Levison and Heinz Löwe, Weimar 1953, p. 162.
122. ^ Ulrich Nonn: The image of Karl Martell in medieval sources. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 9–21, here: p. 10. Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 192.
123. ↑ Eugen Ewig: On the Christian idea of ​​kings in the early Middle Ages. In: Theodor Mayer (Ed.): The Kingship. Its intellectual and legal basis. Darmstadt 1956, pp. 7–73, here: p. 43.
124. ↑ Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 50; Matthias Becher: A disguised crisis. The succession of Karl Martell in 741 and the beginnings of Carolingian court history. In: Johannes Laudage (Ed.): Of facts and fictions. Medieval historiography and its critical appraisal. Cologne u. a. 2003, pp. 95-133, here: pp. 95-98.
125. ↑ Irene Hasselbach: Rise and rule of the Karlingers in the presentation of the so-called Annales Mettenses priores. Lübeck and Hamburg 1970, pp. 12–40 and 149–151.
126. ↑ Hartmut Hoffmann: Studies on Carolingian annals. Bonn 1958, pp. 53-61. Irene Hasselbach: Rise and rule of the Karlingers in the presentation of the so-called Annales Mettenses priores. Lübeck and Hamburg 1970, p. 24.
127. ^ Ulrich Nonn: The image of Karl Martell in medieval sources. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, pp. 9-21, here: p. 19.
128. ↑ With numerous examples Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Poitiers 732. Problems of historical judgment formation. In: Rudolf Schieffer (Ed.): Contributions to the history of the Regnum Francorum. Lectures at the Scientific Colloquium on the occasion of Eugen Ewig's 75th birthday on May 28, 1988. Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 37–56, here: pp. 49ff. ( online ).
129. ↑ Klaus Herbers: Europe and its borders in the Middle Ages. In: Klaus Herbers, Nikolas Jaspert (Hrsg.): Border areas and border crossings in comparison. The east and west of medieval Latin Europe. Berlin 2007, pp. 21–41, here: p. 27. Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 119. Rudolf Schieffer: The Carolingians. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Stuttgart 2006, p. 45.
130. ↑ Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum VI, 46. Cf. Ulrich Nonn: The image of Karl Martell in medieval sources. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994, p. 9–21, here: p. 11. Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Tours and Poitiers 732. In: Georg Scheibelreiter (Hrsg.): Highlights of the Middle Ages. Darmstadt 2004, pp. 48–58, here: p. 56.
131. ^ Ekkehart Rotter: Mohammed in Bamberg. The perception of the Muslim world in the German Empire of the 11th century. In: Achim Hubel, Bernd Schneidmüller (Ed.): Departure into the second millennium. Innovation and continuity in the middle of the Middle Ages. Ostfildern 2004, pp. 283-344, here: p. 306.
132. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Poitiers 732. Problems of historical judgment formation. In: Rudolf Schieffer (Ed.): Contributions to the history of the Regnum Francorum. Lectures at the Scientific Colloquium for the 75th birthday of Eugen Ewig on May 28, 1988. Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 37–56, here: p. 52 ( online ).
133. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: From maior domus to rex. The conception of Karl Martell's position in the mirror of the title. In: Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter , Vol. 37 (1973), pp. 107–116, here: pp. 109–111.
134. ↑ Cf. with further examples Ulrich Nonn: Vom maior domus zum rex. The conception of Karl Martell's position in the mirror of the title. In: Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter , Vol. 37 (1973), pp. 107–116, here: pp. 109–111.
135. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, pp. 189f. Eva Leistenschneider: The French royal burial place Saint-Denis. Strategies for Monarchical Representation 1223–1461. Weimar 2008, p. 54.
136. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 195.
137. ^ Jacob Burckhardt: Carl Martell. In: Early Writings. Edited by Hans Trog and Emil Dürr . Berlin u. a. 1930, pp. 55–111, here: pp. 74 and 111.
138. ^ Karl Lamprecht: German history. Volume 2, Berlin 1892, p. 12.
139. ↑ Engelbert Mühlbacher: German history among the Carolingians. 2nd unchanged edition, unchanged photomechanical reprint of the 1st edition from 1896, Stuttgart 1959, p. 58.
140. ↑ Ulrich Nonn: The battle near Poitiers 732. Problems of historical judgment formation. In: Rudolf Schieffer (Ed.): Contributions to the history of the Regnum Francorum. Sigmaringen 1990, pp. 37-56 ( online ).
141. ↑ See the reviews of Matthias Becher in: Francia 30/1 (2003), pp. 302–305 ( digitized version ); Ulrich Nonn in: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages , Vol. 58, (2002), p. 325 ( digitized version )
142. ↑ Preface. In: Jörg Jarnut, Ulrich Nonn, Michael Richter (eds.): Karl Martell in his time. Sigmaringen 1994.
143. ↑ Reviews of Reinhold Kaiser : The time of Karl Martell: a period of upheaval in the early Middle Ages? In: Historische Zeitschrift , Vol. 264 (1997), pp. 361-401; Gertrud Thoma in: Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte , Vol. 59 (1996), pp. 202–204 ( digitized version ); Wilfried Hartmann in German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages , Vol. 52, (1996), pp. 273–275 ( digitized version ); Odilo Engels in: Historisches Jahrbuch , Vol. 116 (1996), pp. 189f.
144. ↑ See the reviews by Ludger Körntgen in: Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 74 (2015), pp. 361–363 ( online ); Monika Suchan in: H-Soz-Kult , October 31, 2012, ( online ); Martina Hartmann in: sehepunkte 12 (2012), No. 7/8 [15. July 2012] ( online ); Rudolf Schieffer in: German Archive for Research into the Middle Ages 68 (2012), pp. 715–716 ( online ); Brigitte Merta in: Mitteilungen des Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 120 (2012), pp. 436–437; Sebastian Scholz in: Historische Zeitschrift 296 (2013), pp. 758–759 ( online ); Erik Goosmann in: Early Medieval Europe 21 (2013), pp. 491-493; Simon Groth in: Rottenburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte 30 (2011), pp. 232–234 ( online ); Roman Deutinger in: Journal for Bavarian State History 75 (2012), pp. 304–305 ( online )
145. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 13.
146. ^ Sabine Lippert: Karl Martell. History and legend. Goslar 1999. Thomas RP Mielke: Karl Martell. The first Carolingian. Munich 1999. See: Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 13.
147. ^ Andreas Fischer: Karl Martell. The beginning of Carolingian rule. Stuttgart 2012, p. 196.

predecessor	Office	successor
Pippin the Middle	Hausmeier of Australia 717–741	Karlmann
Raganfrid	Hausmeier of Neustria 718–741	Pippin the Younger

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