Hallin spheres

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Hallin Spheres is a theory of the media about objectivity that the political and communication scientist Daniel C. Hallin put forward in his book The Uncensored War 1986 to explain the coverage of the Vietnam War .

Hallin divides the world of political discourse into three concentric domains: consensus , legitimate controversy, and deviance . In the area of ​​consensus, journalists assume that everyone agrees. The area of ​​legitimate controversy encompasses the usual political debates and journalists are expected to remain neutral. The area of ​​divergence is beyond the bounds of legitimate debate and journalists can ignore it. These boundaries shift when public opinion shifts.

Hallin's spheres of media dealt with are similar to the Overton Window , which deals with public opinion in general and posits a graduated scale of public opinion on a particular issue, ranging from conventional wisdom to unacceptable. In Sweden and Norway the similar term opinion corridor is used.

Hallin used the concept of framing to describe the presentation and reception of topics in public. For example, making drug use a criminal activity can encourage the public to view this behavior as antisocial.

Three Hallin Spheres

Sphere of consensus

This sphere contains the subjects on which there is broad agreement, or at least their perception. As part of the consensus, journalists are free to invoke a generalized "we" and to take common values ​​and assumptions for granted ". Examples include freedom of expression, the abolition of slavery or human rights. For topics in this area" Journalists do not feel compelled to take opposing positions or remain uninterested observers. "

Sphere of legitimate controversy

Rational and informed people have different views on issues in this area. These issues are therefore the most important to deal with, and also the ones on which journalists are obliged to remain disinterested reporters rather than advocating for or against a particular view. Schudson notes that Hallin, in his influential study of the U.S. media during the Vietnam War, argues that journalism's commitment to objectivity has always been divided. That is, within a certain area - the area of ​​legitimate controversy - journalists scrupulously seek balance and objectivity.

Sphere of Deviance

Topics in this area are rejected by journalists as unworthy of general consideration. Such views are perceived as either unfounded, taboo, or so minor that they are not newsworthy. Hallin argues that in the area of ​​deviance, journalists also deviate from the standard norms of objective reporting and feel justified in treating people and groups far outside what is considered to be a legitimate range of variation as marginal, dangerous, or ridiculous. For example, a person who claims that aliens are manipulating college basketball results may have difficulty finding media coverage for such a claim.

Use of the terms

Craig Watkins used the Hallin Spheres in a publication examining television coverage of the Million Man March (a demonstration held on October 16, 1995 in Washington, DC). Watkins analyzes the dominant framing practices - problem definition, rhetorical tools, use of sources and images - used by journalists to understand this particular expression of political protest. He argues that Hallin's three spheres are a way for media framing practices to develop specific reporting contexts, and each sphere develops its own style of news reporting through different rhetorical trophies and discourses.

Piers Robinson uses the concept in relation to the debate that has evolved about the extent to which the mass media serves elitist interests or, alternatively, has a strong role in shaping policy outcomes. His article regards Hallin's spheres as an example of relations between the media and the state, highlighting theoretical and empirical flaws in the theory of the book "manufacturing consent" ( Chomsky , McChesney ). Robinson argues that a more nuanced and bi-directional understanding of the direction of influence between the media and the state, building on and not rejecting existing theoretical reports, is required.

Hallin's theory assumed a relatively homogeneous media environment in which most producers tried to reach most consumers. A more fragmented media landscape can call this assumption into question. because different audiences can place topics in different areas, a concept related to the filter bubble that states that many members of the public choose to limit their media consumption to the areas of consensus and deviation that they personally prefer.

Individual evidence

  1. ^ A b Daniel Hallin: The Uncensored War: The Media and Vietnam . Oxford University press, New York 1986, ISBN 978-0-19-503814-9 , pp. 116-118.
  2. ↑ David Mindich: For journalists covering Trump, a Murrow moment , Columbia Journalism Review, July 15, 2016.
  3. ↑ Schudson, 2002, p. 40.
  4. ^ Hallin, 1986, p. 116.
  5. ↑ M. Schudson: What's unusual about covering politics as usual , in: B. Zelizer, S. Allan: Journalism after 11 September . London: Routledge, 2002. ISBN 9780415288002 . P. 40.
  6. ↑ Schudson 2002, p. 40.
  7. ^ Hallin, 1986, p. 117.
  8. ↑ Watkins, 2001, pp. 92-94.
  9. ^ SC Watkins: Framing protest: News media frames of the Million Man March. In: Critical Studies in Media Communication (2001), 18 (1), DOI: 10.1080 / 15295030109367125 , pp. 83-101.
  10. ↑ Robinson, 2001, p. 536.
  11. ^ Edward S. Herman , Noam Chomsky : Manufacturing consent: The political economy of the mass media . Random House, 2010. ISBN 978-0-375-71449-8 .
  12. ↑ P. Robinson: Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics Models of Media Influence on Foreign Policy . In: European Journal of Communication (2001), 16 (4), DOI: 10.1177 / 0267323101016004005 , pp. 523-544.
  13. ↑ Does NPR Have A Liberal Bias? . In: On The Media by NPR . WNYC. Retrieved April 28, 2017.