Aristodemus of Kyme

Aristodemos with the nickname Malakos ( the soft one ), ancient Greek: Άριστόδημος Μαλακός, was the tyrant of Kyme ( Cumae ), who through his military victories around 524 and 504 BC. BC prevented the expansion of the Etruscans to Latium , indirectly liberated Rome from the monarchy of Etruscan foreign rulers and thus enabled the development of the aristocratic republic.

Life and career as a general and politician

Biographical information: origin, life dates and meaning of the nickname

Aristodemos was a citizen of the rich Greek Polis Kyme (lat. Cumae, Italian. Cuma), which was located in the Italian rhegion of Campania northwest of Naples. He was the son of Aristocrates and, to an uncertain date, must have been around the middle of the 6th century BC. To be born in BC. He belonged to the wealthy aristocratic upper class, who at that time held a leading position in the community. In contrast to the date of birth, the date of his violent death can be traced back to the year 491/90 BC. From his tyranny, which the historian Dionysios of Halicarnassus in the 7th book of his " Roman History " (lat. " Antiquitates Romanae ") calculated for 14 years from approx. 505/504 to 491/90 BC. Can exercise. The nickname " Malakos " (" the soft one ") was given to the young Aristodemos because of his hairstyle. It remained with him, especially since later, as a tyrant, he tried by all means to prevent the professional activity and training of the noble youth.

Aristodemus as a warlike general and popular leader 524 BC BC: His first victory in the battle against the Etruscans before Kyme

He stepped into the limelight of history in 524 BC. He succeeded in defeating the Etruscans , Umbrians and Daunians in a cavalry battle in front of his hometown and to put a stop to the expansion of the Etruscans to Campania. He particularly distinguished himself, as he stood alone against the opposing commander in chief and killed him. When the polis debated who owed the prize for the greatest bravery, the impartial judges and the people wanted to award him the prize, but the aristocratic rulers and the noble council gave the award to Hippomedon, the commander of the cavalry. Embittered by the lack of recognition of his heroic deed, he turned away from his peers and was from now on "Prostátēs tou dēmou," "Head of the demos." Criticism of the aristocratic rulers who would enrich themselves from the property of the general public made him as hated as feared by the leaders of the aristocracy.

Rise from "demagogue" and "strategist" to tyrant of Kyme after the second victory against the Etruscans in the Battle of Aricia 505/504 BC.

Twenty years later, 505/504 BC. BC, the city of Aricia, which stood at the head of the Latin Association, called Kyme for help against Arruns Porsenna. Arruns was the son of the Etruscan king of Clusium (now Chiusi) Lars Porsenna. At the head of a troop of warriors around 508/507 BC he had BC, perhaps in agreement with the Roman upper class, the Etruscan king of Rome, Tarquinius Superbus, overthrown, but then Rome himself used as a base for raids to Latium. He became the "eighth king" of the city on the Tiber. He had sent his son Arruns to Aricia with half the army because the youth wanted to establish his own rule in Latium. The latter now besieged Aricia and hoped to starve the city, whose inhabitants he had driven back behind the walls, shortly. When the ambassadors from Aricia in Kyme had put forward their request for help, the leaders of the aristocracy persuaded the people to send Aricia 2,000 men to help and named Aristodemos a “strategist” allegedly because of his brilliant military successes in earlier times. In reality, they wanted him to hate him Get rid of Aristodemus. Therefore, they did everything in their power to let him perish either on land or at sea in the fight against the Etruscans. When the Council of Aristocrats authorized them to select the necessary troops for the arms aid, “ they did not take men of rank and name, but chose the poorest and most unscrupulous from the mass of the people, people from whom they feared constant turmoil, and filled it with them Auxiliary corps. Then they launched ten old, barely seaworthy ships, commanded by the poorest Kymaeans, and loaded the troops on them, threatening death to anyone who did not obey the call. “Although Aristodemus saw through the real intentions of his political opponents, he accepted the command. After an arduous and dangerous sea voyage, he landed near Aricia and marched with the greater part of his force in front of the walls of the city that night, where he won a great victory over the Etruscans after his arrival at dawn, after becoming their leader Arruns had killed with his own hand. At the news of the death of his son Arruns, his father gave up Rome and returned to his ancestral royal residence in Clusium. The victory of Aristodemus in 504 BC continued. BC the Etruscan rule in Rome ended and allowed the development of the Roman aristocratic republic. After Aristodemus had broken the offensive power of Clusium with his victory, the Latin towns of the Albanian hills, which had become independent, blocked the Etruscan trade in Campania through Lazio. Porsenna had to make peace with the Romans. This lasting peace made it possible for the Romans to defeat the Latins of the Albanian territory eleven years after their shameful submission to the initially oppressive regime of the Etruscan king in the battle of the lake Regillus in 496 BC. To confront victoriously and to take over the leadership of the Latin Association in place of Aricia (see below). The victory of Aristodemus over the Etruscans was also known to the earliest Roman historians, who ultimately owed this information to the Cymean Chronicle. They connected it historically correctly with the attack of the King of Clusium, Lars Porsenna, who submitted to Rome. The Romans remembered this conquest, which was associated with severe oppression and later with reconciliation, during the imperial era.

After the victory of Aricia, Aristodemus generously rewarded his soldiers from the booty and committed them to unconditional allegiance by oath. He returned to Kyme with rich gifts of honor from the grateful Latins and numerous prisoners of war. He released the latter for a ransom and strengthened his following with them. On the occasion of his accountability before the council, he had the assembled heads of the aristocrats who had sent him to the "death squad" butchered by his people, castles, shipyards and permanent places were occupied and those sentenced to death were released from prison. He formed a bodyguard out of them and the released Etruscan prisoners of war. Then he called a people's assembly at which he justified himself with self-defense that he had liquidated many of the rich oligarchs who had tried to kill him, and promised the other citizens “ freedom, equal rights to speak and many other benefits ”. He promised the mass of impoverished and indebted peasants “ a redistribution of the land ” and “ cancellation of the debt ”, “ the two worst evils that every tyranny uses as a prelude. “This is exactly how it happened: Aristodemos initially promised to campaign for this program as soon as he was appointed strategós autokrátor for a limited time until public security and order were restored and a democratic constitution had been established. “The Greek term“ Strategós autokrátor ”corresponds to the Latin term of the (emergency)“ dictator ”and is here synonymous with“ aisymnety ”or, according to Aristotle, a“ chosen tyranny ”d. H. a constitutional, because temporary, emergency dictatorship to restore state security and order as well as the constitution of a new, as in the present case, “democratic” constitution. Historical prime examples of this legal form of tyranny are Solon of Athens and his contemporary Pittakos of Mytilene on Lesbos. All too " the mass of the inferior and bad demos were happy to accept the robbery of someone else's property ." So he was elected as a legal emergency representative. But a little later he turned this "Aisymnetie" or "Strategia autokratoros" into an illegal tyranny in the strict sense of the word through a coup.

14 years of terror regiment as a tyrant from 505 / 04-491 / 90 BC Chr.

The consolidation of the usurped tyranny from 504 BC Chr.

Aristodemus did not keep the promise that he had made as Aisymnet: to establish a democratic order. In addition, he retained the dictatorial powers permanently until the end of his life, instead of voluntarily returning them after a certain period of time, namely the end of the constitutional emergency, and restoring the autonomy of the polis. In addition, he did not “liberate” the citizens from the arbitrary rule of the oligarchs, as promised, but on the contrary “took away all of them:” He achieved this through a ruse that persuaded the able-bodied demos to disarm themselves. He then consolidated his tyranny with three protective measures. The first consisted of the most unscrupulous and wicked citizens with whom he had won the victory over the Etruscans and with whose help he had dissolved the aristocratic constitution; the second from the most wicked slaves who had killed their masters and whom he himself gave freedom and the third from 2000 battle-hardened non-Greek mercenaries. He is also said to have removed statues which the aristocrats who he murdered had erected in both sacred and profane places, and replaced them with his own, confiscated their houses and properties and distributed them to those who had helped him establish his tyranny. He kept gold, silver and other valuables for himself. Through his example, he confirmed the historical experience that the aisymnety and the program of “land division”, as was usually the case in the archaic epoch of Greece, were actually the “prelude” to real tyranny. But he made most and greatest gifts to the slaves who had killed their masters. Therefore they demanded to marry the widows and daughters of the gentlemen as well.

The victory of the Romans in the Battle of Lake Regillus in 496 BC. BC: The last refuge of the penultimate Etruscan king Lucius Tarquinius Superbus of Rome with Aristodemos of Kyme

496 BC BC the cavalry of the recently established aristocratic republic of Rome under the leadership of the consul A. Postumius Albinus "Regillensis" won a victory over the Latin League under the leadership of Aricia at Lacus Regillus . The Regillus was a volcanic lake in the municipality of Tusculum near Frascati, which has now dried up and is called Pantano Secco . The Latin armed forces were commanded by L. Tarquinius Superbus, who hoped to regain his lost kingship over Rome in the event of a victory. With the defeat he had to finally give up the plan to return to the Tiber city. He sought and found refuge with his followers with the tyrant Aristodemos of Kyme, where he is said to have died very old soon after. That Aristodemus stood up for the cause of the Tarquinians, who had been overthrown from the throne by Lars Porsenna, should be credible. The solidarity of tyrants, which we encounter several times in the Greek world, may have played an important role as a motive; because both had Lars Porsenna and / or his son Arruns as an enemy and the nobility of their cities as a common enemy.

The violent overthrow and the painful killing of the tyrant and his whole house by the sons of the aristocrats who were murdered by him around 490 BC. Chr.

Fourteen years, from approx. 505 / 504-491 / 90 BC. BC, the tyranny of Aristodemus persisted, of which almost only acts of violence of the worst kind are handed down. Even if individual measures arouse doubts, "there is a deeper truth in tradition, which only knows how to report the arbitrary and cruel switching of Aristodemos."

491/490 BC BC succeeded the sons of the disempowered and killed aristocrats to conquer the city of Kyme with mercenaries. They took terrible revenge on the tyrant and tortured him, his children, his wives and the rest of his relatives to death. Then they called a popular assembly, laid down their arms and restored the former aristocratic constitution. According to Plutarch (op. Cit.) Xenokrite, the daughter of an exiled nobleman whom the tyrant had taken as his wife, was essentially involved in the uprising against her husband and was therefore spared from the bloody slaughter. However, the story is implausible as it is not confirmed by the local chronicle of Kyme. On the contrary, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. VII 11.4, it expressly testifies that none of the children, none of the women and none of the other relatives survived.

Sources

A local Kymean chronicle as the main source for the rise and fall of Aristodemus of Kyme

The main source is a report by the Greek historian Dionysios of Halicarnassus on the steep rise and violent fall of the tyrant Aristodemos of Kyme, which he describes in the 7th book of his historical work " Roman Archeology " (Latin Antiquitates Romanae ) in Chap. 2-12 as an excursus (chap. 3-11) inserted into his ongoing annalistic narrative of Roman history. The history itself originally comprised 20 books, but these have only been partially preserved. Published. The author himself draws attention to VII 2.5 on his long digression and apologizes for it.

Their historical credibility and important importance also for the early history of Lazio and Rome

In a thorough and fundamental source analysis, Alföldi, a. O. 51-71, esp. 62 ff. Demonstrated that Dionysius ultimately resorted to a historically credible older local chronicle by Kyme for the excursus. This is of eminent importance not only for the biography of Aristodemus, but also for the early history of Latium and the oldest phase of Roman history, for which Roman historiography had no reliable sources. It is essential that “ the Kymean Chronicle provided the actual chronological framework for the history of Lazio at the end of the 6th century. ".

The parallel transmission

Further sources are Plutarch “ De mul. virt. "26 =" Moralia "262, and the short summary of the main events of the tyranny of Aristodemos of Kyme by the Greek universal historian of the 1st century BC. Chr. Diodor Siculus from Agyrion (today Agira) in Sicily in book VII 10 of his world history with the title " Bibliothēké. "

literature

• Andreas Alföldi , Early Rome and the Latins, translated from English. by Frank Kolb , Darmstadt 1977, 51 ff.
• Luciana Aigner-Foresti , The Etruscans and early Rome, Darmstadt 2003, 140-145.
• T. Robert S. Broughton , The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, Vol. I, Cleveland, Ohio 1951 (ND 1968).
• Helmut Berve , Die Tyrannis bei den Greeks, 2 Bde.München 1967, Bd. 1, pp. 160-163; Vol. 2, p. 611.
• Martin W. Frederiksen , Campania, London 1984, 96-99. *
• Klaus Meister , Aristodemos from Kyme , No. 5, in: DNP 1,1996, Sp. 1108.
• Wolfgang Orth , The question of a comprehensive distribution of real estate in the dispute of opinion in ancient Greece , in: Hansjörg Kalcyk, Brigitte Gullath and Andreas Graeber (eds.), Studies on Ancient History. Siegfried Lauffer on his 70th birthday on August 4, 1981 presented by friends, colleagues and students, Volume II, Roma 1986, 719-741.
• Hans Volkmann , Aristodemos, No. 5, in: Der Kleine Pauly Vol. 1, Stuttgart 1964, Col. 566.
• Karl-Wilhelm Welwei , The assumption of power by Aristodemos von Kyme, in: Talanta III, 1971, 44-55.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Dion. Hal. Ant. VII 12.1
2. ↑ Dion. Hal. Ant. VI 21.3; VII 2.4; on the treatment of male youth, esp. VII 9.1 ff. and Plut. de mulier. virt. 26; see. also to the nickname Diodorus 7,10; in detail BERVE, a. O. Vol. 1,161.
3. ↑ Dion. Hal. Ant. VII 3,1 with the dating in the archonate of the Miltiades of Athens: 524/23 BC On the events themselves, ibid. 3,1-4,5 with the original Greek text in ALFÖLDI, a. O. 67 f. and the German translation pp. 63–65.
4. ↑ Dion. Hal. a. O. 4,4-5. On the position of Aristodemos as "Prostátes tou Demou" and his people-friendly politics ibid. 4,5.
5. ↑ W.EDER, Porsenna, Lars, in: DNP 10.2001, Sp 182 based on the chronicle of Kyme against the patriotic transformation of the Roman annals at Liv.. 2.9.1-14.9 and Dion. Hal., Ant. V, 21.1-34.5.
6. ↑ Dion. Hal. Ant. VII 5.1-2
7. ↑ Dion. Hal., A. O. VII 5.2-3.
8. ↑ Dion. Hal. a. O. VII 5.3 in the German translation by ALFÖLDI, a. O. 65 f.
9. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 6.1-2 = ALFÖLDI, op. O. 66
10. ↑ EDER, Porsenna Sp. 182.
11. ↑ ALFÖLDI, op. O. 299 f.
12. ↑ cf. Liv. II 14,5-9 and Dion. Hal. Ant., V 36.1-4; ALFÖLDI, a. O. 56-58 and 71.
13. ↑ Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. XXXIV 14,139; Tacitus, Historiae III 72; on this ALFÖLDI, a. Cit. 71 ff.
14. ↑ Dion. Hal. a. O. VII 6.3-5.
15. ↑ Dion. Hal. a. O. VII 7.2-5.
16. ↑ Dion. Hal. a. O. VII 7.5.
17. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8.1.
18. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8.1-2.
19. ^ Aristotle, Politics III 9th p. 1285 a 31-33; and III 10. p. 1285 b 25 f .; see. also Theophrast frg. 127 WIMMER after Dion. Hal.ant. 5.73.3
20. ↑ Plutarch, Solon 14.4-5 and 16.3
21. ↑ Arist. Pole. III 9, p. 1285a 36-38 with reference to Alkaios frg. 348 LP, and Theophrastus frg. 127 WIMMER, after Dion. Hal. ant. 5.73 3.
22. ↑ Dion. VII 8.2.
23. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8.2; see. also BERVE 1967, vol. 1, 160; probably in the same sense, but formulated imprecisely under constitutional law VOLKMANN, op. O. Sp. 566 and following him K. MEISTER, op. O. Sp. 1108: "Based on the army and demos, he then established a typical tyranny in Kyme"
24. ↑ Dion. aOVII 8.2-3.
25. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8.3-4; on the mercenaries cf. also Diod. 7.10
26. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8,4 and Diod. 7.10.
27. ↑ See Dion. a. O. VII 8.1; see. on this in detail ORTH 1986, 719 ff.
28. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 8.4.
29. ↑ Livius 2:19 ff. Dion. Hal., Ant. VI 3.3; S. BIANCHETTI, trans. v. JW MAYER, Lacus Regillus , in: DNP 6, 1999, col. 1051; ALFÖLDI, loc. Cit. 85.88.107.110.336 and 353; at the time of the battle cf. also BROUGHTON, op. O. Vol. 1, 12 with the sources.
30. ↑ Livy 2:14 and 21: 5; Dion. a. O. VI 21.3; on this ALFÖLDI, a. O. 58 f .; BERVE, op. O. Vol. 1, 261f .; MASTER, a. O. Sp. 1108 and AIGNER-FORESTI, op. O. 145, referring to Liv. 2.21.5 for the year 495 BC Chr. Called as date of death; also
31. ↑ BERVE, op. O. Vol. 1, 162; see. also ALFÖLDI, a. 72 ff. And 353 on Porsenna as opponents of the Tarquinians.
32. ↑ Dion. a. O. VII 12.1 on the duration of tyranny; to the Dion terror regime. VII 9-12; Diod. 7.10; BERVE, op. O. Vol. 161 ff. With the quotation on 5.1. 163.
33. ↑ On this in detail Dion. a. O. VII 10-12; the point in time results from the duration of the tyranny with Dion. a. O. VII 12.1; Plut. de mulier. virt. 26 = DERS., Moralia 262; BERVE, op. O. Vol. 1, 162 f.
34. ↑ Doubts about the tradition of Plutarch in ALFÖLDI, op. O. 162; on the other hand, deemed credible by MEISTER, a. O. Sp. 1108 following VOLKMANN, op. O. Sp. 566
35. ↑ ALFÖLDI, op. O. 69 with the justification on p. 70 for the dating of the Kymean victory over the Etruscan attackers in the year 524 BC. And the Battle of Aricia 20 years later