Witch trials in Ellwangen

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Schloss ob Ellwangen , residence of the prince provost of Ellwangen

During the time of the witch persecution around 1600 there was a wave of witch trials in the prince provost of Ellwangen .

history

Nikolaus Schreiber: Really and terrible description / of many sorcerers or witches / how and why they were back and against / burned / in this 1589th year, Cologne, 1589

During the reign of Prince Provosts Wolfgang von Hausen (1584–1603), Johann Christoph I von Westerstetten (1603–1613) and Johann Christoph von Freyberg-Eisenberg (1613–1620) around 450 people were executed in 1588 and 1611–1618, many up the pyre . That was about half of the women in Ellwang and one in six men.

Similar massive persecutions in southern Germany can only be found in the series of witch trials in the Franconian monasteries of Würzburg , Bamberg and Eichstätt as well as in Kurmainz .

In the witch trial of 1588, the midwife Elisabeth Fürst, known as the "mundist", was burned as an alleged witch . In 1611, Dorothea Berchtold was executed on December 22nd . She was the sister of Pastor Eberhard Berchtold, who looked after those accused of witchcraft and who had come to believe that they were innocent. Presumably the pastor was supposed to be hit with the execution of his sister in order to make him compliant and to shut his mouth. Jesuits later looked after the prisoners.

There is a record of a conversation between the city pastor Berchtold and the defendant Michael Dir. He had visited his wife Maria Dir in the Jagsttorge prison and assured the pastor that he was convinced of the innocence of the brewer's wife. That was what the Chancellor heard. Carl Kibler summoned the brewer and had him arrested. To save himself the torture, Michael confessed to you everything that he was accused of, even though he had not yet been charged with witchcraft. He was burned on November 19, 1611 just eleven days later. His agreement was 460 guilders.

In 2001 a memorial was inaugurated in Ellwangen to commemorate the 400 victims of the witch hunt.

Framework conditions & causes

Economic and social conditions

In the 16th century, southern Germany was an agrarian country. The majority of the population lived from agriculture at that time. In Ellwangen, different types of grain were mainly grown in the early modern period; cattle breeding was organized on a cooperative basis, that is, the cattle of different farmers were looked after by shepherds. Forestry was another mainstay of the Ellwang economy in the 16th century. In addition to the official sale of wood and resin, many farmers plundered the forests in order to earn something. The industry in the Ellwanger area was very poorly developed in the early modern period. With the exception of a glassworks in Rosenberg or brickworks near Schrezheim, there was little business in the state offices. In the city of Ellwangen itself, however, the industry was stronger. The economy in Ellwangen was not limited to certain areas, but in contrast to many imperial cities in the area, e.g. B. Augsburg with its strongly commercial economy, diversified. However, the industry was always strictly controlled and regulated by the Ellwang government. Although there were guilds in Ellwangen during the 16th century, in contrast to many other cities, they were far less educated. A rapid population increase during the 16th century overwhelmed the economy, which is why there was an economic crisis in Ellwangen. Another reason for this was inflation, which hit the industry hard. As a result, the lower classes got bigger and bigger, the Ellwang population got poorer. However, no details are known about the structure of society in the prince's provosty during the early modern period.

Climatic conditions

Grains and bread were staple foods in the early modern period and were difficult to replace. When the medieval warm period ended around 1560, a period with a particularly cool climate followed, the so-called little ice age . The long and cold winters shortened the time in which it was possible to grow food, especially grain. The wheat rotted in the cold, wet summer. As a result, grain prices rose extremely, probably by over 200%. As a result, fewer and fewer industrial products were sold and unemployment, especially in the city itself, rose; there was severe famine. The charitable institutions in Ellwangen, which were run by the prince provost, were overwhelmed by the many people seeking help.

Diseases and epidemics

The malnutrition left people vulnerable to epidemics such as typhus, cholera and the plague. Ellwangen was repeatedly ravaged by the plague, with particularly serious outbreaks occurring in 1574, 1598, 1611 and 1626. In order to appease the wrath of God and to bring about an end to diseases and famines, the prince provost Wolfgang von Hausen, who ruled from 1584 to 1603, forbade all activities that led to sin. Even dancing and singing were severely punished from now on.

causes

In summary, causes can be identified in many areas. The poor harvests brought famine, which was exacerbated by the rapid population growth. This also had an impact on the Ellwangen economy, which was decisively weakened by inflation. Many people fell into the lower classes and suffered from malnutrition, making them vulnerable to disease. In such bad times the rulers and the people themselves looked for scapegoats. Witches, who could be blamed for bad harvests and diseases, were perfect for this.

The first wave of lawsuits in 1588

After Prince Provost Wolfgang von Hausen had forbidden various amusements such as dancing and singing together but also the consumption of alcohol in 1588, the provost's inquisition carried out house searches. The result of these house searches were numerous convictions of various perpetrators and accomplices. Some citizens were executed, others expelled or fined. A 17-year-old who was participating in various forbidden festivals in August 1588 accused his mother of witchcraft. He hoped to distract the investigators and avoid possible punishment. He succeeded in convincing the prince provost councils, so that an executioner was brought to Ellwangen. This should interrogate the arrested mother Margaretha Sinai. The executioner from Biberach was considered an expert in witch trials and was employed in the Augsburg bishopric as early as 1587. But even he did not succeed in getting the suspect to confess, which is why her 17-year-old son Jacob Sinai was interrogated again. Instead of retracting his allegations, he accused two other elderly Ellwang women of witchcraft. After both women had been interrogated and examined by the executioner, he released one because it had no witch marks. It was believed that witches can be recognized by their irregular skin. These were known as witch marks and were evidence of a pact with the devil. Since many people have larger moles or other skin irregularities, many of the trials succeeded in finding the alleged evidence. This was also the case with the second accused, who subsequently confessed to being tortured. She also denounced, so accused other alleged witches. The first wave of persecution started and took its course. The prisoners usually denounced other playmates under torture and thus widened the circle of victims.

Process flow

The Constitutio Criminalis Carolina from 1532 was the first penal code to apply for the entire empire. It contained both procedural law and substantive criminal law, including the offense of zauberey . The local reception and the question of whether it was also used in Ellwangen as the basis for the persecution of witches is, however, a research desideratum. Because the Carolina was only subsidiary in relation to the local (witch) legislation and local customary law. The Ellwanger Halsgerichtsordnung of 1466 was the court order of the city court of the city of Ellwangen, insofar as this acted as an embarrassing court. Their subject matter was the order of the criminal proceedings in embarrassing criminal cases, in particular the main hearing in these proceedings, the so-called final legal day.

A confession was considered the most reliable means of establishing the truth, which is why everything was tried to get this out of the suspect. Although the Carolina torture was only allowed if there was sufficient suspicion, the duration and intensity were at the discretion of the judge. Since the offense of witchcraft was not anchored in the Carolina, the accused in Ellwangen were charged with a Crimen Exceptum, i.e. an extraordinary crime. As a result, a special procedure was possible in which the accused were almost unable to defend themselves. It was also possible to reduce the evidence needed for torture. Torture could already be legitimized in the investigation into witch marks following the lecture of the allegations.

Subsequently, at the trials taking place in the Fronfeste of Burg ob Ellwangen, attempts were made to get the accused to make a voluntary confession. If the accused did not make a confession, the Territio Verbalis followed, where torture was merely threatened. This could be followed by the Territio Realis. At this level of torture, the accused were shown, explained, and put on the torture instruments in order to induce them to confess. In the third grade, the actual torture began. This was repeatedly interrupted in order to carry out confrontationes, comparisons with those who had already been convicted of witchcraft and who confirmed their guilt. In addition to traditional torture methods such as leg screws or stretchers, rarer methods were also used more frequently in Ellwangen under the guidance of the experienced executioner from Biberach. In general, the Ellwang witch trials in 1588 were strongly influenced by him, so in addition to torture, magical rituals were carried out in which suspects were immersed in special baths or had to drink herbal potions. This was supposed to frighten the accused using the rituals known to them as alleged witches and thus induce them to confess.

If the accused then confessed, which was the case with everyone with a witch's mark found, the confession was written down. In this written form all the main components of the complex Hexereidelikts were included: devil's pact , sex with the Devil , Hexenflug , coven and damage spells . In addition, most of them denounced other alleged accomplices, who were then arrested with the consent of the prince provost's councils. After the confession which took Besiebnung the Court held by seven members and the verdict was announced by the Ellwanger city judge. The accused were sentenced to be executed by fire. According to Prof. Dr. Immo Eberl presumably mitigated several judgments by the prince provost Wolfgang von Hausen. In these cases, the alleged witches were strangled or beheaded before they were cremated. After the trial, the convicts were mostly used for confrontationes and held captive in the castle above Ellwangen. Three days before their execution, the condemned were brought to the henchman's parlor at Jagsttor and finally executed at the execution site on Galgenberg, west of Ellwangen.

The victims

The victims of the first witch hunt were mostly women. With Jacob Sinai, with whom the witch hunt began, only one male victim is known. Furthermore, most of the victims were very old for the time. Most of the women convicted were around 70 years old or were at least described as old in the trial files. Due to their old age, most of the women were widowed and therefore often lived alone. It can be seen that the accused of the first wave of persecution corresponded to the typical witch stereotype of the early modern period. Old Ellwang widows in particular were at risk. With the exception of one victim, all were from Ellwangen. This can be explained by the fact that the trials were based on the accusations of other inmates. They mostly denounced people from their immediate environment, which is why the wave of lawsuits did not spread to the rural parts of the prince's provosty. Here you can also see the reason why whole family parts were often wiped out. Also in keeping with the witch stereotype, most of the accused used herbs or special rituals to cure diseases. So was among them z. B. the midwife Elisabeth Fürstin. In her work as a midwife, she often used special herbal potions and rituals to help the children and the mothers. During the first witch hunt in Ellwangen in 1588, a strong resemblance to the typical witch image, i.e. an old woman who lives alone and handles a lot with herbs, can be observed in almost all of the convicted. It was only towards the end that younger, married women were also accused. A slight distance from the witch stereotype, which is typical for persecutions of the 16th century, can be observed. Even if this was stopped in Ellwangen by the suspension of the proceedings.

Cessation of processes

The last execution of the first wave of trials probably took place on December 14, 1588. After four months of witch hunting, Ellwangen was quiet for the time being. Structural problems are considered to be the reason for the relatively short tracking time. The practice of denunciation, i.e. imprisonment on the accusation of other alleged witches, threatened a strong expansion of the circle of victims that could not be controlled by the government. In 1588, well over 100 citizens were accused of witchcraft. Towards the end of the persecution, there was a threat of a strong witch-stereotype agreement and an expansion to include people very close to the court. For these reasons, the then Chancellor Johann Hildebrand initiated the suspension of the proceedings. Lists of suspects were kept, however, in order to use them for later prosecutions.

The Second Wave of Persecution 1611-1618

trigger

The 70-year-old Barbara Rüfin from Rindelbach took her host out of her mouth during the Easter service in 1611. The citizens of Ellwangen and the priest became suspicious of witchcraft, as it scorned the body of Christ. The priest immediately washed his hands to wash himself clean. What happened quickly spread throughout Ellwangen. The allegations sounded enormously plausible to the population of the prince's provosty, since Barbara Rüfin had been accused of witchcraft almost 30 years earlier. When a cattle epidemic broke out, her neighbor called in a fortune teller to find the culprits. This found out that allegedly witches were to blame. She also claimed that the next person to visit the neighbor's yard and ask for three things is that witch. When Barbara Rüfin wanted to borrow a scarf, a butter dish and a cradle from her neighbor that day, suspicion fell on her. The woman's family was now decried as a family of witches throughout the region. News from people possessed by the devil in Rosenberg a few months earlier also increased the government's plausibility and willingness to prosecute. Barbara Rüfin was arrested on April 7, 1611. The 70-year-old vehemently defended herself against the allegations of witchcraft in the first interrogations. She took the host out of her mouth because she had difficulty swallowing due to her age. She also intended to apologize to the parish priest in Ellwang. She also rejected the rumors circulating in Rindelbach. In order to convict the alleged witch, extensive testimony was recorded. The witnesses confirmed that the rumors existed, but contradicted themselves or defused the allegation of witchcraft. This led to a very long trial and to the fact that the 70-year-old was neither threatened with torture nor tortured. It was only later that the princely councilors decided to threaten the woman with torture, and an executioner from abroad was brought to Ellwangen, as in 1588. But before the executioner Hans Gruber arrived, Barbara Rüfin made a confession under torture on April 22nd and denounced other alleged playmates. In later interrogations, she attempted to withdraw this confession, but reaffirmed her confession under the torture. As a result of this trial, others followed, for example a woman from Rindelbach who had been denounced by Barbara Rüfin was arrested at the beginning of May, and the persecution spread to Ellwangen over the next few weeks. The government's will to persecute was strengthened by the successful conclusion of the trial against Barbara Rüfin. The first stone for the great wave of lawsuits in Ellwang between 1611 and 1618 got rolling.

Process flow

The basic course of the witch trials of the second wave of persecution was similar to that of the first in 1588. Changes were only made in a few crucial places. While in 1588 the interrogations of members of the government who normally carried out other activities were carried out, a witch deputation was established in late May 1611. This committee had the sole task of dealing with witch trials. This concentration made it possible to standardize processes, the steps of the procedure and the forms of confession were largely standardized. This enabled the process to be conducted much faster and smoother, and the provost's demand that criminal trials be carried out within three days could often be met. Since the witches' deputation was an independent body, there was a risk that the witch commissioners, as members of the deputation, would abuse the processes to implement their career plans.

Furthermore, the influence of the executioners was weakened considerably. While the Biberach executioner had a great influence on the trials in 1588, the influence of the executioner during the second wave is almost negligible. The magical rituals of the executioner at the time were also no longer used, and the image of the second wave was shaped by very rational litigation. As in 1588, however, an executioner experienced in witch trials was brought in again.

The second far-reaching change was the change in the circumstantial law. In 1588, for example, a witch's mark and the statement were a prerequisite for triggering a trial; 1611–1618 the statement was already sufficient to torture suspects. In connection with the increased use of torture compared to 1588, this meant that there was not a single release during the entire wave of persecution.

During the trial itself, the confrontationes, i.e. the confrontations with those already convicted of witchcraft, were reduced and were carried out immediately after the arrest and the reading of the indictment. The indictment was followed by interrogations, which ended with alleged accomplices. Here, too, there was a change, so it was no longer possible to denounce the dead or those who had already been convicted. The scope of the persecution was expanded considerably and far more people than 1588 were suspected.

What is the procedure after the confession was the 1588 Besiebnung completed by members of the court and the verdict. The verdict was mostly death by fire and confiscation of property, often combined with more severe penalties such as B. Chopping off the hands. However, there was always a pardon for strangulation with subsequent cremation of the corpse. Presumably, the condemned were not pardoned out of the prince's pity, but rather to avoid problems and pity on the part of the audience. This uniform procedure was hardly broken during the entire wave, only in the case of pregnant women was waited until the birth.

Overall, it can be observed that the processes have been streamlined enormously compared to the first wave in order to make a faster conviction possible. By changing the right of circumstantial evidence and changing the statements, the wave was able to spread much faster and further. It was thus possible that around 126 people were executed in nine months of 1611.

Victim structure

The second series of trials in Ellwangen between 1611 and 1618 affected both women and men of all ages and classes. In 1588 mainly older women were affected, i.e. people who corresponded to the typical witch image, in 1613 even a 16-year-old was executed. Even young men who absolutely did not conform to the witch stereotype were suspected of witchcraft and executed.

However, most of the victims were middle-aged. Since these were mostly married and had children, whole families were often declared to be so-called witch houses or witch families. It could happen that the entire family was executed. People whose relatives had already been executed were particularly at risk. If a person committed a crime with alleged witches in their relatives, attempts were usually made to link them to witchcraft. This transfer of normal criminal offenses to witch trials is a noticeable feature of the Ellwang witch hunt. So it often happened that a normal criminal trial was converted into a witch trial and the effects of witchcraft were shown on the basis of real crimes. As an example, in the case of a theft committed, it was claimed that the perpetrator had been commissioned by the devil and that the alleged witches had to be executed in order to prevent such crimes.

On the basis of a vigilante list, Hans Gebhard was able to reconstruct the proportions of those executed in the respective layers in his book "Judge Ludwig Kieninger". Although people from every class were executed, the proportion of wealthier armor wearers and rifle owners from the middle class was, at 26 and 22 percent, respectively, significantly higher than that of poorer gauntlets. The proportion of women in the lower class was also lower than in the middle and upper classes. This may partly be explained by the fact that z. B. Neighbors were denounced out of envy or to get the suspect's property. It is noticeable that a particularly large number of court lords and city councilors were convicted. This suggests government intervention. Judges and councilors who did not meet the government's expectations may have been put out of the way.

In addition to the city councils and court lords, professional groups that had a lot to do with the public were particularly affected: musicians, bakers and butchers. For those belonging to these professions, their level of fame was probably their undoing. In the case of musicians, there is also the fact that the bans on singing and dancing introduced by Prince Provost Wolfgang von Hausen in 1588 cast a negative, sinful image on this professional group.

As in the first series of trials, most of the victims came from the city of Ellwangen (67%). The land offices were far less affected. The reason for this lies, as in 1588, in the practice of denunciation. The wave of persecution that began in Rindelbach, a village about 3 km from Ellwangen, quickly reached the city itself. The majority of those executed came from Ellwangen during the first persecution. Since convicts mostly said friends from their immediate environment, the center was always in the city. Only victims with acquaintances from the land offices brought the wave into the villages. However, since very few of the accused had acquaintances there, Ellwangen always remained the center.

Reactions to the witch hunt

In view of the sometimes arbitrary statement of alleged witches, some residents had slight doubts about guilt. Particularly people who had regular contact with convicts, such as prison guards, had doubts. However, by linking witch trials with normal criminal trials, the Ellwang government and the Witches Council were able to make alleged evidence and real effects of witchcraft visible again and again. However, there was no resistance or massive emigration from Ellwangen. The former was probably suppressed with the help of fear of the provincial government. People also feared being punished, tortured or even killed, which is why a riot never formed. So was z. B. a citizen of Ellwang who publicly criticized the witch trials and the government, imprisoned in 1612 and later accused of witchcraft himself and finally also executed. Furthermore, by eliminating entire families, the persecution prevented many people from being directly affected. Family members who might be able to instigate resistance were prevented from doing so. The church in the form of the collegiate chapter also offered no resistance. Although the execution of clergy led to a dispute, it was quickly resolved. Also from outside there were probably hardly any impulses to stop the witch hunt. Overall, it turns out that there was hardly any resistance to the persecution. If there were isolated protests, this was suppressed.

Attempts to escape

In view of the threat of torture and executions, there were a total of three escape attempts in Ellwangen. While with the first two the fugitives were caught again within a few weeks or extradited from a neighboring area, Casper Pfitzer managed to escape successfully in December 1612. Ten days after his arrest, Pfitzer fled, presumably with the help of prison employees, to Fachsenfeld, an area of ​​imperial knighthood about 15 km away where his sister lived. Since the prince provost was unable to obtain extradition, Casper Pfitzer probably lived in Fachsenfeld until mid-1614. However, he had to leave Fachsenfeld due to a search of his sister's inn by Ellwang councilors. His path led him to the Electoral Palatinate, where he built a new life. However, he was always in contact with his family in Ellwangen until his trace is lost in 1617 and there are no more documents. Except for a suicide in 1614, there were no more attempts to escape.

Reasons for the long persecution

A special feature of the Ellwang process series is the long period of persecution and the intensity with which the processes were conducted. In the years under Johann Christoph I von Westerstetten in particular, a hitherto unknown wave of violence developed, which can only be compared with the persecution in Eichstätt, also under von Westerstetten. Von Westerstetten always had control over the processes and often tried to incite new ones. With the help of a document published by him, which suspected various behaviors, such as wastefulness with witchcraft, almost everyone could be accused of witchcraft. But even after Johann Christoph II von Freyberg took office, the persecution did not end. However, under him it never reached the level and intensity as under his predecessor, but it was continued and only stopped in 1618. One reason for the long duration could have been material interests. During the persecution, there was always a confiscation practice in Ellwangen, so property was confiscated for the benefit of the state without compensation from family members of the executed. Presumably, shares in the inheritance of an heir were confiscated in order to pay the legal costs. However, this was difficult in the prince's provosty, as entire families of witches were often executed; in these cases, amounts of money or objects were confiscated individually. Another problem was when there were bereaved relatives but some of them had nothing to move in. The collection of work equipment would not have been of any use to the prince provost, as it would have lost tax revenue. In addition, relatives often asked to defer or reduce the amounts due. In order to confirm material interests as the reason, it is necessary to look at the overall balance of costs. Wolfgang Mährle was able to reconstruct the costs and income of the witch hunt between February 1613 and September 1615. The administration received 8,374 guilders during this time, a small house cost about 150 guilders. Less than half of this money (3,685 guilders) was spent on the trials. At first glance, the persecution seems to have been a material gain for the prince provost. However, the deficits in other areas are not included in these figures. With the loss of almost a quarter of the population, an enormous number of taxpayers and the associated income were lost. The economic power of Ellwangen also decreased more and more during the witch hunt, so here too the tax revenues are likely to have decreased. The period of the recordings must also be observed. The numbers were made in years when there was relatively little persecution, so the cost is relatively low compared to 1611 and 1612. The fines were usually paid a year or two after the execution and in 1613 probably came from executions in 1612, the year with the highest number of executions. In the years 1613 to 1615, many fines were met with low legal costs. A year earlier, the balance sheet was likely to have been much worse. Overall, material interests were probably less of a reason for the long continuation, since over the entire period probably little or no profits could be achieved. Using the processes as a career ladder was probably not the main reason for the persecution to continue for so long. Although those entrusted with litigation always tried to use the processes for this purpose, this was also the case in other cities and does not only explain the long persecution. The special litigation in Ellwangen, which repeatedly legitimized the government, played a far greater part in the long persistence. Linking real crimes with witchcraft is likely to have had an enormous impact. In this way, the government repeatedly received confirmation that it was doing the right thing. Whenever delegitimisation began, it was often stopped by random events such as cattle epidemics, bad harvests and storms or even self-accusations. The latter in particular must have been a tremendous confirmation for the government, and quick confessions, even before the torture, had a similar effect. Even cases in which the accused had not confessed for a long time could have a legitimizing effect, since this behavior corresponded to the typical characteristics of a witch.

End of the second process wave

The second wave of persecution in Ellwang ended in 1618 after around 430 people had been executed. Questions about legitimacy arose again and again during the trials . The longer it lasted, the more difficult it became to get it out of the way. People expected diseases, bad harvests and thunderstorms to decrease when the witches are executed. However, since there were no effects in Ellwangen despite years of persecution, i.e. there were further crop failures, diseases and thunderstorms, it became increasingly difficult to legitimize the persecution. At first one could say that there would still be too many witches and that more should be executed. However, the longer the persecution continued, the less this argument was accepted. The consequences for society also became increasingly apparent over time. Society threatened to collapse more and more because of the many executions in all classes. In addition, many middle-aged people were executed towards the end. Many of these people had children, and the provision of food for them presented the prince provost more and more with an impossible task. The Jesuit priest Johann Finck recognized the problems of witch persecution on society in 1613: “303 are now burned, mostly from Ellwangen. In the meantime three others have been taken prisoner, from the better families, two girls and a young man who used to be my pupil in Dillingen. I do not see where this matter will lead or what end it will have, since this hideous evil has become so prevalent that after years, if the magistrate continues with the exercise of its office, the city will become desolate ... ”Des The long-term persecution also deterred people from outside the country. This mainly had economic consequences. Many restaurants had to close because not enough travelers were passing through Ellwangen. On the one hand, they were afraid of being accused themselves. Far more serious, however, was the rumor that there was a lot of witchcraft in Ellwangen and therefore there would be a particularly large number of trials here. As in 1588, the records on suspects were kept after the demolition so that they could be used as a basis for new trials.

What happened after 1618?

After 1618 there were no more major persecutions in Ellwangen. There were five other trials in which five people were sentenced to death, but no series of trials developed from these individual cases. The reasons for this are different, so after 1618 the will to persecute in the government may have decreased massively. With the dismissal of one of the most important witch hunters in the government, Chancellor Dr. Carl Kibler 1622, the will to persecute was weakened even further. The collapse of the processes in Franconia around 1630 may also have had a decisive impact on other processes. The increasing rejection of the witch trials by the population also played a role. There was no longer an acceptance and ignorance like 1611–1618. The last witch trial in Ellwangen in 1694 was a so-called child witch trial. These were typical processes at the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th century, triggered by children who accused themselves and sometimes other people of witchcraft. Since the belief in witches still existed, although it was disputed whether witch trials were legal, they even got support from the University of Tübingen in 1694. As a result, the defendants were only sentenced to light sentences because of the Tübingen lawyers' doubts about the legitimation of witch trials. They were no longer allowed to appear in public too often and were supposed to lead a godly life, a very mild judgment compared to other trials. After 1694 there were no further witch trials in Ellwangen.

Ellwangen (Jagst) memorial cross witch trials

Commemoration

  • In 2001 the Catholic parish of St. Vitus erected a memorial in the immediate vicinity of the former execution site to commemorate those executed in the witch trials, designed by the artist and pastor Sieger Köder .
  • In the district of Ellwangen-Rindelbach, a street is named after Barbara Stech (lin), who was the first woman from Rindelbach to be executed in Ellwangen in the course of the witch hunt in 1611.

See also

literature

Non-fiction
  • Hans Gebhard: The Pfitzer. (One of many executed Ellwang "witches"). 3rd edition, Ellwangen 2007, ISBN 978-3-00-003565-4 .
  • Wolfgang Mährle: "Oh woe to the poor souls", witch hunts in the prince provost of Ellwangen (1588–1694) . In: Johannes Dillinger , Thomas Fritz, Wolfgang Mährle: Damned to fire. The witch persecution in the county of Hohenberg, the imperial city of Reutlingen and the prince provost of Ellwangen (witch research, vol. 2). Steiner, Stuttgart 1998, ISBN 3-515-07304-3 , pp. 325-500.
  • Hans C. Erik Midelfort: Witch Hunting in Southwestern Germany 1562–1684. The Social and Intellectual Foundations. Stanford University Press, Stanford CA 1972, ISBN 0-8047-0805-3 .
  • Hans Pfeifer: Constitutional and administrative history of the prince provost of Ellwangen. Stuttgart 1959.
  • City administration Ellwangen (ed.): The dark time. Witch persecution in the city and prince provost of Ellwangen. 1st edition, Ellwangen 2007.
  • Arnold, Susanne (1993): An early court in Ellwangen . In: Geschichts- und Altertumsverein EV (Ed.), Ellwanger Jahrbuch 1991/1992 Volume XXXIV, Ellwangen: Schwabenverlag, pp. 108–110.
  • Hans Pfeifer: Ellwangen. Art and history from 1250 years , 1st edition Ulm: Süddeutsche Verlagsgesellschaft Ulm, 2000.
novel

swell

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Michael Ströhmer: Carolina (Constitutio Criminalis Carolina, CCC). The embarrassing neck court order of Emperor Charles V in the context of the early modern witch trials historicum.net, February 15, 2006
  2. ^ Arno Buschmann: Criminal Court and Law 2004, p. 7 ff.
  3. ↑ Quoted from Wolfgang Mährle: Oh woe to the poor souls. The persecution of witches in the prince provost of Ellwangen (1588–1694), p. 436.