Conflict in Oaxaca

The conflict in Oaxaca is the climax of the mobilization of civil society organizations , which paralyzed large parts of Oaxaca de Juarez , capital of the Mexican state Oaxaca , from mid-2006 and resulted in a wave of state repression. In the course of the mobilization in 2006, the People's Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) was constituted from the independent section 22 of the national teachers' union SNT and numerous social organizations, many of them from the indigenous population . One of the main demands of APPO was the resignation of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz . Ruiz will u. a. accused of having come to power through electoral fraud and of corrupting the state . At least 26 people were killed, most of them members of the APPO, during the conflict, the recapture by the army and the repression that followed.

Meaning in Mexico

Although the conflict arose due to internal factors related to the state of the state, it was followed closely throughout Mexico as it climaxed at a politically unstable period. On July 2, 2006, the left-wing presidential candidate of the left-wing Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) , Andrés Manuel López Obrador , was defeated by the candidate of the ruling National Action Party (PAN), Felipe Calderón . López Obrador and his supporters accuse Calderón of electoral fraud and announced the establishment of an anti-government. PAN officials feared that a successful removal of Governor Ruiz could strengthen the Obrador cause. Calderón also relied on the votes of Ruiz's PRI party in Congress.

Furthermore, on May 3 and 4, 2006 in the small town of San Salvador Atenco in the state of México under the then Governor Enrique Peña Nieto , police forces at the state and national levels used violent violence against demonstrators who opposed the construction of an airport. According to a report by the national human rights commission, 207 people were victims of violent abuse, 145 were arbitrarily arrested and 26 women were sexually assaulted. The events had a radicalizing effect on the protesters in Oaxaca.

Occasionally, parallels are drawn between the APPO and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) , which rebelled in the neighboring state of Chiapas in 1994 and has controlled parts of the country since then. Both organizations are largely supported by indigenous peoples , who make up an important part of the population in both Oaxaca and Chiapas. In contrast to the EZLN, which is essentially a military organization, the APPO sees itself as a purely non-military movement. Nevertheless, there was cooperation between the two organizations as part of the “Other Campaign”, with which the Zapatistas have been seeking a nationwide extra-parliamentary opposition since 2006 .

International attention

The international media initially reported the events in Oaxaca only hesitantly, with the comments being mostly neutral to understanding.

However, after the murder of the American journalist Bradley Roland Will and the invasion of the Policía Federal Preventiva, media interest increased. However, various sides still complained about insufficient international monitoring.

As the conflict escalated, protests broke out in many cities in Europe and America, including Bern, Berlin, Hamburg and Munich. An open letter in support of the APPO and the protests was also published on November 3rd . Signatories include Noam Chomsky , Eduardo Galeano , Michael Hardt , Naomi Klein , Michael Moore , Antonio Negri , Arundhati Roy , Starhawk and Howard Zinn .

criticism

The conflict has mainly damaged the tourism industry in Oaxaca. Not only for large hotels, but also for small family businesses that are dependent on tourism, there was no income for almost a year. This applied not only to the actual scene of the conflict, the city of Oaxaca, but also to other tourist destinations in southern Mexico.

The participation of urban and visibly subcultural, politically active groups, among them radical students and punks from Mexico City, who joined the APPO in the course of the mobilization, particularly frightened those residents of Oaxaca who did not participate in the mobilization themselves. The state tried again and again to bring the guerrilla group Revolutionary People's Army (EPR) into contact with the APPO. Right-wing paramilitary units are blamed for most of the dead . But a teacher who was critical of the strike was also killed. While Ruiz blames the APPO for this murder, they denied any responsibility. She explained that this murder was also part of Ruiz's escalation strategy that ultimately led to military intervention in Oaxaca. Despite the non-violence often proclaimed by representatives of the APPO, APPO members regularly used stones and bottles as projectiles in disputes with the police and the military . In addition, so-called bazookas , plastic tubes that served as a target for fireworks, were also used on such occasions .

A fighter on the part of the APPO reported on the battle on June 14th: "We picked up everything we could use for defense: iron bars, wooden clubs, the first mollis, etc." In addition, the teachers' strike, which lasted over five months especially children from poorer families because families with better incomes often send their children to private schools.

Many of the Mexican mass media reported mostly critical of the APPO due to their dependence on the government. The occupation of the city was criticized as illegal, and economic damage and destruction in the old town, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, was pointed out.

History of the conflict

prehistory

The conflict between the indigenous people and the government goes back to the founding of the Mexican state of Oaxaca in 1824. 418 of 570 districts in Oaxaca are administered according to the customs of the indigenous village communities. Towards the end of the 20th century, the indigenous population increasingly organized itself. In 1990, in the mountains north of Oaxaca, the Association of Organizations of the Sierra Juárez of Oaxaca ( UNOSJO ) was founded, which joined the APPO in spring 2006. This farmer organization is about the autonomy of living in the Sierra Zapotec population, the preservation of traditional farming methods, as well as the protection of forests, water and local seeds. The organization sits down u. a. against deforestation by foreign timber companies, for the cultivation of organic coffee and against the importation of genetically modified maize.

Since 1984, the teachers 'union has traditionally submitted a petition to the government on May 1st (Teachers' Day) in Oaxaca. In many years, the government went on strike for a week until the government decided to implement some demands. On December 1, 2004, Ulises Ruiz Ortiz was elected Governor of Oaxaca. He is a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that ruled Mexico from 1929 to 2000 and is accused of repression and corruption. The extreme intensification of repression and censorship during his term in office increased anger about the political situation.

The mobilization of 2006 began with the protests of the teachers. Due to the general dissatisfaction with the government's policies, their actions found broad support in the population and with the APPO a movement arose that encompassed a wide range of social groups. The demands of the indigenous population also played an important role. Above all, this included the right to one's own language, to autonomy and to be recognized as citizens with equal rights.

May 2006

On May 1st, section 22 of the SNT teachers' union in Oaxaca demands an increase in wages, better equipment for schools and other social services such as B. Breakfast for the children who often come to class hungry. Ulises Ruiz refuses to respond to any demands and initiates a media hate speech against teachers.

On May 22nd, Section 22 called for a nationwide strike in public schools. The strikers choose the main square (Zócalo) of Oaxaca as the central rally site and starting point for protest marches, with which they bring traffic in the city to a standstill. In the following weeks the Zócalo developed more and more into a field camp. Stands and tents are set up, banners are hung and the walls of the old town houses are labeled with political slogans.

June 2006

Street battles in Oaxaca

On June 14th, after a 23-day strike, a force of around 3,000 local police officers, supported by firefighters and helicopters, arrived at the Zócalo at 3:30 am. There are about 30,000 demonstrators opposing them. In the street battle that followed, the police used tear gas and rubber bullets and the demonstrators used incendiary devices, stones and fireworks. Thanks to the support of the city population, the demonstrators can oppose the eviction of the square. More than a hundred people were hospitalized on that day, and there have not yet been any deaths.

On June 17, in response to the police operation, an umbrella organization, the People's Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), was founded in a gathering of teachers, parents, community officials and members of non-governmental organizations and grassroots groups. She is supposed to coordinate the further protests.

On June 18, the APPO completely rebuilds the camp at the Zócalo and declares the Board of Directors of the City of Oaxaca to be dismissed. Hundreds of barricades are erected in the streets to prevent further police raids. At the same time, the APPO is beginning to mobilize support nationwide and is calling on nationwide to found similar popular organizations. A popular slogan is: "We don't need leaders to solve our problems."

July 2006

The APPO is discussing an election boycott for the presidential and parliamentary elections on July 2nd. In the end, the protesters decide to support the left reformist PRD around Manuel López Obrador. The right-wing PAN wins these elections with a wafer-thin majority. The opposition speaks of electoral fraud. The Guelaguetza festival, which traditionally takes place in the week around July 15th and attracts thousands of visitors every year, is forcibly prevented by the APPO. Protesters are blocking access to the auditorium, which the state government built against resistance from large sections of the population in order to make the celebrations more exclusive. Buses and garbage cans are set on fire and the walls are filled with political slogans such as “Tourists, go home! Here in Oaxaca we are not capitalists ”. Due to the boycott of large parts of the city's population, the government finally canceled the official Guelaguetza celebrations.

August 2006

On August 1st, supporters of APPO TV and radio stations storm the city. Self-managed radios subsequently play an important role in coordinating the protests. The APPO uses these radio stations to disseminate information, to warn of impending police attacks and of the increasingly active paramilitary groups. In addition, the removal of Ulises Ruiz and the release of a growing number of political prisoners are repeatedly called for. Paramilitary groups, which are often loyal to the ruling party PRI, repeatedly carry out nightly armed attacks on APPO-controlled radio stations and destroy the stations in the process. These attacks escalate violence. Again and again, paramilitaries attack the APPO's barricades. The people involved are exposed as members of organizations loyal to the government and as local plainclothes police officers. These attacks often end in shootings that also result in deaths. The governor Ulises Ruiz is evicted from the government building and holed up in the international airport.

September 2006

On September 14th, teachers and APPO members take over the administration building of Huautla de Jiménez, a village in the Sierra Mazateca north of Oaxaca.

On September 20, a caravan set off from Oaxaca for Mexico City to seek direct dialogue with representatives of the Mexican state.

October 2006

On October 9, the caravan arrives in the government district of Mexico City and starts a dialogue.

On October 26, 2006, it was agreed that the teachers would resume teaching after 5 months and return to the schools.

On October 27, 2006, during clashes between APPO members and paramilitaries, the American political activist and indymedia reporter Bradley Roland Will from New York and the teachers Emilio Alonso Fabián and Esteban López Zurita were shot dead.

Oaxaca's chief justice officer Lizbeth Cana claims the shooting was provoked by the protesters themselves and that the perpetrators were also Oaxacan city residents. The American ambassador to Mexico, Toni Garza, suspects the perpetrators were members of the local police.

The incumbent Mexican President Vicente Fox uses the murder of Brad Will as an opportunity to send the PFP Federal Police to Oaxaca.

On October 29th, another force of around 3,500 federal police officers, 3,000 military police officers and 3,000 soldiers entered Oaxaca. Despite this overwhelming power, the demonstrators violently defend themselves against an evacuation operation. At least two people are killed in the fighting. The APPO radio reports police raids on the houses of activists. Helicopters drop tear gas grenades on protesters. The APPO speaks of 'dozen' deaths. unknown.

The Mexican Catholic Bishops' Conference supports the intervention of the Federal Police in the conflict.

November 2006

On November 6, there were bomb attacks on banks and a restaurant in Mexico City in connection with the uprising in Oaxaca. The federal election tribunal and the auditorium at the PRI headquarters are also damaged by explosions. People are not harmed. An alliance of five left-wing groups is committed to the attacks. The groups organized in the APPO, however, deny that they were involved or that they knew about it in advance.

Between November 14th and 17th, the APPO held a congress with the aim of giving Oaxaca a new constitution, despite the massive presence of the PFP Federal Police. A council of 260 representatives from various regions of the country is formed, including 40 representatives from the teachers' union. The task of this council is to develop alternative political proposals.

On November 17th, the last day of the congress, there were serious clashes with the police. As a result of the street battles, the APPO counts 17 dead and forty prisoners in its ranks.

On November 25, 2006, another major demonstration organized by the APPO led to violent clashes with the police. The march begins peacefully, but the situation worsens as protesters attempt to retake the Zócalo. The police use tear gas and rubber bullets. The fighting quickly spread across the city, with APPO members defending their barricades with projectiles and fireworks. The police forcefully clear the APPO camp in front of the Santo Domingo Church. There are three deaths, many injured and at least 160 arrested from the ranks of the APPO.

Cars, government offices and a university building and a trade association were set on fire in response to police brutality on November 25 and 26. Three hotels are attacked and shops looted.

On November 27, the chief of the Federal Police (PFP), Ardelio Vargas, announced: “There will be no more tolerance […] for those who break the law. The powers and orders of arrest are strictly enforced by the police, but by local police officers and judges ”. These announcements are being carried out in a wave of repression reminiscent of the "dirty war" of the 1970s in Mexico. Movement leaders are arrested and the offices of numerous social organizations ransacked and destroyed.

In the days that followed, the APPO removed the last of its barricades and passed control of the university radio station to the rector. Some APPO leaders go into hiding to avoid arrest.

December 2006

On December 4th, one of the symbolic leaders of the APPO, Flavio Sosa, was arrested for alleged involvement in barricade building and vandalism in Oaxaca. His brother, Horacio, and two other men are also arrested. The PRD, of which Sosa is a member, takes on his defense.

The following week, PFP federal police also arrested members of the Oaxaca State Police on suspicion of murdering APPO members during the clashes.

July 2007

The APPO does not take part in the local elections in Oaxaca and calls for abstention, resulting in an extremely low turnout (23%). The ruling party wins. In addition, there is a boycott of the traditional Guelaguetza festival by around 10,000 demonstrators, while the police are again using violence. A second wave of arrests followed with kidnappings and attacks on activists.

October 2009

In a resolution, the Supreme Court found that Governor Ulises Ruiz was guilty of serious human rights violations. This rejects the resolution and any responsibility.

December 2010

With Gabino Cué Monteagudo of the multi-party coalition PAN , PRD , Convergencia and PT, a candidate who does not belong to the PRI wins the gubernatorial elections for the first time in the recent history of the state . He sets himself apart from his predecessor Ulises Ruiz and pursues an open policy towards civil society. He officially acknowledges the previous government's guilt in the 2006 conflict and agrees to pay compensation. In addition, after a long reluctance to do so, he approved a truth commission, which the victims had long called for, to clarify the events of that time. Despite his credible human rights agenda, there has been no conviction to date for the violence during the conflict, which is largely attributed to the great influence of the PRI cadre, including under his government and administration.

Truth Commission to Investigate Human Rights Abuses in 2006 and 2007

In November 2014, the government of the state of Oaxaca under Governor Cué set up a Truth Commission ( Comisión de la Verdad ) headed by Alejandro Solalinde to review the acts of violence in 2006 and 2007, including any responsibility of then Governor Ruiz for those committed in those years Will investigate human rights abuses and is expected to present its report in March 2016.

See also

• Indymedia
• Peace Brigades International
• Partido Liberal Mexicano
• Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
• Promovio eV - Association for the promotion of the Indian human rights movement in Oaxaca / Mexico

Web links

Article on 2006

• FAZ: Summary article as of October 30, 2006
• Laura Carlsen - Oaxaca fights back

Videos from 2006

• Documentation: Un poquito de tanta verdad (Spanish)
• Documentation: En Oaxaca no pasa nada (Spanish / French)
• Documentary "El enemigo comun" *
• Eyewitness report and video on the events of October 29, 2006
• A teacher talks about his impressions from 2006
• From the edge of the blade (English)

Organizations

• Website of the organization Codigo-DH, successor to the Comité 25 de Noviembre, which represents a large number of the victims in 2006 (Spanish)
• Website of the organization Limeddh, which also represents victims from 2006 (Spanish)
• Official website of the CODEP, one of the strongest political groups in the heterogeneous spectrum of the APPO with current reports (Spanish)

Blogs & Newspapers

• El Enemigo Comun - Blog, founded in solidarity with the movement in 2006, which today covers left-wing, grassroots issues from all over Mexico.
• Chiapas98 - Left-wing, German-language news portal on developments in Oaxaca
• Noticias - The largest daily newspaper in Oaxaca, which then sided with the demonstrators (Spanish)

swell

1. ↑ Ciudadana Express January 2, 2008 http://ciudadania-express.com/2008/10/02/informe-los-derechos-humanos-en-oaxaca-2004-2008/
2. ↑ CNDH pide reparar daño por operativos de Atenco , El Universal, 17 October 2006.
3. ^ Indymedia: The "Other Campaign" in San Luis Potosi, November 16, 2006
4. ↑ for example the Tagesschau (tagesschau.de archive), the BBC , the Standard or the New York Times
5. ^ Page no longer available , search in web archives: San Jose Mercury News, November 6, 2006
6. ↑ Letter In Support Of The People Of Oaxaca ( Memento of March 14, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
7. ↑ Focus: World Heritage City Blooms Again, February 29, 2008
8. ^ Jungle-World: Allegedly close contacts between the Appo and the People's Revolutionary Army (EPR) June 5, 2008
9. ↑ Washington Post October 7, 2006 .
10. ^ Spiegel: Insurgents from Oaxaca march on. November 5, 2006
11. ^ Claudio (letter): People's uprising in Oaxaca / Mexico, November 6, 2006
12. ↑ SIPAZ: Key dates of indigenous history in Oaxaca, April 11, 2007 ( Memento of January 5, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
13. ^ WOZ: No calm after the storm, September 6, 2007
14. ↑ Noticias: Crónica de la Guelaguetza Popular, July 27, 2006 ( Memento of September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
15. ↑ Porros infiltrados sabotean transmisor de Radio Universidad, August 10, 2006 ( Memento of September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) broadcast on November 15, 2006
16. ↑ La Jornada: Para los muertos de Oaxaca, November 2, 2006 ( Memento of January 13, 2007 in the Internet Archive ), broadcast on November 15, 2006; La Jornada: a catedrático de la Universidad de Oaxaca, August 9, 2006 ( Memento of March 8, 2007 in the Internet Archive ), broadcast on November 15, 2006
17. ↑ La Jornada: Desaparecer poderes en Oaxaca, exige la APPO al Congreso de la Unión, August 12, 2006 ( Memento of March 10, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
18. ↑ Der Standard: Oaxaca Uprising, October 13, 2006
19. ↑ Tagesschau: Indymedia reporter in Oaxaca with high probability deliberately shot by police officers, November 1, 2006
20. ↑ Indymedia: APPO Reports Two Dead in Confrontations with Federal Police in Oaxac, October 30, 2006 ( Memento of the original from January 3, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. 
21. ↑ indymedia: Violence flares in Oaxaca, Indymedia reporter murdered, October 30, 2006 Indymedia: Rough english translation Radio APPO broadcast, October 30, 2006
22. ↑ Critican Obispos de Oaxaca que la haya CEM avalado ingreso de la PFP, February 9th 2008
23. ^ Scotiabank targeted in Mexican bombing campaign El Universal, November 6, 2006
24. ^ Leftist rebels claim responsibility for Mexico City blasts; demand Oaxaca governor resign
25. ↑ Constituye la APPO su Consejo Estatal, November 14, 2006 ( Memento of September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
26. ↑ Oaxaca: The End of Tolerance, November 28, 2006 ( Memento of the original from December 2, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. 
27. ↑ El Universal: APPO protest deteriorates into violence, November 26, 2006 ( Memento from December 2, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) CounterPunch: The Dirty War of Oaxaca, December 2, 2006
28. ↑ CNN: Buildings torched, dozens injured in Mexican tourist town, November 26, 2006 ( Memento of December 20, 2006 in the Internet Archive )
29. ↑ El Norte: requires subscription, "Se acabó la tolerancia en Oaxaca.- PFP"
30. ↑ Page no longer available , search in web archives: El Universal: "PFP sweep nets arrest of Sosa's brother"
31. ↑ El Universal: "Eerie calm falls over city since troubles began" ( Memento from September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
32. ↑ Indagan en Oaxaca a cuerpos policiacos
33. ↑ http://sipaz.wordpress.com/2009/10/22/oaxaca-resolucion-de-la-suprema-corte-en-el-caso-oaxaca/
34. ↑ Pedro Matías: Encabeza Solalinde Comisión de la Verdad en Oaxaca , in: Proceso. Semanario de información y análisis (published in Mexico City), November 24, 2014.