Partido Liberal Mexicano
The Partido Liberal Mexicano (German: Liberal Mexican Party ) was an organization that existed from 1901 to 1913 and emerged from the previously existing Clubes Liberales in opposition to the authoritarian Mexican President Porfirio Díaz . In its early years, the party functioned as an oppositional reservoir, but at the same time it was characterized by an anarcho-syndicalist attitude. For example, the party's manifesto from 1911 called for the “smashing of all political, economic, social, religious and moral institutions” that “stifle free initiative and the free association of people.” The most influential representative of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM ) was the revolutionary and anarchist Ricardo Flores Magón .
The PLM was the most influential militant opposition movement in the period before the Mexican Revolution . During the revolution, the group gained control of the state of Baja California for a few months , but was unable to assert itself in all of Mexico.
history
Prehistory and foundation
The first activities of the later actors of the PLM began at the turn of the century, i.e. 11 years before the start of the Mexican Revolution. In 1900, the authoritarian President Porfirio Díaz had ruled for two decades; he had temporary presidency restrictions removed from the constitution. Opposition movements were confronted with restrictions on freedom of expression and the press, prison terms and political murders. At the same time, however, Porfirio Díaz could count on the support of at least parts of the middle and upper classes, since his presidency brought political stability, economic upswing and foreign investment with it. When the Flores Magón brothers began to publish social revolutionary texts in the Regeneración magazine in 1900 , they were operating in an environment of relative political stability. The opposition Congreso Liberal organized by Camilo Arriaga in 1901 in San Luis Potosí did nothing to change this. The poor living conditions of the agricultural and industrial workers also did not lead to a general revolutionary mood in Mexico. Yet historians often describe opposition activities at the turn of the century as harbingers of the Mexican Revolution.
Initially, however, the opposition activities only led to increased repression; Ricardo Flores Magón was arrested and sent to prison. He then went into exile in the United States, like many other members of the opposition . His first stop was Chicago , where he felt so threatened by the Mexican secret service that he briefly fled to Canada. Eventually, he decided to move to St. Louis , Missouri , where the PLM was founded in 1905. Ricardo Flores Magón was elected President of the new party. Other members of the junta were Juan Sarabia (Vice President), Antonio Virral (Party Secretary) and Enrique Flores Magón (Treasurer). The PLM was never recognized as an official party in Mexico, but in the pre-revolutionary period it developed into the central reservoir of the radical opposition to Porfirio Díaz. Founding members of the PLM were Camilo Arriaga , Antonio I. Villarreal and Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama .
The Cananea strike
A strike by miners in the city of Cananea on the border between Mexico and Arizona should point the way for the later actions of the revoltos around Flores Magón . The strike was triggered by a new employment contract that included lower wages and layoffs. At the same time, however, workers were outraged by the mine policy of only admitting US citizens to higher positions.
Mexican troops and a volunteer army from the United States jointly crushed the strike, killing between 20 and 200 miners. Letters have been received asking the PLM from Cananea for support in the form of large arms deliveries, but the group around Flores Magón was logistically unable to carry out such actions.
The failed strike in Cananea had two effects on the PLM. On the one hand, the goal was to bring about a revolution in Mexico by supporting labor disputes and social unrest. On the other hand, the mine strike prompted the Mexican government to urge its friendly US to fight the PLM. On July 12, 1906, David Patterson Dyer , the state attorney for eastern Missouri, began an investigation on the orders of the US Department of Justice . On September 5, the United States Ambassador to Mexico reported that a 500 to 800-strong Arizona Revolutionary Army was planning to advance into Cananea. Arrests in Arizona followed the storming of the Regeneración editorial office in St. Louis. William Greene, the owner of the copper mines in Cananea, blamed PLM activist Manuel Sarabia for the strike, but was unable to win the support of the American authorities.
Veracruz riots
In September 1906, the PLM junta reached Mexico's northern border with the aim of starting a revolt in the area. The action was coordinated with Hilario Salas , who organized the PLM in the state of Veracruz and had a group of opposition members gathered around him. However, the Mexican government had learned of the plans on the northern border, made preparations and the group around Flores Magón decided not to take action.
However, Hilario Salas decided to rebel in Veracruz and declared in a manifesto the PLM's armed revolt against Porfirio Díaz. Salas divided his approximately 1,000 poorly armed supporters into three groups, each of which was to conquer a garrison . The destinations were Acayucan , Minatitlán and Puerto México . The action failed, Salas was seriously injured and the insurgents had to retreat to the mountains. Over the next two years, the injured Salas hid in various places and did not resume active opposition until 1908.
Nevertheless, Veracruz remained a center of resistance against Porfirio Díaz. In early 1907, PLM members José Neira Gómez and Juan Olivar were among the organizers of a textile workers' strike in Río Blanco. In December 1906, textile workers in Tlaxcala and Puebla went on strike and asked Díaz for personal mediation in the conflict. However, Díaz sided with the factory owners, demanded that work be resumed and forbade any further organization of the workers. After this decision, the textile workers in Río Blanco also went on strike. The thirteenth battalion was sent to Río Blanco, and 400 to 800 textile workers were killed in the crackdown.
Actions in the United States
In October 1906, the PLM met in El Paso ( Texas ) to plan further actions. However, Mexican authorities learned of the meeting point and in turn informed the United States. When the meeting stormed, Ricardo Flores Magón was able to flee, while Juan Sarabia was arrested and spent the next five years in prison. The United States then placed a bounty on Flores Magón.
Because of these setbacks and further arrests, it took two years for the PLM to feel strong enough to carry out minor attacks on Mexico's northern border. On June 25, 1908, the place Viesca in Coahuila was taken. One police officer was killed in the attack, another police officer and a member of the PLM were injured. Although the village was not damaged in the attack, the residents did not want the PLM fighters in their place, whereupon the PLM also withdrew. At the same time as Viesca, another location, Las Vacas, was attacked by PLM fighters. Here, too, the capture was successful, but not a long-term conquest. Las Vacas was protected by a garrison and the fighting resulted in heavy casualties on both sides. Even if the garrison could be captured, the PLM decided to retreat in the face of many dead.
The beginning of the Mexican revolution
In 1908, Porfirio Díaz excited Mexico through an interview with US journalist James Creelman, as he announced that he would give up his power and no longer want to run for elections in 1910. Encouraged by the prospect of political change, publications calling for reforms appeared. Among other things, the book La Sucesión Presidencial en 1910 by Francisco Madero , in which it was demanded that Díaz must forego running again in the next election. At the same time, Díaz's announcement caused great uncertainty among the country's political elite and he was urged to stand for re-election.
In fact, Díaz decided on another term, but had created an influential political opponent in Madero. Díaz reacted to this situation with the usual strategy of repression: Madero was arrested on election day and Díaz was declared the winner of the election. This electoral fraud is considered to be the real trigger for the Mexican Revolution: Madero escaped from prison, fled to Texas and called for an armed uprising against Porfirio Díaz.
The electoral fraud and Madero's resistance brought the PLM into conflict: on the one hand, the overthrow of the hated Díaz regime was within reach, and on the other, Madero did not share the social and anarchist views of the PLM in the least. Even the PLM management could not agree on a line. Antonio Villarreal and Juan Sarabia joined Madero and were followed by countless former PLM supporters. In contrast, Ricardo Flores Magón was not ready to give up his social revolutionary project and was determined to carry his anarchist position into the Mexican revolution.
The conquest of Baja California
When the anti-Portifistas uprisings increased throughout Mexico in 1911, the PLM, organized around Flores Magón, decided to take action directly in Mexico. The Magonistas left their exile to invade Baja California on the California border . The Baja should thus become the starting point for an anarchist revolution in all of Mexico. The PLM had smaller associations in 13 Mexican states, but they were not capable of far-reaching action. A 200-strong PLM unit in Chihuahua had to surrender to Madero's troops in February and surrender their weapons. Baja California was the only place where the PLM was capable of large-scale operation.
Many of the members of the Revolutionary Army in Baja California were not Mexicans, but American and international members of the Industrial Workers of the World , the Socialist Party of America, and deserters of the US military . The PLM also received support from popular American anarchists such as Emma Goldman , who campaigned for support for the Magonistas during the Tijuana battle in the twin city of San Diego . The international composition of the army and the headquarters of the PLM in Los Angeles repeatedly accused the Magonistas of actually wanting to make Baja California part of the United States, a theory that is viewed as unrealistic in contemporary research. The American side also speculated that the PLM wanted to make Baja California an independent anarcho-syndicalist state, while Flores Magón declared in the Regeneración that it wanted to implement "the social revolution in all of Mexico and around the world". On January 29, the Magonistas invaded Mexicali under the leadership of Jose Maria Leyva and Simon Berthold . In the months that followed, most of the settlements in Baja California were brought under the control of the PLM, including Mexicali, Tijuana and Tecate . Tijuana was taken against Flores Magón's original will on May 8, 1911 by a unit of about 220 soldiers around Carol Ap Rhys Pryce , who was elected general by the soldiers according to the principles of the Magonistas. In Tijuana, the anarchist ideals of PLM were also to be implemented for the first time: a four-hour working day was set, land redistributions carried out and absolute individual freedom proclaimed.
The capture of Tijuana represented the greatest military victory of the PLM, only the conquest of the little defended provincial capital Ensenada was still outstanding. However, this conquest did not take place, logistical and financial problems played a role as well as tensions between the Mexican and international soldiers. In addition, Berthold was shot under unknown circumstances and finally died on April 15, 1911. The attack on Ensenada was initially delayed and finally abandoned completely. On June 22, 1911, government troops marched into Tijuana, ending the PLM's five-month control of Baja California.
The failure of the Baja company had various causes. The north-west of Mexico was extremely sparsely populated, so that the Magonistas could not count on local insurgents. Enthusiastic support for the occupation of the insignificant and marginal province was also not to be expected from central Mexico. Ultimately, the close links between PLM and activists and soldiers from the USA led to distrust in nationalist and anti-American-minded Mexico. Magón defended himself with reference to his anarchist-internationalist convictions: “In the ranks of the liberals there are fighters who are not our nationality but our ideological brothers. [...] You sacrifice yourself to break our chains of slavery. "
With this argument he could not convince many Mexicans, especially since events in Tijuana seemed to confirm the danger of a secession from Mexico or an annexation by the United States. Even before the conquest of Tijuana, the actor Dick Ferris had sent a telegram to Porfirio Díaz, pointing out that the Mexican government was apparently unable to control Baja California. In this situation, Díaz should transfer the area to Ferris and thus enable the establishment of an independent republic. While this proposal was not realistic, it led to increased distrust of the events in Baja California. After conquering Tijuana, Ferris obtained the release of PLM general Pryce, who had been arrested for violating American neutrality laws.
Ferris held a big victory celebration in honor of Pryce in Tijuana. After Pryes had left Tijuana, Ferris declared himself a general and called on the PLM soldiers to give up socialism and turn to capitalism. He declared Baja California an independent New Republic of Lower California and also designed a new flag for his state. Ferris project was not well received, he was immediately deposed by the Magonistas and the PLM junta sharply distinguished itself from Ferris. Even if the political actions of the actor Ferris were hardly to be taken seriously, the events led to a further discrediting of the PLM in Mexico. The proclamation of a new state by a US citizen on Mexican soil was a disaster for the reputation of the PLM in Mexico.
Influence on Zapata and the end of PLM
After the failure of the project in Baja California, the Magonistas could no longer actively influence the turmoil of the Mexican Revolution. Francisco Madero's supporters quickly defeated the government troops in central locations and on May 21, 1911, the Tratados de Ciudad Juárez were signed, which regulated Madero's takeover. Madero's unfortunate and brief presidency, however, only ushered in a new chapter in the Mexican revolution. The inexperienced president made himself unpopular with both large groups of supporters: the social revolutionary groups and the conservative bourgeoisie. Emiliano Zapata in particular was disappointed by the lack of land reforms, turned against Maderos and took a position that the hard core of the PLM had taken from the beginning: Ending the Díaz rule was not enough, comprehensive social improvements had to be implemented. Zapata's uprising was now heavily influenced by the ideas of the PLM and even led under the slogan of the Magonistas "tierra y libertad" (German: "Land and freedom").
Madero was not overthrown by Zapata, but by a military coup by General Victoriano Huerta , who murdered Madero and declared himself president. The Huertas coup sparked widespread resistance in Mexico: In addition to Zapata, Venustiano Carranza , Pancho Villa and Álvaro Obregón also turned against the new military ruler. However, the PLM was still unable to intervene in what was happening. But even the fall of Huerta in 1914 did not bring the civil war to an end. Carranza, who had been declared president, implemented a constitutional reform that also included many changes in the interests of the Zapatistas and the PLM. Nevertheless, Carranza was not ready to carry out the land reforms demanded by the increasingly social revolutionary groups around Zapata and Villa. Carranza put a bounty on Zapata, who was murdered on August 10, 1919. In 1920 Carranza was overthrown by his former ally Álvaro Obregón with the help of angry Zapatistas and finally replaced by Obregón as president. At the beginning of the 1920s, the civil war phase of the revolution that had devastated large parts of Mexico ended. The result was a progressive constitution that was often ignored by presidents over the next few decades.
The PLM had observed many events of the Mexican Revolution from exile in Los Angeles and also encountered increasing repression in the United States. As early as June 1911, the Flores Magón brothers and other members of the PLM were charged, but released on bail. However, in June 1912 they were found guilty and sentenced to 23 months in prison on McNeil Island. The condemnation was followed by protests by exiled Mexicans and American anarchists. According to the Los Angeles Examiner , a protest followed on November 25, 1912, "one of the wildest riots witnessed on the streets of Los Angeles." (German: "One of the wildest riots that were experienced on the streets of Los Angeles.") Despite support, the PLM was severely weakened by the failed company in Baja California and arrests, financial problems meant that the Regeneración only appeared irregularly .
In the course of World War I and even more so after the USA entered the war, anarchists were seen as an internal threat and new laws such as the Espionage Act of 1917 were passed. After the publication of a new edition of the Regeneración , Ricardo Flores Magón was arrested on March 21, 1918 and sentenced to 21 years in prison. He died on November 22, 1922 in Fort Leavenworth , Kansas prison .
Political positions
The political positions of the PLM are well documented by the numerous articles in the Regeneración . The most famous PLM texts include the party program from 1906 and the party's manifesto from 1911. The two texts also represent different aspects of the PLM. The program of 1906 was formulated in a comparatively moderate way and aimed to address broad opposition to Díaz. Ricardo Flores Magón later called the text from 1906 an "un tímido programa" (German: "An anxious program"). In contrast, the 1911 Manifesto made far more radical demands. The anarchist texts are strongly influenced by European classics such as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Pjotr Alexejewitsch Kropotkin . Another important influence was contact with American anarchists like Emma Goldman.
1906 program
The PLM formulated central positions in 1906 in the Programa del Partido Liberal Mexicano . Many demands can be understood as a direct reaction to the authoritarian rule of Porfirio Díaz, whose overthrow was always the declared aim of the PLM. For example, the militarism of contemporary Mexico was countered by the abolition of conscription, and in times of peace the army was to be completely replaced by a national guard. The laws on freedom of the press and expression should be liberalized and only forbid defamation and extortion by law. Another clear reaction to Díaz's rule was the demand that presidencies be limited to a four-year term.
The PLM program also aimed to bring about decisive improvements for the lower classes and for all of Mexico. On the one hand, a radical expansion of the educational system was called for. Another item on the program was extensive land reforms , which should include a redistribution of arable land. This demand went far beyond the withdrawal of the development of large estates of the Díaz period. Large landowners should only be allowed to keep their land under two conditions: On the one hand, the land would have to be cultivated, and on the other hand, the peóns (mostly indigenous , unskilled agricultural workers) would have to be paid a legally prescribed wage. Areas not used accordingly should be transferred to landless people . For factory workers, hygiene and safety standards should be set, working hours limited to eight hours a day and a minimum wage set.
The historian and Latin Americanist Charles Cumberland emphasizes that many of the demands of the 1906 program are implemented in Mexico's 1917 constitution :
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One is struck, on studying the program of the Liberal Party, by the number of provisions later included in the Constitution of 1917; It is difficult to find any part of the program which has not become a part of the governmental and legal system of Mexico. […] Although there is little evidence to indicate that the program of the Liberal Party was used as a basis for the present constitution, one could almost see the Constitution of 1917 evolve from the earlier statement of aims by the Liberals. |
When studying the Liberal Party's program, it becomes apparent how many regulations were later included in the 1917 constitution. It is difficult to find a part of the program that did not later become part of the state and legal system of Mexico. […] While there is little evidence to suggest that the Liberal Party's program was used as the basis for the current constitution, one can almost see how the 1917 constitution evolved from the early goals of the Liberals. |
1911 Manifesto
In the Manifiesto del 23 de septiembre de 1911 radical demands are made that differ fundamentally from the PLM program of 1906: The signatories Ricardo Flores Magón, Anselmo Figueroa, Librado Rivera, Enrique Flores Magón and Antonio de Aruajo no longer formulate them detailed reform proposals that are possible for a majority. Rather, capital, authority and clergy are described as enemies to which the PLM has declared war. This "trinidad sombría" (German: "gloomy trinity") creates a paradise on earth for itself by making life hell for agricultural and factory workers.
At the root of these problems, however, is the concept of private property , which leads governments to brutally suppress the demands of the disadvantaged and the church to preach calm, resignation and humility. Private property favors the most cunning, selfish and unscrupulous people and thus leads to a constant class struggle between the favored and the disadvantaged. In contrast, every human being has the unconditional right to enjoy all the advances made by modern civilization simply by existence.
According to the PLM, the negative effect of property goes far beyond the economic exploitation of people: "Todos los males que aquejan al ser humano provienen del sistema actual" (German: "All the evils that torment people result from." the current system ”), including robbery, prostitution, arson, murder and fraud. From the fundamental criticism of the conception of property, the PLM derives a comprehensive expropriation claim , which should not be limited to agriculture:
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hay que tomar resueltamente posesión de todas las industrias por los trabaja dores de las mismas, consiguiéndose de esa manera que las tierras, las minas, las fábricas, los talleres, las fundiciones, los carros, los ferrocarriles, los barcos, los almacenes de todo género y las casas queden en poder de todos y cada uno de los habitantes de México, sin distinción de sexo. |
The determined occupation of industries by their workers is necessary in order that the lands, factories, factories, automobiles, railroads, ships, and all kinds of warehouses come under the control of every inhabitant of Mexico, without distinction between them Genders. |
The residents of the individual regions should collect all income and possessions in central locations where an accurate estimate of the stocks is possible. Then it would be distributed fairly according to the needs of the residents. The manifesto closes with the Magonist motto "¡Tierra y Libertad!" (German: "Land und Freiheit!"), which was adopted by the Zapatistas and other social movements.
effect
Mexico
With the end of the Mexican Revolution's civil war phase, former revolutionaries had taken power in Mexico City, even if it wasn't the social revolutionary camp around Zapata, Villa or the PLM. A liberal constitution was passed as early as 1917, which in many respects corresponded to the demands of the PLM program from 1906. In 1920, President Obregón appointed Antonio I. Villarreal, a former member of the PLM, to the cabinet as Mexican Agriculture Minister . In 1929 the Partido Nacional Revolucionario was founded, which held power without interruption until 2000 under the name Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI).
Under the rule of the PRI, positive references to the Mexican revolutionaries became part of official history politics and national symbolism. Although the PLM activists were never given the importance of Zapata or Villa, Ricardo Flores Magón in particular was presented as a national hero . His hometown San Antonio Eloxochitlán is now called Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón , and numerous schools, libraries and streets are named after him. On the other hand, the discrepancy between the anarchist ideals of the PLM and the authoritarian style of rule of the PRI led to Flores Magón and other revolutionaries being understood as symbols of resistance against the Mexican state. The clearest example of this discrepancy is the suppression of the student strike of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México in 1968, which ended in the Tlatelolco massacre and in which several hundred students were murdered by the Mexican military.
The influence of the Magonistas on the opposition to the PRI becomes particularly clear from the 1990s after the armed uprising of the modern "Zapatistas" of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) in Chiapas in 1994 . Although the EZLN chose Zapata, the revolutionary leader of the south, as the namesake, there are also numerous references to Magonism. For example, one of the Municipios Autónomos Zapatistas (German: autonomous Zapatista communities) bears the name Ricardo Flores Magón . The connection is even stronger in the state of Oaxaca , where Flores Magón was born and in which uprisings of the Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca broke out in 2004 . For example, the Consejo Indígena Popular de Oaxaca "Ricardo Flores Magón" (German: Council of the Indigenous People of Oaxaca "Ricardo Flores Magón") was formed in which 26 indigenous communities are organized with the aim of non - violent self-government based on the principles of the Magonistas perform.
Finally, the effect of the PLM is shown by the short-lived establishment of a new Partido Liberal Mexicano , which claimed to continue the ideals of the Magonistas. The new PLM competed in the 2003 congressional elections, but received only 108,377 votes (0.41%) and was then withdrawn from the election.
International
While the PLM has an impact on Mexico's current political culture, the Magonista movement is not widely received internationally. In historical treatises on the history of anarchist movements, events in Europe and the United States are in the foreground, and even in debates with social movements in the Mexican Revolution, Zapata and Villa tend to be the focus of attention.
Nevertheless, effects can also be observed outside of Mexico. This is most evident in the Chicano movement in the United States. "Chicano" was originally a derogatory term for Mexican migrants and Americans with Mexican ancestry. From the 1960s, under the influence of the agricultural workers' union led by César Chávez and the student protests , the term developed into a self-denotation with positive connotations, expressing the desire for an independent political and cultural identity. As part of the radicalized Chicano movement, which was shaped by agricultural workers' strikes, the PLM activists, as anarchist border crossers between the United States and Mexico, also developed into figures of identification. Juan Gómez-Quiñones , Chicano activist and director of the Chicano Studies Research Center at the University of California, Los Angeles , had a decisive influence on this development with the book Las ideas políticas de Ricardo Flores Magón published in 1977 .
In other areas of the American continent, too, social movements were influenced by the PLM, such as Argentine anarchism, which came into contact with the ideas of PLM through the Argentine writer Diego Abad de Santillán . In Europe, however, the history of PLM is still largely unknown. In German, for example, there is little more than a compact collection of texts by Flores Magón available. In addition, Flores Magón can occasionally be found in popular culture as a revolutionary icon, for example the French punk band Brigada Flores Magon named itself after the most famous member of the PLM.
literature
Primary literature
- Editions of the Regeneración 1900–1918, accessible online
- Ricardo Flores Magón: Dreams of Freedom: A Ricardo Flores Magón Reader , AK Press , 2005, ISBN 1-904859-24-0
- Ricardo Flores Magón: Ricardo Flores Magon: El sueno alternativo , Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1995, ISBN 968-16-4523-5
Secondary literature
- Javier Torres Pares: La revolucion sin frontera: El Partido Liberal Mexicano y las relaciones entre el movimiento obrero de Mexico y el de Estados Unidos, 1900-1923 , Ediciones y Distribuciones Hispanicas, 1990, ISBN 968-36-1099-4
- Rubén Trejo: Magonism: Utopia and Practice in the Mexican Revolution 1910–1913. Translated by Martin Schwarzbach. 1st edition, Verlag Edition AV, Lich 2006, ISBN 3-936049-65-3 (Orig .: Magonismo: utopía y revolución, 1910–1913 , Cultura Libre, 2005).
- Ethel Duffy Turner: Ricardo Flores Magón y el Partido Liberal Mexicano , Editorial del CEN, 1984
- Juan Gomez-Quinones: Sembradores: Ricardo Flores Magon y el Partido Liberal Mexicano: A Eulogy and Critique , 1973, Chicano Studies Center Publications, ISBN 0-89551-010-3
Web links
- Archivo Electronico Ricardo Flores Magón (Spanish)
- Documents of Magonism (Spanish)
- Comprehensive bibliography ( RTF ; 16 kB)
Individual evidence
- ↑ cf. Markus Kampkötter: Emiliano Zapata - Vom Bauernführer zur Legende (Münster: Unrast Verlag , 1996), p. 23 ISBN 3-928300-40-7 ; Kampkötter puts the founding year at 1901 and the emergence of the liberal clubs that previously existed loosely and independently of one another. He also reports that the future president Francisco Madero was initially also a member of the party, but after about five years distanced himself from it because he rejected the increasing radicalization caused by the influence of the North American anarchists. The founding year 1906, which is often attributed to the party, is likely to be related to the fact that Ricardo Flores Magón wrote an official party program in April 1906 from his exile in Canada.
- ↑ a b c d Manifiesto del 23 de septiembre de 1911 , Regeneracion , edition of January 20, 1912.
- ↑ Michael C. Meyer, William L. Sherman, Susan M. Deeds: The Course of Mexican History , Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006, ISBN 0-19-517836-X
- ^ Encyclopædia Britannica : "Mexico Precursors of revolution", 2008 and Charles C. Cumberland: "Precursors of the Mexican Revolution of 1910" in: The Hispanic American Historical Review , Vol. 22, No. 2, 1942, pp. 344-356
- ^ William Dirk Raat: "The Diplomacy of Suppression: Los Revoltosos, Mexico, and the United States, 1906-1911", in: The Hispanic American Historical Review , Vol. 56, no. 4, 1976, p. 532
- ↑ Manuel González Ramírez: Fuentes para la historia de la revolución , Volume 3, La huelga de Cananea , Mexico City, 1956
- ^ William Dirk Raat: "The Diplomacy of Suppression: Los Revoltosos, Mexico, and the United States, 1906-1911", in: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 56, no. 4, 1976, p. 535
- ↑ Letter from Guadalupe Mendoza to Ricardo Flores Magón, Cananea, November 2, 1905 , in: Coleccion Porfirio Diaz, Cholula, Mexico, document number 006229
- ^ Letter from Thompson to Bacon, September 5, 1906 , in: National Archives, Washington DC, Records of the State Department, Numerical Files 1909-1910, Record Group 59, Case 100/20
- ^ A b Charles C. Cumberland: "Precursors of the Mexican Revolution of 1910" in: The Hispanic American Historical Review , Vol. 22, No. 2, 1942, pp. 344-356
- ^ Ramón Gil Olivo. "El Partido Liberal Mexicano y la huelga de Río Blanco", in: Historia Obrera , 1975
- ^ Regeneración , September 17, 1910 edition
- ^ Karl B. Koth: "Crisis Politician and Political Counterweight: Teodoro A. Dehesa in Mexican Federal Politics, 1900-1910", in: Mexican Studies / Estudios Mexicanos , Vol. 11, No. 2, 1995, pp. 243-271
- ^ Roger C. Owen: "Indians and Revolution: The 1911 Invasion of Baja California, Mexico", in: Ethnohistory , 1963
- ↑ Lowell Blaisdell: “Was It Revolution or Filibustering? The Mystery of the Flores Magón Revolt in Baja California "in: The Pacific Historical Review , Vol. 23, no. 2, 1954, pp. 147-164
- ^ Emma Goldman, Living My Life , New York, Ams Press, 1934, p. 480.
- ↑ For example the newspaper El Imparcial , edition of June 22, 1952
- ^ Lowell Blaisdell: La revolución del desierto Baja California 1911 , SEP / UABC, 1993, ISBN 968-6260-95-1
- ↑ Los Angeles Times , February 22, March 7, and April 10, 1911 issues
- ^ Regeneración , May 20, 1911 edition
- ↑ Quoted from: Eduardo Blanquel: "El anarco-magonismo", in: Historia Mexicana 51 , 1964
- ^ Pablo L. Martinez: A History of Lower California , Mexico City, Av. Escuela Industrial No. 461, 1960
- ^ The San Diego Union , May 20, 1911 issue.
- ↑ Los Angeles Examiner , June 26, 1912 issue, "Magonistas and Police in Fierce Battle."
- ^ Andrew Grant Wood: "Death of a Political Prisoner: Revisiting the Case of Ricardo Flores Magón", in: A Contracorriente: Revista de Historia Social y Literatura , 2005
- ↑ Ethel Duffy Turner: Ricardo Flores Magón y el Partido Liberal Mexicano , Editorial Erandi, gobierno del estado Morelia, 1960, p. 119.
- ^ Programa del Partido Liberal Mexicano . Reprinted in: Francesco Naranjo: Diccionario biográfico revolucionario , Mexico City, 1935
- ^ Charles Cumberland, "An Analysis of the Program of the Mexican Liberal Party, 1906", in: The Americas , Vol. 4, No. 3, 1948, pp. 294-301.
- ↑ Magonismo y movimiento indígena en México
- ↑ Homepage of the Consejo Indígena Popular de Oaxaca "Ricardo Flores Magón"
- ↑ cf. e.g. George Woodcock: Anarchism: A History Of Libertarian Ideas And Movements , Meridian Book, 1962, ISBN 0-14-016821-4
- ↑ cf. for example: Frank McLynn: Villa and Zapata: A History of the Mexican Revolution , Basic Books, 2002, ISBN 0-7867-1088-8
- ^ Arnoldo De León: "Chicano", in: The New Handbook of Texas , Texas State Historical Association, ISBN 0-87611-151-7
- ↑ Diego Abad de Santillán: Ricardo Flores Magón: el apóstol de la revolución social mexicana , Mexico City, Grupo Cultural "Ricardo Flores Magon", 1925
- ^ Ricardo Flores Magon: Tierra y Libertad. Selected texts , Unrast Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-89771-908-8