Migrant German
Migrant German (also: Immigrantendeutsch , ethnolect of people who have immigrated to Germany) is a collective term used to describe linguistic variants that are mixed forms of the target language ( German ) and the mother tongue of migrant groups who have come to Germany . The term is often used when the learning process is uncontrolled. He then describes an early status of individual language proficiency in German. Alternatively, migrant German stands for the language of people with a migration background who either live in the second, third or fourth generation in Germany or who grew up bilingually here. Characteristic in both cases is a variant-internal regularity of the mixed language forms, which can refer to phonetic as well as grammatical and lexical aspects. This is often accompanied by the ability to code switching - the situation-appropriate and often fluent change between migrant German and standard language. Linguists therefore sometimes compare different forms of migrant German with conventional dialects and sociolects .
classification
A characteristic of migrant German is the merging of linguistic rules from the mother tongue and the German standard. This requires simplified grammatical sentence structures or the use of native-speaker words / sentence fragments in otherwise German utterances. A more prominent example at the phonetic level is the changed articulation location of the ego sound, in which [ç] becomes [ʃ] ( me vs. isch ). This phenomenon occurs primarily when the mother tongue or one of the first languages is Turkish . Linguistics speaks of colonization, which can also be observed in German dialects.
In the speech perception migrants German is often as a restricted code perceived or "Incorrect German" and equated with double semilingualism. The term describes the socialization of bilingual children growing up and the process whereby they neither correctly speak their mother tongue nor foreign language during their first language acquisition . The respective characteristics "depend on numerous biographical and sociocultural factors: intensity of contact with German speakers, work situation, living conditions, age of entry, level of education, motivation, social integration as well as educational and educational measures on the part of the state."
Heike Wiese objects that the perception of migrant German is often related to default settings of the respective mother tongue, which are shaped by factors outside of the language.
“Knowledge of Turkish is not seen as an educational value, but as a real handicap [...]: According to this view, multilingual children suddenly no longer speak a language properly , but both only half. [...] That doesn't happen to you with English. My daughters have already transferred grammatical rules from one language to the other and said, for example, something like Wait for me […] or I want that haven […]. "
The more decisive question is whether the resulting variants have internal structural regularities and in which situations the variant is (consciously) preferred to the standard. Using the example of Kiezdeutschen - a form of migrant German that is primarily shaped in Berlin by people of Turkish origin, but also by young people from other ethnic groups - Wiese works out specific structural features at all language levels. She therefore compares Kiezdeutsch more closely with the development of a dialect in the early stages and thus emphasizes diatopic (regional) differentiations in contrast to diastatic (social class) differentiations.
From a sociolinguistic point of view, migrant German can be understood as a habitual sociolect. The socially stratified code then functions as a distinguishing feature of a certain group. Other habitual sociolects include gender-specific ways of speaking, but also special languages such as Rotwelsch and Manic . Perspective and the social context are decisive. The so-called guest worker German spoken by first-generation migrant workers from the 1950s to 1970s can be defined as a transitional language, while second and third generation people of Turkish origin are more likely to speak migrant German. It is characteristic that it is no longer or only to a limited extent an interference error, since the code firstly has regularities and secondly it can be changed at any time and depending on the situation. In these cases, variety linguistics also speaks of diaphasic variation.
Different variants of current migrant German
The migrant German does not exist. Since the so-called variants are mixed linguistic forms of target and mother tongue, it is the mother tongue involved that marks internal characteristics. Migrant-German subdivisions thus focus on those source languages that are spoken by a particularly large number of migrants in Germany. On this basis, Uwe Hinrichs suggests a four-part subdivision into Turkish-German, Russian-German, Yugoslavian-German and Kiezdeutsch. At the same time, he points out that the term migrant German can also mean the guest worker German of the 50s to 70s; it provides the basis for later migrant German variants, but at the same time it is characterized by the fact that it was often acquired in an uncontrolled manner, as foreign language training was not attempted either in the home country or in the Federal Republic. Due to the socio-cultural framework - a permanent stay in Germany was not initially planned, German had to be spoken at work nonetheless, the mother tongue was still primarily used in the living environment - guest worker German can also be defined as a pidgin-like language . The accent of migrants is also sometimes referred to as migrant German. The definition is problematic because only one level of language - phonetics - is involved. At the same time, accents are a natural component of foreign language efforts and do not create characteristics for migrant German alone.
On this basis, Hinrich differentiates between four core variants.
Turkish German
In the course of the decades, different social groups naturally developed within the Turkish immigrants in Germany, the everyday language of which may be based on first-generation guest worker German, but is also multi-dimensional. The milieu in particular differs greatly and leads to further sub-variants that have been described by linguistics. One example are the so-called minors , whose communication takes place primarily in German and corresponds to their identity. According to Hinrich, code switching takes place when a pragmatic semantic communication development is to guide the course of the conversation accordingly: "Such steps are, for example, switching from joke to request [or] from argument to counter-argument." The basis of this variant of Turkish-German migrant German is a cultural milieu that reflects on and deals pointedly with the migration situation in Germany. Feridun Zaimoglu and the term Kanak Sprak , which he helped to create, can be assigned to this group. Mutual adaptation processes are characteristic of this ethnolectal trend, for example grammatical adoption from Turkish into German and vice versa.
Russian German
Although the number of Russian-speaking immigrants is at least as high as that of Turkish immigrants, linguistic studies are rarer, as this is a relatively recent development . Flowing lexical code switching is characteristic, as Hinrich explains:
"Russian-German initially generates massive word switching in order to denote new facts and new situations ( vzjat 'kogo fest na rabotu <take over someone for an unlimited period>), to grasp new' German 'situations, to circumvent unsuitable Russian expressions such as otpusk ( Vacation ) [...] and finally to create a 'secret language' for private communication purposes [.] "
Yugoslav-German
The Yugoslav-German is also characterized in an early form (the language of migrants of the first generation) by interference errors that manifest themselves on all linguistic levels and therefore show manifestations of pidgin or creole languages . So-called tag switching is one of the special features of later generations of sub-variant speakers. The language is not only changed at the lexical level; rather the entire sentence structure changes:
" Children ... aso ... full of crass, i ništa, mi smo otišli to pogledat, in this box - <Children ... aso ... full of crass, and nothing, we went to see it, in this box ...>"
Fusions at the grammatical level take place, similar to Russian, through the construction of the Slavic languages (e.g. Serbian , Croatian and Bosnian ), which, like German, are among the inflected languages.
Kiezdeutsch
Kiezdeutsch as a socio- or varietal linguistic term found its widespread use through a survey by the linguist Heike Wiese, whoappropriately described a multi-ethnic groupthat had developed in Berlin-Neukölln . Theconclusions you madein the book Kiezdeutsch: A new dialect emerges were sometimes viewed critically (also from the linguistic side). Above all, their postulate to value playing with the German inventory of rules as a wealth of variants and their call to allow norm tolerance to prevail as with other varieties (dialects) of German were debated. Methodically, however, Wiese's analysis, which is based on recordings of conversations, offers a deeper look into the language depth system of Kiezdeutsche, which is why this variant of migrant German is considered well researched.
No articles or prepositions are used when specifying places
Example: Today I have to go to the solarium again.
The definite article das and the preposition in are omitted. Syntactically, it can be a takeover from Turkish. Wiese, on the other hand, argues that the reduction to a mere noun phrase ( I go to Realschule. ) Does not correspond to the agglutinating language structure of Turkish, since prepositional information is attached to the end of the location: okul-da - in school . School-in or school-there would come much closer to direct adaptation.
Function redefinition of so
In the standard, too, takes on various tasks. B. as a graduation particle ( so far! ) Or conjunction ( it tastes better than seldom before ). Another function is added in Kiezdeutsche:
Example: “ He is English and celebrates with us. He has a Turkey jersey and a Turkish flag around him. "
The word becomes a so-called focus marker and is placed in front of that part of the sentence that is incidentally classified as particularly important in the speech act. Similar ways of using so can also be found in non-Kiez German contexts, although its frequent distribution occurs more frequently in this variant of migrant German.
lassma - clitings become prompts / particles
As Klitisierungen - mergers of two words to a like have and you to hurry - take forms such Lassma and musstdu on in other areas of the German Varietätenspektrums. In Kiezdeutsche they mark prompts or suggestions and function as particles.
Example: “ You have to go on a date with Sascha. "
Another prominent example in this category is issworn . It is used when the truthfulness of a statement is to be emphasized. Although it refers to I swear (e) , it can no longer be flexed and therefore also functions increasingly as a particle. The initial semantic meaning fades.
criticism
Language carers are critical of the concept of migrant German. Its influence on the language depth system of the German standard on the one hand, as well as codifying efforts on the other to institutionally support the first-mentioned influence, are problematized. The Kiezdeutsch.de website, on which the relevant teaching materials are offered, is an example of this.
Another problem is at the terminological level. As a generic term for a number of sub-variants, but also for other language levels or stages of progress in foreign and second language acquisition by migrants, as well as other language levels, there is inevitably some conceptual overlap. This applies above all to the term ethnolect , which in this sense should apply as a generic term for the linguistic peculiarities of migrants, while migrant German also describes the socio-cultural and economic conditions of individual migrant groups in Germany.
See also
literature
- K. Bornemann: The difficult path to a second language. Theoretical basic questions and influencing factors 'beyond language' . Diplomica, Hamburg 2015.
- Hadumod Bußmann (Ed.): Lexicon of Linguistics. 3rd updated and expanded edition. Kröner, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 3-520-45203-0 , pp. 233-234 (article Gastarbeiterdeutsch).
- U. Hinrich: Multi Kulti German. How migration changes the German language. Beck, Munich 2013.
- M. Souza: The semiotics of sociolinguistic markers using the example of the discourse particles 'old' In: Eva Bonn, Christian Knöppler, Miguel Souza (eds.): What do markers do? Logic, materiality and politics of differentiation processes. transcript, Bielefeld 2013, pp. 47–84.
- H. Spiekermann: Variation in the German language , in Hans-Jürgen Krumm, Christian Fandrych, Britta Hufeisen & Claudia Riemer (eds.) German as a foreign and second language. An international manual. Volume 1. De Gruyter, Berlin, New York, pp. 343-359.
- M. Steinbach et al. a .: Interfaces of German linguistics . Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2007.
- H. Wiese: Kiezdeutsch. A new dialect is emerging . Beck, Munich 2012.
Individual evidence
- ↑ Souza (2013), p. 58.
- ↑ Bornemann (2015), p. 22.
- ↑ Bußmann 2002, p. 233f
- ^ Wiese 2012, pp. 186f.
- ↑ Steinbach u. a. (2007), p. 207.
- ↑ Spiekermann (2010), p. 353.
- ↑ Hinrich 2013, p. 146.
- ↑ Hinrich 2013, p. 151.
- ↑ Hinrich 2013, p. 184.
- ↑ Hinrich 2013, p. 191ff.
- ↑ Hinrich 2013, p. 200.
- ^ Wiese (2012), p. 53.
- ^ Wiese (2012), p. 53.
- ↑ so as a focus marker. In: Kiezdeutsch.de. Retrieved June 16, 2017 .
- ^ Wiese (2012), p. 102.
- ↑ Wiese (2012), p. 64.
- ^ Jürgen Trabant: Controversy Kiezdeutsch - Errors of Romantic Linguistics . Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . June 9, 2012.
- ↑ kiezdeutsch.de - An information portal on youth language in urban residential areas with a high proportion of migrants: information for those interested and handouts for schools. Retrieved June 15, 2017 .