Dodo (cult)
Dodo ( Hausa , "evil spirit", also "mask dancer", plural dòdànni or dodonai ) is a possessive spirit and the associated cult of possession , whose core area is in the south of Niger and on the Jos Plateau in northern Nigeria and which also differs from there widespread and related Bori cult. Dodo emerged among the Hausa and neighboring ethnic groups as a morally higher point of view for the preservation of their own culture against Western influences during the European colonial period . Several descriptions of dodo cults date from the beginning of the 20th century. The dodo cults later disappeared through bans by the colonial authorities, only to be reintroduced in many places in the 1960s.
In addition to the desired healing of the sick in individual sessions in the healer's house, according to a study on the small ethnic group of the Irigwe, the dodo cult is supposed to combat the child mortality and sterility of women caused by witchcraft , act as a means of social pressure against the second marriage of women and make them stronger tie the man's place of residence. In cult rituals, which often take place at seasonal festivals, the men perform mask dances and speak in disguised voices to embody the spirit.
Myths
Dodo is a male monster or bogeyman among the Hausa, around which numerous mythical stories entwine. After that it seems unclear whether dodo should be imagined as a crocodile, water snake, king of the beasts - i.e. as a rhinoceros, elephant or another large wild animal. Depending on the story, he embodies one of the animals. In some stories Dodo appears as a water deity who is able to save a swimming person from drowning, in others he lives in a house in the forest and cannot cross a river. The latter is strange in that he takes on human form when he takes possession of women and for them, as for men, river crossings are a daily routine. Such an inability makes Dodo extraordinary and distinguishes him as a ghost that generally wanders around as the malevolent ghost of a dead person, is sometimes spotted in trees and usurps people. Like a witch he is afraid of dogs in some stories, at the same time he can devour people and animals in any number thanks to his gigantic figure. It roars, has long hair and a tail, but it is also reminiscent of a European.
A dodo has a good sense of smell, with which he can find unsuspecting hikers in the forest from his hiding place in a tree as a snake, animal or long-haired giant and satisfy his hunger for human flesh. In a typical story, two women fetch water by the river. One is jealous of the other because she is pregnant and secretly fills her water jar with earth. This has become so difficult that the pregnant woman willingly accepts the help of the dodo, who carries the jug home for her. He and the woman agree that if she gives birth to a girl, Dodo should receive her as a bride as a thank you. The woman forgets the promise and, as her daughter has grown up, arranges the marriage with another man. On the wedding day, Dodo appears and demands the bride. The husband first offers the dodo his wife's horse, then her cow and finally all the wedding guests for consumption. Dodo swallows everyone. When it is the bride's turn, a knife falls from above (from the sky), which Dodo also devours. The knife slashes the monster's stomach, everyone comes out alive and leads the wedding celebration to a happy ending. The lesson is that other than running water, only a sudden higher event can bring down dodo. The tales of the all-devouring dodo could have been adopted from the notion of hell in the stomach of a monster, which was widespread in Islam and Christianity in the Middle Ages, or they could be based on the story of Jonah being devoured by a whale, as passed down in both religions . The latter is supported by the fact that in one of the stories Dodo emerges from the water.
Before the arrival of Islam and Christianity, there was the high god Tsumburbura in the cosmogonic tales of the Hausa, whose place of residence is on a tree surrounded by a wall. Tsumburbura is so distant that it cannot be directly worshiped by people. For this, several hundred lower deities are known in the traditional religion of the Hausa, who were worshiped in cults and sometimes at shrines in pre-Islamic times. In this religious system, Dodo is an old male force and the father of the four cardinal points, whose abode is in the space between east and south. He embodies the dry season and thunder. As a weather god he can summon the rainy season. It rains when he unites with his wife Damina, the source of green nature. For the community, Dodo is a protective spirit and the personification of the deceased. This idea also includes his belonging to the group of possessed spirits. Even if he is not human, he can speak human languages, which is part of his social role.
Dodo is also a children's game with masks, which occurs in the West African savanna belt , especially in Burkina Faso , also in the Ivory Coast and in Mali . The now purely entertaining mask dance by boys has developed from an initially ritual and, especially for the watching women, terrifying dance of adult men, which - although of pre-Islamic origin - is performed by Muslims in the fasting month of Ramadan . The word “dodo” and the mask dance tradition brought Hausa traders from Nigeria to Burkina Faso around 1832. The animal-shaped children's masks made of calabashes, fabric or tin cans are painted white or colored. Adult men disguise themselves as hunters and sing as they are accompanied by drums during the nightly performances. A myth explains how ritual dance got to Burkina Faso and Ramadan: "The story of the hunter and the king".
According to this, a long time ago there lived a great hunter among the Hausa in Nigeria. He had promised his friend, the emir, not to hunt or kill any animals on Friday, the Muslim holiday. One day some shepherd boys called him for help, whose flock was threatened by a beast. The hunter shot the beast without realizing that it was Friday. Immediately he was transformed into a half-human, half-animal creature with a long tail, whereupon he fled, disturbed, into the bush. The emir sent an entire army to find his missing friend. They found him and brought him back to the emir in his new guise. Children asked the transformed hunter if he could dance with them during the festivities for Ramadan and he agreed to everyone's joy. Years later, when he died, the emir suggested that the children make animal masks and dance with them in memory of the brave hunter who saved the shepherd boys.
Cultural environment
Obsession cults are not limited to healing the disease. Integrated into a specific cultural and social environment, they are also a form of entertainment, social criticism and a fad. They are described as a phenomenon that occurs increasingly in traditional societies in times that are marked by crises and cultural uprooting. Dealing with ghosts is an instrument of power that can be used parallel to the political balance of power. The African cults of possession are in a competitive relationship with the large religious communities Christianity and Islam. Within the majority of Islam, they are only tolerated if they have no political influence. Within Islam, the cults of obsession that are underestimated or banned from the public include the tsar cult of women in Egypt and Sudan, Pepo in Tanzania, Stambali in Tunisia, Derdeba in Morocco, and the cult of the female spirit Aisha Qandisha in Morocco as well Bori in Nigeria. Some African-Christian churches have integrated elements of obsession cults into their worship services, while Christian symbols (Bible, cross) have found their way into African cults. evangelical mission churches typically oppose obsessional cults. Well-known cults of obsession in the Christian environment are Mashawe in Zambia, Vimbuza in Malawi and the former rebel group Holy Spirit Movement in northern Uganda.
African spirits are not always, but often, gender-defined. Mostly women are possessed by ghosts, but there are also only men possessed by ghosts (Aisha Qandisha, Nya cult in Mali). Male and female spirits can only possess people of the same sex, of the opposite sex (they marry), or of both sexes indiscriminately.
African cults have taken over elements from European or worldwide (pop) culture, for example "King Bruce" (after Bruce Lee ) introduced as a new Christian spirit in northern Uganda. On the other hand, resistance of the marginalized population groups against the colonial bureaucracy and the spread of industrially manufactured products formed in many places at the local level. For example, Sona healers in Zimbabwe rejected products that were only available for sale. For this reason, the Beng spokesman in Ivory Coast ( Lacs District) refused to cigarettes and petrol lighters as a protest against the Western pressure to consume. Elsewhere, the use of cars, coaches, or plastic sandals has been avoided. The newly introduced dodo spirits are to be understood in this context as a form of criticism of capitalism.
Relationship to the Bori cult
The illustration deals with the situation in northern Nigeria up to the turn of the millennium. Increasingly intolerant Islamic groups with a Wahhabi ideology and the violent sharia conflict have since practically led to the disappearance of cults of possession in the northern states.
Dodo healers strictly separate dodo spirits from bori spirits. The dodo healers can also be possessed by Bori spirits, but never if they - which is quite possible - take part in Bori cults. With the more or less strong rejection of modern technical achievements, the reproach to the Bori practitioners is connected that they have made a profitable business out of their healing activity, bound by the laws of the market. First of all, Bori is considered a part of their own cultural tradition, both for the common population and for a higher class who enjoyed Western education (administrative employees, engineers, teachers). Some of them believe in the power of the spirits that they invoke to compete for their jobs if they think that the previously tried Islamic prayers and amulets have failed. The Muslim majority rejects Bori cults as backward and incompatible with the Islamic commandments. However, among the traditional healers there is a group who go too far with the commercialization and corruption of the Bori cult through the increasing number of healing offers and shops selling traditional medicine, all of which are soliciting customers.
The dodo spirits, on the other hand, require their followers to behave devotedly, with integrity and committed only to them. Such spirits are ready to leave their medium immediately as soon as it does not meet the high moral standards and behaves inappropriately. Without a dodo spirit, the healer would be deprived of effective healing powers. For the dodo healers, this gives rise to a morally higher point of view - compared to modern market society and also towards the Bori practitioners.
The introduction of new spirits is not limited to the dodo cult. Around 1925, some ghosts who called themselves Hauka and pretended to come from the Red Sea and to be guests of the Songhai spirit Dongo allegedly appeared in a small village in the Filibgué department , which is now in the west of the Niger Republic . The Songhai worshiped Dongo as a god of thunder in an obsession cult, whose spirits are collectively referred to as holey . A Mecca Hausa pilgrim from Niger is said to have brought the spirits with him on his way back. The French colonial authorities under Horace Crocicchia took punitive measures against the new spirit cult. The Holey and Bori followers also initially rejected the Hauka cult, which had spread to the Gold Coast (now Ghana) in the early 1930s . According to an eyewitness report from Accra , the Hauka ghosts were integrated into the Bori cult there in 1956. The Hauka spirits belong to the “European” spirits (Hausa isokin Turawa ), which were first described in northern Nigeria in 1943 and are now an integral part of the Bori spirit world. Most of the Turawa ghosts are soldiers wearing red uniforms and sunglasses; according to their military ranks, they form a group of commanders and subordinates. The fact that the Turawa smoke (two to three cigarettes at the same time), drink alcohol and eat dog meat or meat not slaughtered according to Islamic rules characterizes them as “infidels” ( kafirai, from Arabic kāfir , i.e. non-Muslims). Turawa spirits are associated with the blacksmiths of Jangare because blacksmiths and turawa are related to fire. Jangare is the mythical city where the Bori spirits live. The head of the forge is the spirit Batoyi, who established himself in the second half of the 20th century as the “father of European spirits” ( uban Turawa ). Like the dodo cult, the introduction of the Turawa spirits is a reaction to events during the European colonial era.
Relationship to the community
When villagers get sick and conventional medical treatment or other healing methods seem to be of no avail, they are eventually diagnosed by those around them that they are possessed by a ghost. In principle everyone can be possessed by Dodo, but Dodo thinks carefully about which healer he wants to make his magical abilities available to. Adeline Masquelier (1999) recounts how someone discovered they were obsessed with dodo and became a healer. The man lay in bed for six months without leaving the house, only drank milk and water and took medicine. Later one day he met a young student outside the village, behind whose figure he recognized Dodo. Soon this dodo turned into a dog and followed the man for three months. Only then did the spirit take possession of him and instruct him to hold regular healing ceremonies for those suffering who have been visiting him from afar since then.
In the pictorial symbolism not only of this cult of possession, the healer is presented as a horse ( doki ) that is ridden ( hau ), i.e. controlled by a powerful spiritual being. Behind the horse-rider motif is the idea of obsession as a sexual act in which the obsessed, whether female or male, takes on the passive part.
In order to be recognized as a dodo healer and to maintain the reputation of being far more powerful than a bori healer in this capacity, a ceremony ( wasa ) in honor of the spirit must be held once to three times a week , otherwise the healer would not be with him whose healing powers can work or divination. Despite these efforts, dodo spirits are of erratic nature and can irrevocably run away at any time, so that the healer loses his powers. Bori ghosts linger longer and are far less demanding. They only need a ceremony once a year and if they feel they are being treated inappropriately, they will give a hint of it without going away. If you follow offerings and promise to be more respectful in the future, Bori spirits forgive the healer. A dodo healer, on the other hand, lives in constant fear of losing his spirit, which forces him to always remain morally upright. While the Bori healer demands an amount of money for himself and gifts for the spirit at the beginning of a consultation, the Dodo healer only accepts a symbolic amount of a few cents, because money corrupts the relationship between spirits and people. Because medicine is not bought in return, even the transfer of a handful of sand, declared as medicine, instead of medicinal herbs that can be purchased, acts as a direct transmission of the healing power of the spirit for the patient, which is not diminished by any external influences. The delivery of sand, which the patient drinks in a glass of water or doused with it, is an approximation of the Muslim practice of picking up dust containing baraka (power of blessing) from the grave of a saint and carrying it with them.
The ethical point of view of purity has an impact on everyday life. Some dodo-obsessed people feel obliged to abstain, others believe in ghosts prevents them from attending school. The rejection of modern economics can mean that individuals do not want to wear plastic sandals or drive in a car. Both mean unhindered mobility. Cars that drive on asphalt roads generally represent progress and also allow the Bori healers to offer their products and services in distant villages. The traditional, passive dodo practitioners, who always linger in their hometown while their minds may wander far and wide, rather remember the agonizing forced labor under the colonial rulers when building these roads.
Dodo followers and the majority of Muslims reject the Bori cult for opposing reasons. While Islam calls for a departure from local tradition and, in its universalizing tendency, provides the religious basis for modern business and trade, Dodo followers, with their anti-modern attitude, are turning to a tradition that was believed to be lost.
Man-woman relationship
According to Walter H. Sangree (1974), who carried out field research with the Irigwe, a plateau language group in northern Nigeria, the introduction of the dodo cult was not only about the well-being of patients and their relatives, but also about a means of exerting pressure in societies, in which polyandry was customary to prevent women from marrying several men and instead to live permanently in the place of residence of the first man. For the Irigwe men, the dodo cult is considered a useful method for stabilizing family relationships.
Until their colonization by the British in 1905, the Irigwe were divided into 25 subgroups ("Sections", rekla ), which had no formal ruler and were linked to one another by a network of relationships of rituals. Each sub-group maintained a certain ritual that was important to the whole of the Irigwe in the fields of agriculture, hunting, and health care. The 25 subgroups competed with one another for the greatest number of heroes who were made by killing predators or killing an enemy in headhunting expeditions. They also took women from other groups into second marriages. The women then moved to the second man's place of residence. The ritual dependencies and the family ties through the second marriages ensured that there were no tribal conflicts between the groups. The British colonial rulers used military power to suppress the Irigwe's hunting expeditions against neighboring ethnic groups and introduced an administrative division with several districts, at the head of which they installed an Irigwe administrator.
In the 1960s, hunting competitions and multiple marriages of women among the Irigwe - apart from the small Christian minority - were still widespread, although polyandry often caused psychological tension among women. A decade later, this practice was practically no longer practiced. The woman's freedom to choose her place of residence and her lover was restricted by the obligation to look after her father. To neglect this traditional duty would have made women fear that evil spirits ( rijé ) or witchcraft ( tsitsie ) could bring diseases and other evils upon them and their children. Consequently, it must have seemed advisable for a woman to stay in a place where she would be best protected from the devastating consequences of such ghost attacks and witches ( krotu ). This central consideration has to be seen against the background of high infant mortality rates, which, like infertility and depression, were seen as being caused by ghosts. The wife therefore stayed with the husband, who was willing to pay for the cost of a healing ceremony.
Witchcraft was commonly accused of older women who were jealous of the younger ones' fertility. As a preventive measure, many women wore leather amulets with a defense substance on their hips. Equipped with particularly effective powers against witchcraft, twins were considered to be born twins, because in the African conception of twins one of the two is a “good” and the other is a “bad” magician. The twin, identified as "bad", was previously killed right after birth. A husband always had to fear that someone in his family environment was suspected of witchcraft and thus could be the main reason for his wife to leave him.
As the most effective measure to deal with the growing problem of witchcraft, dodo was introduced to the Irigwe, initially reportedly after the early 1950s. Because there had been clashes with followers of the Dodo cult, the administration of the Plateau Province banned their activities a few years later. Towards the end of the dry season (in spring) 1965, when the big hunting festivals were over and the storage facilities were running low, illnesses increased, especially among the young children, as usual with the first rains. During this time, when the men were at greatest risk that their wives could move to the place of residence of a second husband, dodo ceremonies took place in greater numbers, which were allowed to take place in public for the first time since the 1950s. One informant said witches used to devour people, but not since Dodo arrived. The legal prohibition of second marriages that came into force in 1968, which obliged women to divorce their previous husbands before a new marriage, made it difficult for them to leave a place of residence ravaged by witchcraft. This in turn favored the dodo cult, which offered itself all the more as a necessary method to curb witchcraft.
ritual
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Walter H. Sangree describes the first dodo ritual in a decade among the Irigwe, which took place a few kilometers outside a village in 1965. A group of women and girls moved counter-clockwise in a circle, accompanied by two male drum players. The dancers in the center was under the tangle of dried raffia barely visible -Palmblättern with which he was covered. The plant costume was surmounted by a kind of hat in the shape of a small cylindrical box, which was painted white and with red patterns. The dancer embodied Dodo's wife; a hut with a fire was built next door for the spirit itself. Only Dodo's voice came out of the hut, becoming increasingly clear. The women stopped at some point and let out ululating screams. One after the other, they walked up to the dancer, touched his costume with a penny, which they then threw into a calabash held by an assistant . Mumbling something incomprehensible, "Dodo's wife" blessed those present with an outstretched stick. Millet beer was later passed around among the men and the dancing women. The women had made millet beer and food beforehand and brought them with them as gifts. Other dodo sessions of the Irigwe followed this basic structure.
In 1965, a Dodo cult community of the Irigwe was hierarchically divided into initiated men, wives and older widows, as well as unmarried girls. The three groups each had a head ( magaji ) at their head. There were also his assistant ( magaji auhwie ), a lieutenant ( likawi ) and a policeman ( dokali, doli ). The initiated men organized the cult sessions in which the women and girls involved had to take part.
Instead of palm leaves, other ethnic groups dress the dodo mask dancer with the leaves of the dessert banana or with various types of grass during the rituals that take place at harvest time . The design of the dance costume is different depending on the ethnic group and the characteristics of the dodo spirit. The dodo ghost Aninyet, described by the Kaje speakers in 1956, walks around with a broad, bamboo frame covered with leaves. Bansip, another dodo spirit, is depicted as a pile of elongated leaves. The ghosts Gyamsha and Kungiz elsewhere are dressed in a costume made of jute fabric and wear a brightly painted wooden headdress. The term “mask dance” used in the literature does not refer to a face mask , nor is the association “pretense” or “deception” contained in “masking” applicable to the spirit that is thought to be present as a person.
Among the Bankalawa and Galambawa ( Jarawa and Galambu native languages ) in northern Nigeria, women do not actively participate in the dodo mask dance. Otherwise women are usually forbidden to participate because they are not allowed to see the mask dancer. In order not to be punished for forbidden looks, women and children run away as soon as a dodo figure is nearby. After the ritual out in the bush, the men only return to the village at night, when the women have disappeared into the houses. Other seasonal cult dances are generally open to men and women, but some dances, such as bori obsession dances, are reserved for initiated members.
With the main purpose of intimidating the women, according to a report from northern Nigeria from 1925, the dodo uttered screams in a disguised voice. For this purpose, a tube was blown into the lower end of which a Mirliton made from a spider's web was attached. With the same effect, men of the dodo secret society blew into a calabash in the middle of the night, the opening of which was covered with a Mirliton. At the initiation of the boys, the men explained how the distorted voice of the dodo is produced. Women were not allowed to have knowledge of the voice distorters. Another possibility to frighten women with the “magical” voice of the dodo was a buzzing device .
In the case of the very small Abisi ethnic group on the northwestern edge of the Jos plateau, the number of which was estimated at 3,300 in 1980, a woman entered into three marriages on the same day. The “first marriage” took place with an approximately 14-year-old boy whom his parents had introduced; the second marriage was a so-called “love marriage”, that is, the choice of husband was left to the bride, and the man for the third marriage, the “home marriage”, was chosen by the bride's parents. The rules of the community involve a strengthening, complex combination of polyandry and polygyny . There is a description of their dodo cult from 1931, according to which a dodo played a central role in the annual hunting rituals. After the colonial administration was banned, the son of the person responsible for the hunting rituals introduced a new dodo cult to the Abisi in the 1960s, which essentially corresponded to the old cult. The new cult was adopted by a neighboring ethnic group. At the venue there was a large, circular ritual house that differed from the oval residential buildings. The dodo made himself heard loudly with a buzzing stick ( azurfa ) and a whistle or spoke with a high-pitched voice changer . The Ugurza dance figure wore a colorful fabric costume, a protruding headdress and a stick in each hand.
literature
- Elizabeth Isichei: On Masks and Audible Ghosts: Some Secret Male Cults in Central Nigeria . In: Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 18, Fasc. 1, February 1988, pp. 42-70
- Adeline Masquelier: The Invention of Anti-Tradition. Dodo spirits. In: Heike Behrend, Ute Luig (ed.): Spirit Possession. Modernity & Power in Africa. James Currey, Oxford 1999, pp. 34-49
- Walter H. Sangree: The Dodo Cult, Witchcraft, and Secondary Marriage in Irigwe, Nigeria. In: Ethnology, Vol. 13, No. 3, July 1974, pp. 261-278
Individual evidence
- ↑ Walter H. Sangree, 1974, p. 277, footnote 2
- ^ Arthur John Newman Tremearne : Hausa Superstitions and Customs. An Introduction to the Folk-Lore and Folk. (West African Nights' Entertainment Series, Vol. 1) John Bale, Sohns & Daniellson, London 1913, p. 124f ( at Internet Archive )
- ↑ Carol K. Mack, Dinah Mack: A Field Guide to Demons, Vampires, Fallen Angels and Other Subversive Spirits. Arcade Publishing, New York 2011, pp. 123f
- ↑ Mervyn Hiskett: Some Historical and Islamic Influences in Hausa folklore. In: Journal of the Folklore Institute, Vol. 4, No. 2/3 (African Folklore) June – December 1967, pp. 145–161, here p. 157
- ↑ Harold Scheub: A Dictionary of African Mythology. The Mythmaker as Storyteller. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2000, p. 39
- ↑ Mette Bovin: Provocation anthropology: bartering performance in Africa. In: Ian Watson (Ed.): Negotiating Cultures: Eugenio Barba and the Intercultural Debate. Manchester University Press, Manchester 2002, p. 154
- ↑ Priscilla Baird Hinckley: The Dodo Masquerade of Burkina Faso. In: African Arts, Vol. 19, No. 2, February 1986, pp. 74-77, 91
- ^ Heike Behrend, Ute Luig: Introduction. In: Heike Behrend, Ute Luig (ed.): Spirit Possession. Modernity & Power in Africa. James Currey, Oxford 1999, pp. Xv, xvii
- ↑ Adeline Masquelier, 1999, p. 35f
- ^ Matthias Krings: On History & Language of the 'European' Bori Spirits. Kano, Nigeria. In: Heike Behrend, Ute Luig (ed.): Spirit Possession. Modernity & Power in Africa. James Currey, Oxford 1999, pp. 53-67
- ^ Cf. the possessed person as a horse among Shango followers in Trinidad : Walter Mischel, Frances Mischel: Psychological Aspects of Spirit Possession. In: American Anthropologist, Vol. 60, No. 2, 1958, pp. 249-260
- ^ David L. Rowland, Lucca Incrocci: Handbook of Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders. John Wiley & Sons, 2008, p. 466, ISBN 978-0-471-76738-1
- ↑ Adeline Masquelier, 1999, pp. 38f, 42
- ↑ Adeline Masquelier, 1999, p. 44f
- ↑ Walter H. Sangree, 1974, pp. 262-265, 274, 276
- ^ Arthur John Newman Tremearne: The ban of the Bori. Demons and demon-dancing in West and North Africa. Heath, Cranton & Ouseley, London 1914 ( at Internet Archive )
- ↑ Walter H. Sangree, 1974, pp. 266-268
- ^ Francis P. Conant: The Manipulation of Ritual among Plateau Nigerians. In: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute , Vol. 33, No. 3, July 1963, pp. 227-236, here pp. 229f
- ↑ Elizabeth Isichei, 1988, pp. 42f, 48-50
- ↑ Patience A. Kwakwa: Dance in Communal Life. In: Ruth M. Stone (Ed.): The Garland Handbook of African Music . Routledge, New York 2008, pp. 59f
- ^ BM Blackwood, Henry Balfour: Ritual and Secular Uses of Vibrating Membranes as Voice Disguisers. In: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 78, No. 1/2, 1948, pp. 45-69, here p. 51
- ^ Jean-Jacques Chalifoux, Secondary Marriage and Levels of Seniority among the Abisi (PITI), Nigeria. In: Journal of Comparative Family Studies , Vol. 11, No. 3 ( Women with many Husbands: Polyandrous Alliance and Martial Flexibilitiy in Afrika and Asia ) Summer 1980, pp. 325–334, here pp. 325–328
- ↑ Elizabeth Isichei, 1988, pp. 53f