Hauberg

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Hauberg near Netphen
Stack of wood near Salchendorf

The Hauberg is a typical form of cooperative forest management for the Siegerland and neighboring parts of the Lahn-Dill-Bergland and the Westerwald . It served the extraction of tannery and charcoal for the regionally important iron ore processing as well as for the procurement of firewood , later also for the production of natural wood furniture. In addition to the forestry use, there was also an agricultural use, such as the typical cultivation of rye and buckwheat in Schwendbau in the year after the wood harvest (Haubergskorn), as well as the later communal grazing ( Allmende ).

overview

The Hauberg is an oak - birch - coppice forest in which other tree species are scattered. With a rotation period of 16 to 20 years, the Hauberg is “put on the cane ” by clear-cutting in such a way that the trees come down again and the cycle begins again. Only in the year after the deforestation was the area used for sowing grain (Haubergskorn). In years of rich acorn fattening, the pigs were tended in the Hauberg.

With the decline in demand for tanneries and charcoal , the form of farming has lost its importance. In the second half of the 20th century, extensive areas were therefore converted into high forest use . The remaining coppice forest is used next to the production of natural furniture almost exclusively for firewood and industrial wood production .

Cooperative structure

The Hauberggenossenschaft is a special form of a cooperative in which the cooperative members jointly take over the forestry use of a wooded area. The Hauberge are undivided and indivisible (ideal) total property of the cooperative, the shares in the cooperative, so-called Haubergspfennige (Penning on Siegerländer Platt, in the Dillkreis Gulden and Albus) can be inherited and sold. The Haubergsgenossenschaft is viewed as a corporation under public law and can acquire rights and enter into liabilities under its name, acquire property and other real rights to land, sue or be sued in court.

The Hauberggenossenschaft is subject to the Haubergsrecht and a Haubergsordnung approved by the supervisory authority. The Haubergs regulations may differ from region to region in terms of their management regulations and the tasks and powers of the cooperative bodies.

An elected board of directors manages day-to-day business. The main tasks of the board are the organization of usage. This takes place annually. For this purpose, the hard-hitting areas are identified, divided into lots, measured locally with simple means and marked. The markings are simple wooden stakes or notches / markings on the trunk (dill circle), which are provided with a simple system of notches and points, which are known as the shareholder's mark (so-called specks or Hauberg's mark). The tickets are "played out"; H. Allocated to the comrades for management by drawing lots, whereby the proportion of the total property is used as the distribution key for the number of tickets. About the assignment of the specific lot in the locality is separately, z. B. decided by lottery.

Because of the decreased interest of the shareholders in the Haubergs work today the wood advertisement is often awarded to an entrepreneur by the Haubergsvorstand.

History and economic importance

In the past, the wood was mostly processed in charcoal piles to make charcoal for smelting

development

When iron was discovered as a material around 2,500 years ago, a new age began in Europe with the Iron Age. Weapons, tools and implements made of iron proved to be more effective than those made of bronze, and iron was technically easier to manufacture. On their migration to the north, the Celts came to the climatically rather harsh Siegerland, where iron ore veins rise to the surface. The technology of iron making was known to the Celts.

In kilns they turned wood into charcoal in order to reach the high temperatures (over 1,000 degrees) in small hillside ovens, without which no iron could be extracted. The beech forests that dominated the region at the time did not survive. Because of the high demand for wood, the beech trees were used at ever shorter intervals before they could produce offspring from seeds. Once the beech tree has been felled, it is difficult for it to emerge from the old rootstock. Oak and birch can do better. The iron people made sure that they weren't particularly big either, because arm thickness was enough for charring. So the beech forest became an oak-birch coppice.

But after 600 years even this forest was gone, the Siegerland was bare. No forest meant no charcoal either. Where there is no energy, there is no melting, and the Celts moved on.

It took the forest 800 years to recover from this blow. When it was a beech forest again, this time it was the Franks who mined the iron ore and felled the trees. Again the high forest became a coppice, again oak and birch prevailed, again the bare areas became bigger and bigger. Shortly before the people had destroyed the forest and with it their livelihood again, they thought of better. They developed an order whose most important principle is sustainability. It says that you can only take as much from nature as can grow back in the same time. Failure to observe this principle endangers future generations.

The Siegerland Hauberg developed as a form of sustainable management. It was a coppice (mainly oak / birch) owned by cooperatives, each divided into mostly 20 parcels. Only one plot of land was allowed to be used for charring each year. Since the most important thing, the charcoal, was now limited, people got inventive in secondary uses. In the course of the twenty-year cycle, parts of the Hauberg became the donor of oak tassels for leather production, the field for buckwheat and rye, the already mentioned Haubergskorn, for flour production or for pasture for cows. This Hauberg held its own until the 19th century. Then another energy came to Siegerland with hard coal and the railroad and soon afterwards ore mining came to a standstill due to high costs. Many forests grew back into high forests, but in many places you can still see coppice forest, which was once a cabbage forest.

Old kiln sites from pre-Christian times are often found in the Hauberg areas. The racing kilns required large amounts of charcoal for iron smelting . In the 15th century, the forests were so exploited that there was finally a sovereign regulation of forest use in the 16th century. The Counts of Nassau (1562) and Sayn (1565) issued a forest code in which, in addition to general use, sustainability was also ensured. Since then, the coppice forest management has been regulated sovereignly by Hauberg regulations. Today's Hauberg regulations are based on the last Prussian regulations. So the Haubergsordnung for the Altenkirchen district, decreed on April 9, 1890 by "... Wilhelm, by God's grace King of Prussia etc. ...".

Schwendbau with rye and buckwheat has accompanied the use of wood from the very beginning. The coppice forest management cannot be carried out in small areas. The cooperative use was therefore a necessary consequence of this form of economy.

Mid-19th century were from one hectare of Hauberg by Lohe, wood advertising, jumps, rye, rye straw and Hutung a rotation period earned by 18 years about 830 marks. This involved work and costs worth 340 marks. The profit per year and hectare was therefore a good 27 marks. At a value of 3 marks per day's work , this profit corresponded to the value of 9 days' work. That was almost half the monthly wage of a teacher, but achieved with only 6 days of work. The Hauberg therefore contributed significantly to the farm income.

The tannins brought half of the profit, the wood a further quarter. Because of the poor soil, bread grain had to be imported into many locations in the Siegerland and Westerwald regions . That is why the Hauberg's contribution to rye production was significant.

At the end of the 19th century the Siegen - Cologne railway was built. Since 4 tons of coal and only one ton of iron ore are required to produce steel, more and more iron ore has been brought inexpensively from Siegerland to the Ruhr area. The need for charcoal in Siegerland therefore decreased. A little later, the domestic tannins were also replaced by imports and then by chemical products.

The economic situation during the war gave the Hauberg again economic importance in the first half of the 20th century.

After that, however, the overpass into Hochwald, which had already begun at the end of the 19th century, was intensified.

Wood advertising is the only remaining form of use for the remaining coppice areas. With rising fuel costs, the coppice is gaining importance again. Nevertheless, the income from the sale of timber and hunting leases barely covers the costs of timber advertising, road construction and forestry.

Hauberg division

Weidelbach serves as an example of the Hauberg economy . It is located in the upper Roßbachtal ( Lahn-Dill district ) near the border with Siegerland.

The beginning of a hauberg season is in autumn, in the first week of October, when a group of at least 4 people goes into the forest that is to be put on stick. This is the piece that was last put on stick about 20 years ago. Thus the forests belonging to the Haubergsgenossenschaft are divided into 20 parts. The group divides the forest into up to 300 individual parts and numbers them. This can take up to a week. When this has happened, the Haubergsvorsteher divides the comrades into 10 groups (called Joh - in High German: Jahn), with each Joh being the same size. This Joh has a Johmann who has the largest share of Hauberg in the Joh. All Johmänner go to the Haubergsvorsteher on the 2nd Friday in October, where it is decided by lot which number group the Joh gets. Each Joh is given two groups of numbers, as the Hauberg piece is divided into two or more parts. After it has been decided which Joh gets which numbers, the Johmann goes to his Joh, which traditionally gathers at the Johmann's house. There the numbers are assigned to individual persons or groups of persons by lot, whereby a number is always assigned to a certain number of guilders (Hauberg's shares). The groups are changed until everyone is happy with the number of numbers. Now the lot is drawn and the people or groups are assigned their piece of forest. The next morning, the whole Joh goes to the Hauberg to mark the pieces of forest that each individual receives. The number that was drawn is searched for. If a group of people assigns each of them their own piece of forest, this is done according to the size of the piece of forest that the group gets. Most of it was decided by lot the evening before. When all of this is done, the comrade can start working on a piece of forest.

Tools in the commercial economy

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Karl Löber: Persistence and Movement in the People's Life of the Dill District, Elwert Verlag Marburg 1965
  2. ^ Working paper “Proposal for an information center 'Hauberg and Eisen' of the 'Working Group Historischer Hauberg Fellinghausen'” from 2003

literature

Basic overall representations

  • Alfred Becker: The Siegerland Hauberg. Past, present and future of a form of forest management. Verlag die wielandschmiede, Kreuztal 1991.
  • Alfred Becker: The Haubergs Lexicon. published by the wielandschmiede, Kreuztal 2002.
  • Hans Hausrath : History of German silviculture. From its beginnings to 1850. (= series of publications by the Institute for Forest Policy and Regional Planning at the University of Freiburg .) Hochschulverlag, Freiburg im Breisgau 1982, ISBN 3-8107-6803-0 .
  • Richard B. Hilf: The forest. Forests and pastures in the past and present. First part. ( Reprint ) Aula, Wiebelsheim 2003, ISBN 3-494-01331-4 .
  • Josef Lorsbach: Hauberge and Hauberggenossenschaften of the Siegerland. (= Sources and studies of the institute for cooperatives at the University of Münster , Volume 10.) Verlag CF Müller, Karlsruhe 1956. (also dissertation, 1953)
  • Siegerland , issue 92/2 (2015) (= special issue Hauberg )

Individual representations

  • Konrad Fuchs: History of the Gebhardshain Association 1815-1970. Mainz 1982, ISBN 3-87439-082-9 .
  • Rolf Lerner: Haubergsgenossenschaften in the Altenkirchen district. Mühlsteyn publishing house, Elben-Weiselstein 1993.
  • Manfred Kohl: The dynamics of the cultural landscape in the upper Lahn-Dill district. Changes from horticultural and arable farming to new forms of land use in modern regional development. (= Gießener Geographische Schriften , issue 45.) Gießen 1978.
  • Alfred Becker (Red.): Pictures from the Hauberg. Conservation outside of protected areas. (= Series of publications of the State Forest Administration North Rhine-Westphalia , Issue 1.) 4th, updated edition, Forest Documentation Center of the State Forest Administration NRW, Arnsberg 2011, ISBN 3-9809057-5-6 .
  • Frank Schüssler: The Haubergswirtschaft. Potentials and risks of a traditional forestry operating system. In: Geographische Rundschau , edition 01/2008.

Tax aspects

  • Suchanek in: Herrmann, Heuer, Raupach: Commentary on the EStG and KStG. (on § 3 KStG, note 35 ff.)

Web links