Decrease in crime

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The crime decline (engl. Crime drop or crime decline ) is both observation and subject of research in criminology and international describes a decrease statistically detected offenses.

Two different temporal orders of magnitude are examined in the western world : a shorter period from the early 1990s to the present and a longer period from the Middle Ages to the present. The longer-term view was interrupted by a large increase in crime from the late 1950s to the early 1990s. Since the beginning of the 21st century, a decline in violent crime has been observed in Europe, Asia and some other non-European, mostly English-speaking countries . The statistical development deviates from the public perception.

At least since the 1960s, the willingness to report has been increasing in western countries. Behavior that was previously considered unfriendly or unacceptable is increasingly reported to the police. Against this background, the increase in crime until the 1990s appears too high and the decline since then too small.

Even if there is no generally accepted explanation for the observed decline in crime, many criminologists suspect the general process of civilization as the cause. The increasing mutual dependency on the one hand and the expansion of the state with strengthened institutions such as schools, families, churches and bureaucracy would change the individual character of people, which would lead to increasing behavior control and sensitivity to violence.

public perception

Falling crime rates are actually good news. They lead to fewer victims and less work for politics. Nevertheless, this development is so far largely unknown to the public, which surprises some experts. In the mass media, the phenomenon of a decline in crime plays practically no role. Steven Pinker attributes this to the media's focus on negative representations. He means:

“A reporter has never said into the camera:“ I'm reporting live from a country in which no war has broken out ”- or from a city in which no explosive device has been detonated, or from a school in which there was no rampage . "

Whether a topic is dealt with in the media depends on the news value . This in turn is determined by the customers' attention filters. Slow improvements don't attract attention, but fearful news does.

Average citizens rate their immediate area, which is characterized by direct experience, as safe. However, when asked about the situation in their country or the world, they see many crises and express themselves pessimistically. For example, a survey showed that US citizens were not aware of the falling crime rates since 1992 and assumed increasing rates almost every year.

Rafael Behr , professor of police science, says there are interest groups who benefit from saying that violence is increasing. Conservative security politicians, in particular, looked for reasons to invest in the police because they could brag "we are the ones who ensure security".

Murder rates as a benchmark

Because of the comparatively unambiguousness and low number of unreported cases, the frequency of murders is a good way to compare crime over long periods of time and over national or geographical distances. Murder was and is practically universally condemned and defined relatively uniformly. Homicides statistics are considered to be relatively reliable, both in historical context and when compared between nations. As a measurable and frequently available variable, homicides figures are a justified comparison value ( proxy ) for violent crime and an indicator of violence in a state.

To overcome the remaining differences in the definition of homicides for statistical purposes, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime developed the international classification of crime for statistical purposes . This definition is suitable for unlawful killings in both military and non-military situations. It defines murder as "the unlawful killing of a person with the intention of causing death or serious injury". (See also web links)

Decline since the Middle Ages in Western Europe

Long-term homicide rate in Western Europe

It has been known in criminology since the early 2000s that there has been a more or less steady decline in the frequency of murders in Europe, at least since the late Middle Ages. Cambridge professor Manuel Eisner published a corresponding study in 2003.

The diagram is essentially based on Eisner's numbers. In addition, Max Roser made additions and updates to Our World in Data . The values ​​are given as the number of cases per 100,000 inhabitants per year (" frequency number "). It shows a drastic decrease in murder rates from the late Middle Ages to the present day. The incidence fell from 20 to 70 cases per 100,000 inhabitants per year to around one case.

In his book Violence: A New History of Mankind , Steven Pinker contributes to research into the decline in crime. In it he continues the work of Eisner and Roser through investigations into the past. Pinker adds to antiquity and up to hunter-gatherer cultures , where he sees an even higher level of violence than in the Middle Ages. He was criticized for inadequate data, on which Pinker bases many statements. In this book, as well as in Enlightenment now: For Reason, Science, Humanism and Progress. Eine Defense (2018) , and in lectures Pinker disseminated scientific knowledge about a decrease in crime and violence in public.

Increase from the late 1950s to the early 1990s

Average homicide rate as unweighted mean values ​​for England & Wales, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, Belgium, France, Italy, Switzerland. In frequency numbers (per 100,000 inhabitants)

Most criminologists agree that there was an increase in violent crime such as robbery, assault and murder in the Western world , which dragged on from the late 1950s and in some countries the early 1960s to the early 1990s. There are various criminological explanations for the causes of this increase, but they contradict one another. Several historians of crime now suggest that this is a small deviation from the centuries-old trend of decline. To clarify the historical perspective, Manuel Eisner anchors this period in the decline before and after.

Decline since the early 1990s

Trend in killing rates from 1990 to 2017 for: Asia, Australia and New Zealand, Europe, North America, World
Increasing killing rates in Central and South America regions. Lower curve: world

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime examines international crime trends based on murder rates. The charts are from the 2019 Global Homicides Study.

A decline can be observed in the following regions: Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, Asia. The decline was most pronounced in Europe. The numbers here fell by almost two thirds from 8.8 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 1994 to 3 in 2017.

On earth as a whole there was only a small decrease from 7.4 in 1993 to 6 in 2007. Since then these values ​​have stagnated. This is because there were also regions with an increase, which almost offset the successes in the declining regions. There were increases in at least murder rates in Central and South America, especially in certain Caribbean countries. The leaders here are El Salvador with 61.8 and Jamaica with 57 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 2017.

Africa and Oceania are not included here because the data available are fragmentary and unreliable.

Increase in willingness to report

There is ample evidence of a parallel trend in crime rates in Western countries between the 1960s and 1990s, with occasional shifts in certain countries. Rates peaked in the 1990s and have been falling since then. Property crimes such as burglary and theft have fallen in all western countries since the 1990s. This decline even continued through the recession that hit most western countries from 2008 onwards .

Research in the US showed that the ad rates for rape and domestic violence began to rise in the 1970s and is substantially increased since the mid-1980s. One of the effects of this was that the apparent increase in violent crime in the 1970s and 1980s was overestimated and the recent decline was substantially underestimated.

Analyzes show that when the change in reporting behavior is taken into account, non-fatal violent crime in the United States fell by 51% between 1991 and 2005, while the police data show only a 27% decrease. Similar patterns of increased willingness to report were also documented in England and Wales , as well as Scandinavia , other countries that have long had annual victimization studies .

In Western societies at least, the population has become much less tolerant of intimate partner violence , violence against women, and sexual offenses in general. Certain types of incidents became more likely to be officially registered as offenses because, on the one hand, the police wanted to prevent criticism of themselves for lack of feeling and, on the other hand, the police themselves are part of society and are inevitably also affected by the changed culture.

The level of cultural tolerance has changed at least since the 1960s. Behavior reported to the police today was often seen in the past as unfriendly, undesirable or socially unacceptable, but not as criminal.

Attempts to explain this development

There's no really good explanation for why crime rates are falling. An attempt widespread among criminologists leads to Norbert Elias and his work On the Process of Civilization , which can provide at least parts of a plausible explanation.

According to this, the increasingly civilized behavior would arise from the interaction of two structural forces. The first is the centuries-old expansion of the state's monopoly on the use of force , which leads to increasing behavioral control. The second force is the growing interdependence via the market and capitalism. Peaceful transactions would be rewarded and would be in the self-interest. As a result, researchers who are influenced by Elias expect an increasing sensitivity to violence, a decrease in harsh and cruel punishments, and a decrease in interpersonal violence.

In view of the observed increase in crime in the second half of the twentieth century, supporters of Elias's theory propose to describe this as a short-term deviation in the sense of a decivilization process. However, it is not clear how such a decivilization process should be explained with Elias, in the midst of expanding states, growing mutual dependence and relative peace. Manuel Eisner now proposes the following theoretical perspective, which is based more on Max Weber than on Elias. In his work, The Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism , Weber describes the concept of lifestyle , which includes work, politics, belief, education and the individual character. This model of lifestyle would be reinforced and stabilized by institutions such as school, family, church and bureaucracy. This model of lifestyle would unleash enormous forces that shape the details of daily actions and the pathways of economic life.

In a similar sense Eisner describes the major shifts in the extent of interpersonal criminal violence over the past 160 years, with major changes in Europe and a common cultural model of what constitutes a desirable and good lifestyle . These would be said to influence the extent of interpersonal violence through their influence on patterns of socialization and expectations of adequate interactions in everyday situations, especially in public spaces.

Francis Fukuyama becomes more specific as an explanation for the rise in crime between the 1950s and 1990s . Its presentation is as follows. Post-war economic growth brought prosperity and peace into the 1950s. Then came the decolonization of much of Africa, the Caribbean and parts of South America and the Middle East in quick succession ; the Vietnam War and the youth revolts of the 1960s; the civil , women's and gay rights movements ; economic transformations including the oil price crisis of the 1970s; massive economic restructuring and globalization , as well as enormous increases in migration between countries. In retrospect, it was all too much to be absorbed.

Can be influenced by politics

Many authors emphasize that the mechanisms underlying the development of crime are unknown. The above-mentioned theoretical, sociological mechanisms are merely plausible-sounding hypotheses. This raises the question of what influence political decisions have.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime ( english United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime , UNODC ) is now looking for solutions and chooses a pragmatic approach. It researches changes in crime in different countries and contrasts them with social and political changes over the same time periods. From these comparisons, factors are identified that have a positive or negative influence on the development of crime. Those factors are also named that have assumed effects but did not show any measurable effect. The UNODC emphasizes that this science is still in its infancy. The declared aim is political advice. It is intended to help achieve UN goal 16 for sustainable development , which also includes a significant reduction in global average crime by the year 2030.

Long Term Murder Rate Trends in Jamaica and Singapore, 19th Century to Present. (The Straits Settlements were an association of colonies that also included Singapore)

An example of this approach is the analysis of Jamaica and Singapore . These two tropical, multiethnic island states have a population of the same order of magnitude and are exactly opposite on the globe. Even on the list of countries sorted by death rate , they are at the opposite extremes. That was not always so. Both countries were British colonies and were similar in many respects. The political and legal system adopted from England also dates from this period . The level of development in both countries was comparable.

The killing rates (as an index for the total crime rate, see above) also developed in parallel until shortly before independence, which was achieved in both countries in the early 1960s. The death rates at that time were four to five per 100,000 inhabitants. The divergence began even before sovereignty was achieved. Crime increased in Jamaica and decreased in Singapore. In Jamaica, the rate rose to over 60 in the 2000s. In Singapore it stagnated at around two per 100,000 until the 1990s, only to drop to 0.2 to 0.3. In 2017 there were 11 homicides in Singapore and 1,647 in Jamaica.

The relatively recent divergence between the two states makes it unlikely that the causes lie in centuries-old factors such as the past with slavery in Jamaica. The UNODC sees the development of crime as being influenced more by indirect factors than by political measures aimed at crime. In the case of Jamaica, the disastrous development had already begun in the 1940s and 1950s, when political leaders put their supporters in key positions and bought votes. In Kingston in particular , areas had developed under the rule of leaders associated with political parties. These leaders developed vigilante groups that used violence against political opponents and were supposed to offer protection to their own residents. The vigilante groups formed the nucleus of the drug gangs of the 1980s and 1990s. In this milieu criminal organizations would have flourished. The police experienced a legitimacy crisis. There was violent self-help and cynicism towards the legal system. The highly politicized administration would have hindered the Jamaican state from tackling violence prevention, urban planning, social policy and rehabilitation programs.

The UNODC cites the country's politics, which are closely linked to the first President Lee Kuan Yew , as the main cause of the great decline in crime in Singapore . Concretely mentioned are the promotion of the rule of law , fighting corruption , a performance-oriented management with competitive pay, strategic investments in education and in a health care system and social housing, to minimize social exclusion. In addition, value strategies have been introduced that encourage hard work, social cohesion and mutual respect. It is also possible that targeted measures to combat crime played a role, such as law and order and rehabilitation programs.

For example, the UNODC identified the death penalty as an ineffective instrument . Singapore had one of the highest execution rates in the world. The death penalty was widely used between 1994 and 2004, but it did not lead to any development in murder rates other than in Hong Kong , where the death penalty was abolished in 1993. Both countries had similar falling rates during this period.

In principle, the UNODC emphasizes good governance , the rule of law and a consistent relationship between the state and civil society as beneficial in the fight against crime . It is questionable how far national policy alone is responsible for a specific crime trend. Changes in values, social and societal processes, but also cross-border crime, also affect neighboring countries. The Caribbean state of Jamaica is in the region of the world with the highest murder rates and the only region in the world with a documented increase in crime in recent decades. The cross-border drug trade intensifies the fatal bond there. A positive example are Singapore, Thailand, Cambodia, Hong Kong, China and Japan. Crime rates have been falling in these Asian countries for decades. In western countries the cultural solidarity is evident and a centuries-long parallel decline in crime is well documented.

Global strategies to reduce violence by another 50% in 30 years

A conference held by Cambridge University together with the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2014 focused on the question of how interpersonal violence on a global level can be reduced by a further 50% over the next 30 years. One result was that this goal can be achieved if policy makers implement scientifically sound methods. The desired order of magnitude is also not unrealistic, even rather conservative, since the murders, for example, have already fallen by 70% since the 1990s.

Systematic reduction of violence is now part of the program of international organizations. WHO and the United Nations are concentrating on supporting less developed countries in which the rates of violence are still comparatively high.

In addition to the direct consequences of violence such as death and injury, the WHO is concerned above all with indirect effects such as an increase in the risks of smoking, alcohol and drug abuse, mental illness and suicide, chronic diseases such as heart disease, diabetes and cancer, and infectious diseases such as HIV. The WHO works with partners on scientifically sound strategies for violence prevention. A four-step approach to interventions was defined: (1) defining the problem, (2) identifying the causes and risk factors, (3) designing and testing the interventions, and (4) increasing the scale of the effective measures.

At the United Nations, the promotion of just, peaceful and inclusive societies was included as Goal 16 in the goals of sustainable development . Important topics are violence against children, human trafficking and sexual violence.

Development in individual countries

Germany

Cases recorded Total crimes in the years 1987–2019 as a frequency figure (per 100,000 inhabitants). Blue: all ads, black: minus asylum issue with criminal offense code 725000

The German police crime statistics show the highest number of crimes in 1993 with 8,336.7 reports per 100,000 inhabitants. Since then, the incidence figures have fallen by 21% to 6,548 in 2019. The incidence of theft has decreased by 57% over the same period, from 5,126 cases per 100,000 inhabitants to 2,195.

The picture is somewhat different in the case of violent crime . The peak of the reports was not in 1993, as in many other areas of crime, but in 2007 with around 218,000 cases. That corresponds to 265 cases per 100,000 inhabitants. By 2019, the frequency had dropped by 18% to 218. The criminologist Michael Tonry explains the time lag in some countries with a later decrease in the social tolerance level there compared to the USA.

The homicides rate is used as an index for comparing the propensity to violence over long periods of time and over large spatial distances. In 2017, Germany had one case per 100,000 inhabitants, which corresponds to the average in Western Europe. In the first half of the 1990s the value was 1.7. The average for all of Europe in 2017 was 3 cases per 100,000 inhabitants, the global average was 6.1. East Asian countries have an average of 0.6, Singapore only 0.2 cases per 100,000 inhabitants.

England and Wales

Crime victims in England and Wales from 1982 to 2016. Figures in 1000 cases.

England and Wales is a region of common jurisdiction within the United Kingdom . The national statistics office has been conducting victimization studies here at regular intervals since 1982 . Randomly selected people are asked whether and, if so, in what form they became victims of crime in the past year.

One advantage of victimization studies over police statistics is that the unreported field is also considered. When analyzing long-term trends, however, the changing social tolerance level can have a distorting effect. In particular, cases of bodily harm and sexual assault are more likely to be classified as criminal today than it was decades ago.

The trend over time shows a steady increase up to the peak in 1995. After that, the numbers fell almost continuously. Excluding credit card fraud and computer fraud , the number of victims fell by a total of 68% from 1995 to 2019. The decrease in violent crime was 70%, that of robbery was 48% and that of theft was 68%.

Austria

Development of total crime in Austria from 2009 to 2018

" Austria is safer than ever before," says the Austrian Ministry of the Interior in the Police Criminal Statistics (PKS) 2018. However, the data evaluated in the PKS only go back to the beginning of the electronic evaluation in 2000. However, the states of the western world had a low point in crime rates in the 1950s, which may also be visible in old Austrian statistics.

The homicide rate is used as an index for comparing the general propensity to violence over long periods of time and large spatial distances. Austria had 0.7 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 2016. A high point was in 1991 with 1.3 cases. Today's 0.7 cases are below the Western European average, which is one. The average for all of Europe was 3 cases per 100,000 inhabitants, the global average was 6.1. East Asian countries have an average of 0.6, Singapore only 0.2 cases per 100,000 inhabitants.

Detailed, nationwide data has been published in the PKS since 2001. In 2018, fewer than 500,000 reported offenses were recorded for the first time. The clearance rate rose to a record 52.5%. In key areas of crime such as burglary in flats and houses, car thefts as well as pocket and trick thefts, which as forms of crime have a significant impact on people's feeling of security, the number of reports is falling significantly.

In addition, or a decreasing is internationally by an increasing willingness to report unreported cases considered, especially in violence against women . It can therefore be assumed that overall crime will decline even more than can be seen from police statistics.

Singapore

In a global comparison, Singapore now has extremely low crime rates. With the internationally standardized killing rate as an index, Singapore was only 0.2 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 2017. Germany came across one case, which corresponds to the average in Western Europe. The average for all of Europe was 3 cases per 100,000 inhabitants, the global average was 6.1.

For a detailed account of Singapore's decline in crime, see Political influence .

South Africa

Homicide rate in South Africa. The values ​​in the 20th century are probably underestimated.

With 36 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants (2017), South Africa is one of the countries with high rates. Contrary to what is often said, this is not a post- apartheid phenomenon. The graph shows an increase in the homicide rate from less than 10 per 100,000 population by the 1930s to 30 by 1965, where they remain until 1980. After that, rates rose to around 80 in 1993 in just 13 years. By 2011 they fell back to 30.

The values ​​shown in the diagram for the 20th century are presumably set far too low due to a lack of data and legal inconsistencies. However, the rate in South Africa has been above the world average since at least the 1920s. At least parts of the increase are attributed to the apartheid policy, which violently tore people from communal and social relationships and triggered political conflicts. This changed factors that have an influence on the level of crime.

In 1994 there were approximately 26,000 homicides, or 63 per 100,000 population. By 2017/18 (the year that ended at the end of March 2018) the annual number had dropped to a good 20,000 or 36 per 100,000, almost halving the rate. The main reason given for the changes is the reduced availability of firearms and the second most important policy improvement. From 2011 to 2017 the rate increased from 30 to 36 per 100,000 inhabitants. The reasons given are the improved availability of firearms by corrupt police officers and unrest among the frustrated population.

In contrast to the time course of the homicide rate, there was only a minimal increase in serious crime after 2011. However, after 2013 this rate fell sharply and reached its lowest values.

United States of America

Cases of violent crime since 1960. Translations: Aggravated Assault = Serious assault, Rape = rape, Robbery = robbery, Murder and Manslaughter = murder and manslaughter

According to the FBI Uniform Crime Reporting, the crime rate in the United States has been falling since the early 1990s. Violent crime peaked in 1991 with 758 cases per 100,000 population. In 2000 there were 507, 2010 405 and 2018 only 381 cases.

The United States, like at least all affluent countries in the Western world , has seen a decline in crime since the early 1990s, particularly theft and violent crime, after rising between the early 1960s and early 1990s. The diagram shows this clearly.

The homicides rate is used as an index for comparing the propensity to violence over long periods of time and over large spatial distances. The United States had 5.3 cases per 100,000 population in 2017. A high point was in 1991 with 9.7 cases. Today's rate of 5.3 is far higher than Germany's, which is one. The average in Europe is 3 cases per 100,000 population, the global average is 6.1. East Asian countries have an average of 0.6, Singapore only 0.2 cases per 100,000 inhabitants.

See also

literature

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g h Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 1–2 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  2. ^ A b Graham Farrell, Nick Tilley, and Andromachi Tseloni: Why the Crime Drop? Retrieved September 18, 2019 .
  3. ↑ Hans Rosling with O. Rosling, A. Rosling Rönnlund: Factfulness - how we learn to see the world as it really is . Ullstein, Berlin, 2018, ISBN 978-3-550-08182-8 , pp. 16 f., 85, 151, 164 f .
  4. ↑ a b c Stephen Pinker : Enlightenment Now. For reason, science, humanism and progress. A defense. Fischer E-Books, 2018, ISBN 978-3-10-403068-5 , 4, fear of progress.
  5. ↑ a b c Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 6 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  6. ↑ a b Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 7 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  7. ↑ a b c Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 49 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  8. ↑ a b c Steven Pinker : Enlightenment now. For reason, science, humanism and progress. A defense. S. Fischer Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt am Main 2018, ISBN 978-3-10-403068-5 , Chapter 12, Security.
  9. ↑ a b c d Manuel Eisner: Modernity Strikes Back? A Historical Perspective on the Latest Increase in Interpersonal Violence (1960–1990). P. 290 , accessed on September 18, 2019 (English).
  10. ↑ Hans Rosling with O. Rosling, A. Rosling Rönnlund: Factfulness - how we learn to see the world as it really is . Ullstein, Berlin, 2018, ISBN 978-3-550-08182-8 , pp. 130 .
  11. ↑ More Americans Say Crime Is Rising in US by Justin Mccarthy. In: Gallup Organization . October 22, 2015, accessed July 12, 2020 .
  12. ↑ Topics of the day from June 22, 2020. In: ARD . June 22, 2020, accessed July 12, 2020 .
  13. ↑ a b c d e United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide, Executive Summary / Booklet 1. p. 7 , accessed on August 11, 2019 .
  14. ↑ Manuel Eisner: Modernity Strikes Back? A Historical Perspective on the Latest Increase in Interpersonal Violence (1960–1990). P. 294 , accessed on September 18, 2019 (English).
  15. ↑ Stephen Pinker : Enlightenment Now. The Case for Reason, Science Humanism, and Progress . Viking, New York 2018, ISBN 978-0-525-42757-5 , pp. 169, 175 .
  16. ↑ Manuel Eisner : Long-Term Historical Trends in Violent Crime . The University of Chicago, 2003 ( Download [PDF]).
  17. ↑ Homicides - Our World in Data The data are licensed under the Creative Commons BY license. , accessed on March 2, 2019
  18. ↑ Herfried Münkler: Steven Pinker: Violence: All curves point to eternal peace . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , October 18, 2011. Accessed December 29, 2019.
  19. ↑ Manuel Eisner: Modernity Strikes Back? A Historical Perspective on the Latest Increase in Interpersonal Violence (1960–1990). P. 297f , accessed on September 18, 2019 (English).
  20. ↑ a b Manuel Eisner: Modernity Strikes Back? A Historical Perspective on the Latest Increase in Interpersonal Violence (1960–1990). Pp. 289f , accessed on September 18, 2019 (English).
  21. ↑ a b c d e f g United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide. Retrieved September 26, 2019 .
  22. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide, Executive Summary / Booklet 1. p. 1 , accessed on August 11, 2019 .
  23. ↑ Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 5 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  24. ↑ Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 51 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  25. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. p. 41 , accessed on August 11, 2019 .
  26. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Executive Summary / Booklet 1. p. 8 , accessed on August 11, 2019 .
  27. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. p. 37 , accessed on August 11, 2019 .
  28. ↑ a b c United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. p. 38 , accessed on August 11, 2019 (English).
  29. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. S. 40 , accessed on August 11, 2019 (English).
  30. ↑ a b United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. S. 39 , accessed on August 11, 2019 (English).
  31. ↑ Global Strategies to Reduce Violence by 50% in 30 Years - Findings from the WHO and University of Cambridge Global Violence Reduction Conference 2014 , accessed February 24, 2019
  32. ↑ Manuel Eisner - From Universal Mechanisms to Evidence-Based Violence Reduction , accessed on March 15, 2019
  33. ↑ WHO - Violence Prevention , accessed March 15, 2019
  34. ↑ UN - Goal 16: Promote just, peaceful and inclusive societies , accessed on March 15, 2019
  35. ↑ PKS 2019 - time series overview of case tables. Federal Criminal Police Office, accessed on March 30, 2020 .
  36. ↑ Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 8 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  37. ^ Crime in England and Wales: year ending Dec 2016 .
  38. ^ Crime in England and Wales: year ending June 2019 . The numbers are from Table 2a: Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) incidence rates and numbers of incidents for year ending June 2019 and percentage change , accessed on December 1, 2019
  39. ↑ a b Federal Criminal Police Office (Austria): The police crime statistics 2018. Retrieved on January 4, 2020 .
  40. ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide. Retrieved January 4, 2020 .
  41. ↑ Michael Tonry: Why Crime Rates Are Falling Throughout the Western World . In: Crime & Justice . tape 43 , no. 1 , 2014, p. 6 , doi : 10.1086 / 678181 (English, alternative full text access : scholarship.law.umn.edu ).
  42. ↑ a b United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime: Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Vienna, 2019), Homicide trends, patterns and criminal justice response / Booklet 2. pp. 25,26 , accessed on August 11, 2019 (English).
  43. ^ South Africa Police Service: Crime Situation in RSA - Twelve Months 01 April 2017 to 31 March 2018. P. 7 , accessed on December 25, 2019 (English).
  44. ↑ United States Crime Rates 1960 - 2018. Retrieved January 5, 2020 .