Party fragmentation
From a party fragmentation is - pejoratively - speaking, if the multi-party system of parliamentary democracy relatively large number of political parties in Parliament are represented. The positive opposite term is: party diversity . The reason can be a low or no threshold clause in a proportional representation . Governments often have to be formed from coalitions of a relatively large number of different partners. Primarily the legislature , the parliament, is affected by this “fragmentation” . In a parliamentary system of government, it also has an impact on the executive , the government.
Splinter party in this context is a - sometimes pejorative - term for a small party . However, there is no generally accepted definition of when a party becomes a splinter party and from how many parties one can speak of a split party system.
Germany
The roots of the German party system lie in the middle of the 19th century. Even then, even in majority voting systems, there was a large number of parties. More than ten parties were represented in the first German Reichstag in 1871.
Weimar Republic
In Germany, the concept of party fragmentation is closely linked to the Weimar Republic and is often held responsible for the demise of this first democracy on German soil. Thanks to the proportional representation system laid down in the Weimar Constitution and the lack of a 5 percent clause as it applies in the Federal Republic of Germany , many small and very small parties succeeded in entering the Reichstag .
The more recent research on the Weimar Republic is now relativizing the significance of this party fragmentation for the downfall of the Weimar Republic. The election researcher Dieter Nohlen thinks of social and economic factors. The proportional representation contributed to the fragmentation of the parties, but "party particularism" had already existed in the German Empire because of social and ideological dividing lines. The proportional representation took such factors into account, but did not cause particularism.
Federal Republic of Germany
As one of the reasons for the failure of the other bourgeois parties against National Socialism, party fragmentation in the bourgeois camp was discussed after the Second World War . In particular, the denominational division of the parties was perceived as the reason that the democratic parties to the right of the SPD had not effectively opposed the National Socialists.
For this reason, the CDU was expressly designed as a union , i.e. as a union of all civil forces. Also due to the electoral law of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Union succeeded in integrating or marginalizing the other bourgeois parties (apart from the FDP ) over the course of the next ten years .
Ulrich von Alemann coined the terms party miracle and election miracle .
France
France has always had the majority voting system with an absolute majority, if necessary through a runoff in the constituency. (The only exception was the parliamentary elections of 1986.) In this electoral system it is still possible for a larger number of parties to enter parliament. In the parliamentary elections, a left or a right block usually form, that is, the relevant parties coordinate. Last but not least, the presidential elections contribute to this division into left and right. As a result, even after the parliamentary elections, it is difficult for a party to evade the left / right polarization when forming a government.
In the middle, the party alliance and the Union pour la démocratie française party had overcome the party fragmentation for a long time since 1978 . What remained on the right was the Gaullist party, the classic ruling party, and on the left the socialist party and the communists. In 1998 and especially in 2007, the split-offs of the UDF led to a certain regrouping and fragmentation.
Italy
In Italy, party fragmentation has traditionally been lamented. For example, the Democrazia Cristiana had to accept up to five coalition partners in the governments that it set up from 1945 to 1993 in order to obtain a government majority. These governments were also very short-lived, with an average lifespan of just ten months. In 1993, therefore, a reform of the electoral law was carried out, which should reduce the number of parties. However, this reform failed to achieve its goal. The parties were retained and secured their remaining in parliament through constituency agreements.
After 1993 the DC imploded, giving way to a greater number of center or right center parties, and splits from the Socialist Party also contributed to the party splitting. Around 2008/2009, due to party alliances and party foundations on the left and right, concentrations are again recognizable.
Greece
In Greece, majorities capable of governing are promoted by giving the strongest party 50 additional seats.
supporting documents
- ^ Dieter Nohlen: Suffrage and party system . 3. Edition. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2000, pp. 303/304.
- ^ Günther letter, Klaus Gotto: The foundation of the union. Munich 1981, ISBN 3-7892-7164-0 , pp. 12-14.
- ^ Peter Weber: Italy's democratic renewal. Adjustment problems of a "difficult" democracy . In: Winfried Steffani / Uwe Thaysen (ed.): Democracy in Europe: To the role of parliaments. Opladen 1995, p. 195.
- ↑ Peter Weber: The New Era of Italian Majority Democracy: Questionable Stability in the Event of Continuing Party Fragmentation. In: ZParl, 28th year 1997, no. 1, p. 85 ff.
- ↑ Greece - State Development Federal Foreign Office, July 2013