The Vision of William of Stranton

A blessing John of Bridlington in the midst of devils and tortured souls in the purgatory illustrates the beginning of the text in Royal 17 B xliii (f. 132v).

The Vision of William of Stranton is a Middle English prose text from the 15th century, which describes a vision on the occasion of a visit to the purgatory of St. Patrick on September 20, 1409. In the tradition of vision literature following the Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii , it is the only detailed report written in English. The criticism of the idle and vain upper class, the excesses of fashion and the grievances of the clergy, expressed in the text, follows contemporary sermons and visions.

Manuscripts

Only two handwritten copies of the text are known, both of which belong to the holdings of the British Library : Royal 17 B xliii and Additional 34193 . Both manuscripts are copies of the original, which have not been preserved, made independently of one another. The copies contain different transcription errors and differ in their level of detail, so that they complement each other, but it often remains unclear which of the two versions could come closer to the unknown original. It can be assumed that the two versions are not derived directly from the original text, but rather are the result of a chain of transfers. Both manuscripts arrange the events described in the same order, but leave out individual sections that are still preserved in the other manuscript. In both cases texts were reformulated and additions were added, although it remains unclear to what extent this was done with these manuscripts or the unknown predecessors. The language of the text of the Royal has been assigned to western Warwickshire , while the scribe of the Additional is to be assigned to eastern Nottinghamshire or eastern Leicestershire .

Royal 17 B xliii

Folio 134r of Royal 17 B xliii

The Royal manuscript contains a total of 187 throughout numbered Vellum -leaves, including three front and three rear for attachment include. The sheets that do not belong to the endpaper are bound in Quaternio format. The band consists of three originally separate parts that were only tied together in leather in the 18th century. The first part contains an incomplete copy of Jehan de Mandeville's travelogue to the Holy Land (f. 4–115). The second part follows with the romance Sir Gowther (f. 116-131) and Williams Text (f. 133-148). Both texts were probably written by the same copyist . However, traces of use reveal that the two fonts in the second part were originally separate. The volume ends in the third part with an incomplete copy of the Visio Tnugdali (f. 150-184), which can be dated to 1451 thanks to a colophon . At the beginning of the two visions of the hereafter, a sheet with an illustration was inserted on the back (f. 132v and f. 149v). Both images are likely from the same artist.

The volume has a page format of 205 × 145 mm (  : 1). Some notes in the second part, very close to the outer margin, suggest that it was cut to size to be bound with the other two parts. The predetermined by lines set of mirrors comprises 150 × 98 mm, the uppermost row has been written above the frame, so that the writing surface in approximately the ratio 5: has. 8 In total there are between 23 and 27 lines on each page. The ascenders of the top line and the descenders of the bottom line are spotted in red and executed in calligraphy . The punctuation marks and capital letters are also red . ${\displaystyle {\sqrt {2}}}$

The earliest known owner of the royal manuscript is the antiquarian John Theyer († 1673), who bequeathed it to one of his grandchildren, who later sold it together with other works in the library so that it came into the possession of the English royal family.

Additional 34193

Folio 122r of Additional 34193

The additional manuscript consists of 228 numbered pages bound in quaternio format - mostly vellum, but also with a few sheets of paper. There are also two sheets at the beginning and at the end belonging to the endpaper. The volume begins with two documentary texts confirming the privileges granted to York Minster (f. 2–3). This is followed by Pilgrimage of the Soul , a translation of a text by Guillaume de Digulleville from French (f. 5r – 98v). Then the incomplete story of the encounter between the apostle Jacob and the magician from the Legenda aurea begins on folio 99r in the left column . The right column then begins with the text Williams, which is spread over three discontinuous sections (99rb – 100vb, 106ra – 106vb and 119v – 125v). Inserted is the text Narratio de spiritu Guidonis , which tells how Guy's spirit is allowed to leave purgatory to appear before his wife and ask her to pray for him (101r – 106r). The second insert contains Latin and English versions of the Hymnal de Tempore (107r-119v). At the end of each of the three separate parts there is a reference by the copyist to the next part. The third part refers to a missing fourth part, so that the text is not entirely complete. In comparison with the royal , the bishop's farewell words are missing in earthly paradise. This is followed by the Vision of Edmund Leversedge (f. 126ra – 130vb), which describes a vision in Frome in the county of Somerset in May 1465. Other texts include the rules of a hermit (f. 131), an English translation of the Liber de moralibus philosophorum (f. 137), Epistola beati Barnadi ad Raimundum nepotem suum militem (f. 202), a report of the Church Synod of Westminster on September 9, 1125 (f. 202), a letter from a Baltizar ... Soudayn of Surry, Emp [er] our of Babulon (f. 203), an English version of the Catonis Disticha (f. 204) and a religious poem ( f. 223). In addition to the numbering written with a pencil, there is also an older page numbering done in ink, which gives the folia 2r – 4r the numbers 1–5 and from page 5r onwards, starting with the text of the Pilgrimage of the Soul, the remaining pages are numbered separately: 1 -446.

The handwriting of the copyist of Williams Text does not appear very fine and is not found in the other texts of the volume. The first four lines of the text, the Latin prayer and most of the capital letters are written in red ink. The sheet size is 280 × 185 mm (3: 2) and the writing area 195 × 145 mm (4: 3). The text is in two columns with 33 or 34 lines.

The early history of the band is unknown. Some names from the 17th and 18th centuries can be found around the edges: Geo. Corquerell (f. 98v), Charles Henchman (f. 169v) and Geo. Goodman (f. 228v). The earliest identified owner is Richard Heber (1773-1833). From his estate it was auctioned in 1836 by John Fuller Russell (1814-1884), whose bookplate has remained in the book.

Regional references of the text

Stranton Warwickshire Nottinghamshire purgatory

The purgatory in northwestern Ireland, the origin of Williams and the places of origin of the two manuscripts.

The protagonist William of Stranton is only known through this text. According to him, he is from the Diocese of Durham , where there was indeed a coastal settlement called Stranton south of West Hartlepool . Further references result from the two Saints Hilda of Whitby and John of Bridlington mentioned in the text, both of whom come from the same region. In particular, the reference to John is very topical from the point of view of the text, as he only died in 1379 and was canonized as early as 1401 - five years before the time of the vision.

The MS Royal differs from the MS Additional in one essential point, in that Hilda von Whitby is replaced by Seint Ive, my suster, þat woned in Quitike . Generally Quitike is equated with the village of Quethiock in Cornwall . However, since a saint with the name Ive cannot be directly assigned to the place Quethiock, there have been several different attempts at explanation. Ward and Easting see the relationship in the Quethiock neighboring village of St Ive , which is named after Saint Ivo . Ward argues here that the gender of Ivo is not guaranteed anyway. Krapp and De Wilde suspected that the Cornish saint Ia could be meant, after whom the city of St Ives was named.

The text does not describe the exact location of the purgatory . Instead, it just states that it is in the Diocese of Clogher . A description of the locations is also dispensed with and instead only the name of the prior is given, who presided over the Augustinian Canons who looked after the pilgrims to the purgatory. However, the few details mentioned make it very likely that the author of the text was actually at the place.

content

Instructions from the prior

Although the author of the text was obviously familiar with the Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii and adopted some structures from it, it is an independent work. The narrative begins with the introduction of the protagonist and the instructions of the prior before entering the purgatory. In particular, he was instructed to say the prayer of Jesus Christe Fili Dei vivi miserere mihi peccatori (translated: "Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, be merciful to me sinner") when he meets a spirit, be it good or bad, in the purgatory would encounter. The same prayer can already be found in the earlier pilgrimage report of the Hungarian knight Georgius Crissaphan from 1353.

Meeting with the two saints at the beginning of the vision

In contrast to the knight Owein from the Tractatus , William does not claim to have physically visited and experienced purgatory. Instead, according to his own account, he recorded the vision he saw after falling asleep in the cave:

And after, thorow þe techynge of the prior, I cam to a restynge-place of Sante Patrike, in the weche he abode the reuelacyon of Goddys angellys when he wolde passe þat way in hys one tyme, and þer I abode and sumwhat I slomered and slepyde.

Translated: “And after that, with the instructions of the prior, I came to a resting place of Saint Patrick where he received the revelation of the angels of God as he walked this path in his own time, and there I stayed, slumbered a little and fell asleep."

Then, according to William, a faint light appeared to him and he saw a man and a woman, both dressed in white. Then he said his prayer as instructed, whereupon both of them greeted him and prepared that he would encounter two ways. The right path is narrow and unclean, while the left path appears pleasant and clean as far as the eye can see. He should then choose the right path and repeat the prayer in front of the evil spirit who appears as a man who blocks this path. William thanked them and asked them to identify themselves. They then introduced themselves as the two Saints John and Ive and Hilda, respectively; John remembered the number of times William had come to his resting place and blessed him, after which they both left him. William then followed the path and came to the advertised branch. According to the account, the sight and the screams of the evil spirit were so terrible that he had no thought of God, let alone remembered the prayer, so that he was on the verge of succumbing to the evil spirit if he was not in the last Moment would have been saved by Ive or Hilda. Then he succeeded in the prayer and the evil spirit disappeared.

Meeting with his sister

Then William describes the encounter with his beloved sister, who fell victim to a plague epidemic . She was with the two saints and a man she had loved while she was alive. The sister complained that her brother was opposed to the marriage they both wanted, even though they both loved each other and wanted to marry according to Church rules. Saint John also reprimanded William and asked him how he could have so offended himself against God and his own soul. As John further stated William had up to this point this sin neither confessed nor for penance done. However, since William would have done so had he been aware of the sin, the prayer of St. Patrick and the grace of Christ gave him the opportunity to catch up with the prior after leaving purgatory. Otherwise, William would have had to repent for sin immediately in purgatory.

Torments

Contemporary depiction of vanity using the example of a young man with a high hat, a fluffy jacket, tight-fitting tights , long pointed shoes and a sword who is tormented by two devils.

In the following text, William is led by John to various places of torment, where certain types of wrongdoing are punished by devils in a suitable and very detailed manner. The influence of the Visio Sancti Pauli can be seen here , although some contemporary adjustments have been made. Thus, the first torment of the souls guilty of vanity can be viewed as a criticism of the mutually outrageous extravagances of contemporary fashion. Splendid belts made of silver or gold, the bell dress or sleeves with excessively long protrusions are called reprehensible . Also tormented are those who follow the bad habit of swearing on the individual members of Christ, his wounds or his nails on the cross, and thereby seek to "mutilate" him. Other torments relate to violating the Ten Commandments, such as violating rest days, dishonoring parents, stealing and robbing, giving false testimony, killing, fornication and defamation. Also punished, based on Spr 13,24  EU, is the lack of severity and the renunciation of chastisement towards one's own children.

The description of the punishments that are intended for church dignitaries or other religious men and women who did not fulfill their tasks or did not follow the rules of their orders is also based on the grievances of the time. The torment of a bishop who had benefited financially from the practice that marriage contracts to be concluded through consistories could only be bought with bribes is described in particular in detail . Even in the case of payment, the marriage request was often rejected by the bishops, so that those affected went from church court to church court according to the description until the means were exhausted and they were thus forced to live in fornication.

Earthly paradise

Similar to the Tractatus , the protagonist has to return to the places of torment over a water over the earthly paradise. In contrast to the Tractatus , however, hell is not mentioned at all, so purgatory becomes the most important threat after death. According to the description, William arrives at earthly paradise via a ladder and a rope passed down from a tower on the other side of the water. The description of paradise is comparatively short, but similar to the Tractatus it is received by a bishop and accompanied by other clergymen, all of whom are dressed in white. The following is the description of a freshly arriving soul. This is a prioress of a nunnery who is surrounded by several devils, who immediately take on the charge that she chose the religious life because of her obsession and the easy life and did not choose devotion, abstinence and humility, as religious ones did Men and women should do. The bishop then explains that she will be tormented for these sins until doomsday. The text ends with the bishop's admonitions and a request to the protagonist to spread his experience.

Classification and further development

The moral valuation expressed in the text is in line with contemporary literature. For example, one Geoffrey Chaucer the arrogance especially in its expression of eclectic looks in his text The Parson's Tale of the Seven Deadly Sins . From the 14th to the 16th century this was seen as a falsification of the image of God , which tries in vain to improve the work of God. This was by no means to be understood as a general condemnation of fine or artistic clothing. Choosing appropriate clothing was particularly the state dependent, which was as God-given to accept.

Similar to the development of fashion, the increasing use of creative oaths in colloquial language has also been criticized many times. For example, John Bromyard († around 1352) wrote in his work Summa Predicantium :

“These inventors of new oaths, who inanely glory in such things, and count themselves more noble for swearing thus. [...] This is to be seen among those who consider themselves of high breeding, or are proud. Just as they invent and delight in everything of the nature of outward apparel, so do they also in the case of vows and oaths. "

“Those inventors of new oaths, who delight in them uselessly and who, by swearing, consider themselves more noble. [...] This can be observed among those who consider themselves to be of higher blood or who are haughty. Just as they think up everything in terms of the type of outward appearance and delight in it, so do they also in the case of oaths and oaths. "

The criticism of the consistories can already be found in earlier writings such as the song A Satyre on the Consistory Courts from the end of the 13th century , which complains bitterly about the injustices towards small farmers:

“Ne mai no lewed lued libben in londe,
Be he never in hyrt so haver of honde,

So lerede us bi-ledes;

ȝef ich on molde mote with a mai,
Y shal falle hem byfore ant lurnen huere lay,

Ant rewen all your talk. "

“No common man can live his life without worries, however skillful as a worker; the clergy bring us astray. If I should go with a girl, I must appear before them and learn their law, and I will repent of their advice. "

In the vision literature relating to the purgatory of St. Patrick, The Vision of William of Stranton is the first and also the last detailed account written in English. The text was probably better known in the 15th century than the only two surviving manuscripts suggest. An influence of the text can be seen in the Vision of Edmund Leversedge , which is also included in the Additional manuscript.

In the further development of the Middle English vision literature on the purgatory of St. Patrick, only a few translations or retellings of excerpts from other texts followed. This includes a translation of the French text Image du Monde , which William Caxton adds with his own comment, expressing his cautious skepticism:

“Hit may wel be that of auncyent tyme it hath ben thus as a fore is wreton, as the storye of Tundale & other witnesse, but I haue spoken with dyuerse men that haue ben therin. And that one of them was an hye chanon of Waterford whiche told me that he had ben therin v or vi tymes. And he sawe ne suffred no search thynges. ”

“It may well be as it was written in the stories of Tundale and other Witnesses in the past, but I have spoken to various men who were in it. And one of them was a Waterford canon that told me he'd been in it five or six times. And he has neither seen nor suffered such things. "

After the Reformation , the visions of the purgatory of St. Patrick were only classified as fantasies, such as by Sir William Lisle. And Robert Burton suggested that the visions could be traced back to too much loneliness, fasting, and persistent illness when the brain became idle and "the belly was as devoid of flesh as the head was of the mind."

Text output

The text was first published by GP Krapp in 1900 in Baltimore under the title The Legend of Saint Patrick's Purgatory: Its Later Literary History on the basis of Royal manuscript. The additional manuscript was only considered in a few short excerpts. It was not until Easting's text edition in 1991 that both manuscripts were fully taken into account:

• George Philip Krapp: The Legend of Saint Patrick's Purgatory: its later history. Dissertation at Johns Hopkins University 1899, John Murphy Company, Baltimore 1900, pp. 54-77
• Robert Easting: St Patrick's Purgatory: Two versions of Owayne Miles and The Vision of William of Stranton together with the long text of the Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii. The Early English Text Society, Oxford University Press 1991, ISBN 0-19-722300-1 .

Further text editions or translations of the entire text are not available (as of 2010). Wright, Ward and Leslie limited themselves to individual passages.

literature

• Thomas Wright: St. Patrick's Purgatory: An Essay on the Legends of Purgatory, Hell and Paradise, current during the Middle Ages . London 1844, pp. 140-151.
• HLD Ward: Catalog of Romances in the Departments of Manuscripts in the British Museum . Volume II. London 1893, pp. 484-489.
• Philippe de Félice : L'Autre Monde, mythes et legends: Le Purgatoire de saint Patrice . Paris 1906, pp. 60-69.
• Shane Leslie: Saint Patrick's Purgatory: A Record from History and Literature. Burns Oates & Washbourne, London 1932, pp. 28-33.
• Robert Easting: The English Tradition. From: The Medieval Pilgrimage to St Patrick's Purgatory Lough Derg and the European Tradition. Edited by Michael Haren and Yolande de Pontfarcy. Clogher Historical Society, Enniskillen 1988, ISBN 0-949012-05-X , pp. 58-82.
• Peter M. De Wilde: Les Voyages au Purgatoire de Saint Patrice: Illusion de la Réalité, Réalité de l'Illusoire. From: William C. McDonald (Ed.): Fifteenth century studies. Boydell & Brewer, 1998, ISBN 157113266X , pp. 143-158.
• Eberhard Meyer-Raven: The Middle English Poetry of the MS Harley 2253 , inaugural dissertation (University of Regensburg), Göttingen 1972.

Web links

Catalog entries from the British Library are available for both manuscripts:

• MS Royal 17 B xliii (engl.)
• MS Additional 34,193 (engl.)

Remarks

1. ↑ Cf. text edition by Easting, p. Xxxiii: Easting considers it likely that this is a representation of John of Bridlington.
2. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Lxxiv. The dating corresponds to the MS Royal . The MS Additional states April 14, 1406 (Easter). However, Easting estimates that the dating of the MS Royal is more likely to be correct. This dating is also taken from Leslie, see p. 28.
3. ↑ See article by Easting, p. 80.
4. ↑ See article by Easting, p. 78
5. ↑ See text edition by Easting, pp. Lxxiv – lxxvii.
6. ↑ See Eastings essay, p. 67.
7. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Lxxvi.
8. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Xxxv.
9. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Xxxviii.
10. ↑ See Eastings text edition, p. Xxxiii; Ward, p. 484.
11. ↑ See Eastings text edition, p. Xxxiv.
12. ↑ See Ward, p. 434, and text edition by Easting, p. Xxxiii.
13. ↑ See Eastings text edition, p. Xxxiii.
14. ↑ See Eastings text edition, pp. Xxxiv – xxxv.
15. ↑ ^{a b} See catalog entry of BL (see web links).
16. ↑ ^{a b c} See Ward, p. 487.
17. ↑ ^{a b c} cf. Eastings text edition, p. Xxxvii.
18. ↑ See Eastings text edition, p. Xxxvi.
19. ↑ See text edition by Easting, pp. Lxxviii.
20. ↑ Quoted from the text edition of Easting, p. 80, line 54, folio 134r.
21. ↑ See Ward, p. 485; Leslie, p. 29; Text edition by Easting, p. 221, note on SR52-54; De Wilde, p. 155, footnote 16.
22. ↑ See Ward, footnote on p. 485, in which he refers to the text of an inspection in 1294: Ecclesia Sancti Ivonis in Decanatu de Eastwellshire .
23. ↑ See Krapp, p. 58; De Wilde, p. 155, footnote 16.
24. ↑ See Eastings text edition, p. Lxxx.
25. ↑ See Eastings essay, p. 78.
26. ↑ See John D. Seymour: Saint Patrick's purgatory: a mediaeval pilgrimage in Ireland. Dundalgan Press, 1918, p. 28, digitized ; Michael Haren: Two Hungarian Pilgrims. From: Michael Haren, Yolande de Pontfarcy: The Medieval Pilgrimage to St Patrick's Purgatory Lough Derg and the European Tradition. Clogher Historical Society, Enniskillen 1988, ISBN 0-949012-05-X , p. 135.
27. ↑ From the Additional-Manschrift, Folio 99va. The transcription was done by Easting, cf. P. 79.
28. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. 223, note on SR 141–150, SA 144–154.
29. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. 224, note on SR166ff, SA170ff.
30. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Lxxxi.
31. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. 224, note on SR 166ff, SA 170ff.
32. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. 225, note on SR 202ff, SA 216ff.
33. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. 227, note on SR 330–345, SA 336–338.
34. ↑ See text edition by Easting, pp. 230-231, note on SA 491-497.
35. ↑ See text edition by Easting, pp. Lxxxiii.
36. ↑ See Ward, p. 486.
37. ↑ See Samantha Mullaney: Fashion and Morality in BL MS Add. 37049 . In: Texts and their contexts: Papers from the Early Book Society . Four Courts Press, Dublin 1997, ISBN 1-85182-209-7 , pp. 76 . The text is on Wikisource .
38. ↑ See Samantha Mullaney: Fashion and Morality in BL MS Add. 37049 . In: Texts and their contexts: Papers from the Early Book Society . Four Courts Press, Dublin 1997, ISBN 1-85182-209-7 , pp. 76 .
39. ↑ See Samantha Mullaney: Fashion and Morality in BL MS Add. 37049 . In: Texts and their contexts: Papers from the Early Book Society . Four Courts Press, Dublin 1997, ISBN 1-85182-209-7 , pp. 78 .
40. ↑ GR OWST: Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England . 2nd Edition. Basil Blackwell, Oxford 1961, p. 414 .
41. ↑ The song has come down to us through the manuscript Harley 2253 of the British Library , Folio 70v ff. The text edition was used for the quote: Thomas Wright: The political songs of England: from the reign of John to that of Edward II. 1839, p. 155-159 . limited preview in Google Book search. Ward believes the manuscript was written shortly after 1314. The poem itself is dated to the late 13th century by Spufford: HLD Ward: Catalog of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum . Volume I. British Museum, London 1883, p.  447 . M. Spufford: Puritanism and Social Control? In: Anthony Fletcher, John Stevenson (Eds.): Order and disorder in early modern England . S. 51 .
42. ↑ See essay by Easting, pp. 78–79.
43. ↑ See essay by Easting, p. 80. For the quotation, Easting refers to Caxton's Mirrour of the World , edited by Oliver H. Prior, Early English Text Society, pp. 98-99.
44. ↑ See article by Easting, p. 81.
45. ↑ See text edition by Easting, p. Xli