Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii

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The prior of the Augustinian monastery lists the torments to the knight Owein that await him in the purgatory of St. Patrick . Woodcut for translation by Claude Noury: Le voyage du puys sainct Patrix auquel lieu on voit les peines de Purgatoire et aussi les joyes de Paradis , Lyon 1506.

The Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii is a depiction of the experience of the afterlife of the knight Owein in the purgatory of St. Patrick, written around 1179–1190 in Middle Latin prose . The author of the text is a monk from the Cistercian Abbey of Sawtry who is named with the initial "H" . The text is considered to be one of the bestsellers of the Middle Ages, as it was copied and translated into numerous languages ​​for over three centuries. The text made the Purgatory of St. Patrick the most important place of pilgrimage in Ireland , which was also a destination for pilgrims from all over Europe in the Middle Ages .

Origin of the text

Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii (United Kingdom)
Sawtry
Sawtry
Wardon
Wardon
Baltinglass
Baltinglass
Basingwerk
Basingwerk
purgatory
purgatory
The purgatory in the north-west of Ireland and the Cistercian monasteries directly or indirectly involved in the creation of the text.

The author of the text only reveals the initial "H" of his own name and thus follows a practice of humility that was not uncommon in the Middle Ages . In the 13th century, Matthäus Paris extended this initial to "Henricus", which later became "Henry of Sawtry". The monk dedicated the work to the abbot “H. abbati de Sartis ”. Sartis is one of the alternative names here for the Cistercian Abbey of Wardon , the motherhouse of Sawtry. Although in the past the name of the abbot was added to "Henry de Sartis" who was abbot at least in the period 1213-1215, based on more recent findings it can be assumed that the abbot was Hugh de Sartis, who was abbot at least in the period 1173 –1181 held the office.

As the author explains, he learned the story from the Cistercian monk Gilbert, who presented the description of the knight Owein to a large gathering. The abbot of his mother monastery, as the author describes in the prologue, then asked him to write this story down. However, the text goes well beyond the simple presentation of a lecture, since the author embeds the story of the knight Owein in a theological treatise on purgatory , the introduction of the pilgrimage site of St. Patrick and an extensive epilogue.

Gilbert is identified in the text as a monk of the Cistercian monastery Basingwerk , who became abbot there in 1155 and was previously involved in the establishment of a subsidiary in Ireland for two and a half years as a cellar . The Irish monastery not specified in more detail in the text is probably Baltinglass . This can be proven on the basis of a complaint submitted to the General Chapter in 1202 by the parent company Basingwerk, which complained that the foundation was torpedoed by Mellifont , who subsequently founded its own subsidiary on the site. Baltinglass was founded in 1148, so Gilbert was apparently in Ireland around 1148-1151. According to Gilbert's account, the founder of the monastery and King of Leinster , Diarmait Mac Murchada , was asked for a translator to assist the non- Irish- speaking monks from Wales. Here Gilbert was put to the side by the knight Owein, with whom he remained connected for the two and a half years and who conveyed his descriptions to him during this time.

The knight Owein cannot be identified. One of the founders who helped found Basingwerk, however, was Owen Gwynedd. This was a Welsh prince who enjoyed great popularity but was excommunicated for marrying his cousin and died outside the church. Yolande de Pontfarcy believes it is possible that Gilbert adopted this name for the Irish pilgrim in memory of this Welsh prince.

When the author heard Gilbert's description, he was no longer abbot of Basingwerk, but of another monastery. Since Matthew is shown as successor in the office of Abbot of Basingwerk around 1180, it is assumed that the text could not have been written earlier. Hugh's successor as Abbot of Wardon is Payne, who took office around 1185/1186. Accordingly, the time the text was written falls into the intervening period. The contemporary works Vita sancti Patricii by Jocelin of Furness (1185–1186) and Topographica Hibernica by Gerald von Wales (1186–1187) both refer to the pilgrimage site assigned to Patrick, but obviously do not know the description of the knight Owein. Only a later version of the Topographica Hibernica , written before July 1189, suggests knowledge of the text.

The text itself exists in at least two early versions. The first was probably made before 1185. The second version was written with some additions between 1186 and 1190. One of the extensions is the confirmation of the story by Fógartach Ua Cerballáin, who became Bishop of Derry in 1185 , in whose diocese the pilgrimage site was then.

The concept of the purgatory

Although the idea of ​​a purification of souls, as in the case of Pope Gregory I or Augustine, was expressed earlier, the term purgatory did not emerge until the 12th century, denoting another place in the hereafter alongside heaven and hell . One of the early authors who mention purgatory as a separate place is the Cistercian Bernhard von Clairvaux with his sermon De triplici inferno , written around 1140–1153 , which provides for three different underworlds, two of which are located in the afterlife:

There are thus three different types of the underworld. One is the consuming underworld of hell, where the worm is to be found that never dies and the fire that never dies - there is no redemption in it. Another underworld is that of atonement, which is intended for souls in need of purification after death. Yet another is the underworld of repentance, namely voluntary poverty through which we have to renounce the world and submit our souls to repentance so that we are healed and after death we do not come to judgment, but pass from death to life.

Accordingly, the term St. Patrick's purgatory did not emerge until the 12th century. Independent of the Tractatus , the term was also used by the Cistercian monk Jocelin von Furness in his hagiography Vita sancti Patricii , which was created around 1185/1186 . However, Jocelin linked the term to the Croagh Patrick , which Patrick had fasted on for forty days. However, Jocelin also has the idea that the torments of purgatory can be experienced at this place and that an insight into earthly paradise is possible. Since there is a connection between Croagh Patrick and Lough Derg in Irish legends, according to de Pontfarcy, Jocelin may have been wrong in assigning the purgatory. Another contemporary mention of the pilgrimage site can be found in the Topographica Hibernica , where Gerald of Wales briefly describes the pilgrimage site, but does not yet use the term purgatory in the first version of the text:

It is said that a person who undergoes these torments for imposed penance need not endure the torments of Hell unless they commit a very grave sin.

action

The narration of the experiences of the knight Owein largely follows the model of contemporary vision literature, although the author himself does not want to see what Owein experienced as a vision. The role models include u. a. the Visio Tnugdali and the vision of the Gunthelm, in which an essential main motif is the conversion of a secular hero to monastic ideals through an experience of hell or purgatory. Quite a few torments such as the flame wheel or the narrow bridge to earthly paradise go back to the Visio Sancti Pauli .

Way to the purgatory

During the reign of King Stephen (1134–1154), the protagonist sought out the bishop responsible for the pilgrimage site to confess to him. When the bishop explained the gravity of his sins, he heartily repented and asked the bishop to impose an appropriate penance on him. The bishop offered him one, but Owein replied that if he had offended his Creator to such an extent, he would undertake a much harsher penance and asked him to go to the purgatory of St. Patrick. The bishop advised against it and told how many had died before him. Instead, he advised him to join an order as a monk. However, Owein stuck to his intention, and since the bishop saw that he could not dissuade him, he let him go with a letter of recommendation to the prior of the monastery belonging to the pilgrimage site.

The prior also described the dangers to which a visitor to the purgatory is exposed. Owein once more described the gravity of his sins and insisted on the visit, so that he was instructed by the prior, according to the custom, to fast and pray in the church for 15 days beforehand. When this period was over, the prior and his monks took Owein to the gate of the purgatory to enumerate all the torments of purgatory that await him. After Owein stuck to his intention, the prior described that the path led through an underground cave, which opened at its end to an open field with an ornate hall. There the Lord's messengers would seek him out and explain what else was in store for him. After that they would leave him, whereupon demons would seek him out and try a short time later. The knight did not fear danger, and he, who had otherwise armed himself with the iron sword and had proven himself in battles, was now armed with faith, hope and justice, he trusted God's grace and, stronger than iron, he was ready for the fight with the demons. With his right hand he made the sign of the cross in front of his forehead and stepped through the open gate into the purgatory, whereupon the prior closed and bolted the gate.

Encounter with the messengers of the Lord

After Owein found the path as described and went along it, he reached the hall and admired it very much. After spending some time there, fifteen men in white robes, shorn like monks, came. They greeted him in the name of the Lord and sat with him. The leader of the messengers praised his good intention to cleanse himself of his sins in the purgatory and instructed him to behave manly, otherwise his body and soul would die if he did not react. As soon as they left him, unclean demons would come to him, who would torment him severely and threaten to inflict even worse torment on him if he did not agree to give up and let the demons lead him back to the gate. However, this is deceptive, and if he did it, he would die. However, if he put all his hope in God, then he could get through it all, be cleansed of all his sins and have the opportunity not only to see the torments that lie ahead of sinners, but also to know the place where the righteous meet recover. He just has to think of God all the time and call on his Lord Jesus Christ by name in the event of a torment inflicted on him, whereupon he would be released immediately. Then they blessed and left him.

First meeting with the demons

So prepared for a new kind of chivalry, the knight was now equipped for the upcoming confrontation with the demons. He was equipped with the breastplate of righteousness; just as a head wears a helmet, its spirit was crowned with hope of victory and eternal salvation, and the shield of faith protected it. After a pause, countless demons appeared with a deafening noise and mocked him. They reminded him that he had come to atone for his sins, but that because he had come voluntarily, if he gave up he would be brought back to the gate. As a true soldier of Christ , however, he remained silent and did not answer.

First torment

Since he did not answer, the demons became angry and set up a huge fire in the hall, into which they threw the knight tied hand and foot and thrust around in the flames with iron hooks. He felt great pain, but did not forget the weapons of spiritual chivalry and called the name of Jesus. Then the fire disappeared in a flash, so that not a single spark remained.

Second torment

Then the demons left the hall and pulled the knight behind them. After a long tour, they reached a level filled with people of both sexes, lying naked on their stomachs on the floor, with their hands and feet locked with nails. People ate the earth in pain and asked for mercy. However, the devils who ran around them had no pity and beat them with whips. The devils told him that if he did not give up, he would experience the same torment. Since he didn't respond, they tried to fix him to the ground with nails, but they couldn't because he called out the name of Jesus.

Third torment

Then he was taken to another level, which was also filled with people of both sexes, who were also locked to the ground with nails. In contrast to before, however, the people here all lay on their backs. Fiery dragons ran on them, slitting some of the victims and working them with their teeth as if they were eating the people. Terrible snakes circled the neck, arms or whole bodies, only to sink their fiery fangs into the hearts. Everyone screamed ceaselessly, and devils ran around to lash with their whips. Again, the devils declared that if he gave up, he would not have to go through this. However, when he showed his contempt, the devils tried to fix him with nails, which they failed because he called the name of Jesus.

Fourth torment

So they led him to another level where countless people were fastened to the floor with white-hot nails. They were covered with so many nails from head to toe that there was no room for a finger to get through. Like the others, they were naked and were alternately maltreated with frosty and hot winds. The devils with their whips were not absent either. After they offered him the way back and he refused, the devil's attempt to nail him down again failed after he called on the name of Jesus.

Fifth torment

On the fourth level, to which he was taken, some of them hung with their feet on glowing chains. Others were hung by their hands, hair, arms or legs and surrounded by sulfur flames. Some who hung in the fires had iron nails in their eyes, ears, noses, throats, breasts, or genitals. Some burned in furnaces, others in pans, and some were drizzled with molten metal. Owein recognized some of his former companions. Another attempt to torture him failed when he called on the name of Jesus.

Sixth torment

After that they came to a huge flame wheel with the spokes and rim surrounded by poker hooks. On each of these hooks hung people roasted by sulfur flames rising from the ground. The devils positioned themselves on either side of the fire wheel and propelled it with iron rods between the spokes, whereupon the wheel turned with such speed that the knight could not distinguish the hanging ones. The devils then threw him at the wheel, whereupon he was spun up. However, as soon as he called on the name of Jesus, he came down unharmed.

Seventh torment

The seventh torment in the cauldrons. The illustration also comes from the volume by Claude Noury.

Then the knight was led to a huge building that smoked terribly. Before even reaching the building, the heat became so unbearable that Owein stopped. Then the devils asked him why he was slowing down. What you will see, they promised him, are the baths, and whether you like it or not, you will also take one with the others. When he was brought in, a terrible vision opened up. The floor of the building was full of round holes so it was hardly possible to walk in between. The holes were all filled with boiling liquids and metals. It contained a multitude of people of both sexes and ages. Some of them were completely submerged, others up to the eyebrows, some just up to the navel. Well, said the devils to him, you will bathe with them now. The devils then lifted the knight and tried to throw him into one of the holes. However, as soon as they heard the name of Jesus, they gave up.

Eighth torment

Then we went to a mountain where innumerable people of both sexes crouched naked and looked north with fear as if waiting to die. When the knight wondered what people were afraid of, one of the devils told him that if he did not give up voluntarily, he would share the fate with them. As soon as the devil finished his hint, a whirlwind came from the north, sweeping away everyone including the demons and the knight. They were all blown far away to another part of the mountain and ended up in an icy river. Those who tried to escape the river were repeatedly pushed back by the demons. But the knight remembered his helper, called his name and found himself on the other bank.

Ninth torment

But the devils did not give up and dragged him south, where they suddenly saw a terrible flame of rotten sulfur shoot up like a spring. The flame seemed to whirl up people of both sexes and ages. When the force of the flame subsided again, people fell back into the flame and disappeared with it into the source. The devils said to the knight that this spring with the fire shooting out was the entrance to hell, where their home was. If he went on here, his body and soul would be lost for all eternity. But if he gave up, they would bring him safely to the entrance. However, since the knight trusted in God, he despised the offer. Then the devils jumped into the spring and tried to drag him into it. As he dipped into the spring, it seemed to widen, but the agony grew worse. The pain became so unbearable that he almost forgot the name of his Savior. Thanks to God's inspiration, however, he was able to reflect and called the name of Jesus Christ. Then the flame shot up and threw him up along with the others. When he came down he was standing alone by the spring. Other devils came to him and asked why he was standing there. Their cronies, they reported, lied when they claimed this was the entrance to Hell and promised to take him to Hell.

Tenth torment

The devils dragged the knight to a very wide and stinking river. It seemed to be completely covered in sulfur flames and full of demons. The devils explained to him that hell was under the burning river. A bridge spanned the river right in front of him and the devils told him that he had to cross the bridge and that they would cause winds and eddies to throw him off the bridge into the river. Our cronies, the devils announced, would then take him prisoner and drag him to hell. They then led him to the bridge, which was so slippery that it would not have offered any support even if it was great. However, it was so narrow and narrow that one could hardly stand or walk on it. The devils offered him one more time to escort him safely back. But the knight called out the name of Jesus and began carefully to step onto the bridge. When he felt a secure footing, he trusted in God and moved on. The higher he climbed the bridge, the wider it became.

Earthly paradise

As the knight went on ahead, an ornate wall appeared before him, stretching very high. As he got closer to the wall, the door to the earthly paradise opened, where a procession led by two archbishops received him, who showed him paradise. They told him that this was the paradise from which Adam and Eve had been expelled. This would be where those who either had imposed sufficient penance in their lifetime or, alternatively, went through the torments that the knight had met after the dissolution of their flesh would arrive. All he saw, with the exception of the souls in the fiery spring, would be saved in the end and would go to Paradise after the purification was completed. Then the archbishops led the knight back out of paradise, where he again reached the hall and found the way to the gate, where the prior and his monks let him outside and congratulated him. He then spent another fifteen days in church fasting and praying.

reception

The Latin text was widely used, as evidenced by at least 150 copies that still exist today. However, the text only became accessible to larger circles through the numerous translations or retellings, of which around 150 manuscripts have also survived.

Old French translations

One of the first works based on the Tractatus was the work Espurgatoire seint Patriz von Marie de France , written around 1190 in Old French . It is not a pure translation, as Marie de France explicitly took on the role of the narrator, putting the entire text in verse and also making additions. For example, Bishop Fógartach Ua Cerballáin's description of a hermit who is haunted by devils every night, handed down by the first author, is extended to a story in which two devils tempt a priest by a lovely girl, a foundling . In her description, the priest escapes the urge to rape the girl only through self-castration. This is reminiscent of the fifth torment; the motif of the girl follows on from the author's earlier works Le Fresne and Les deus amanz . Another six old French versions of the text in verse are known. a. part of the Bible des sept estaz du monde from 1243 belongs to Geufroi de Paris . In addition to the old French versions in verse, two prose texts have been preserved in the French National Library .

Middle English translations

A Middle English translation from the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th century in the manuscript British Library Cotton Caligula A ii, written between 1446 and 1460 .

A total of three Middle English translations have survived, all of which were created independently of one another. The oldest belongs to the book South English Legendary and dates from the end of the 13th century. It is the most faithful translation of the three Middle English versions and is based on the shorter α version of the Latin text. Another text was written in the early 14th century as a translation of an old French version held in verse. Compared to the original, in which the knight can immediately evade the torments by invoking Jesus, the knight in this text suffers from some of the torments, such as that of the third torment:

Þis was þe first pain apliȝt
Þat þai dede Owain þe kneeling:
Þai greued him swiþe sore.

This version is particularly impressive because of the numerous romantic embellishments of the earthly paradise, which go far beyond the scope of the other texts. This also creates a balance between the descriptions of the torments and the comforts of paradise. The third Middle English text was written in the late 14th or early 15th century. Two manuscripts have survived here, one of which has the title Owayne Miles in the header (see illustration).

German translations

Handwritten manuscript by the poet Michel Beheim with the song by Sant Patericÿ fegfeur , which begins in the right column with the blue initial "I".
Handwriting with the beginning of the associated melody, which was also used for other poems.

The text was translated into German only to a limited extent. The version by Michel Beheim , a professional poet of the 15th century, who translated the Tractatus in an abbreviated form into a song with 37 stanzas, is particularly well known . Beheim concentrated entirely on the initial story, the descriptions of the ten torments and the earthly paradise. The theological discussions and the implementation of the knightly ideals on the existing probation in purgatory fell away, and the song ends immediately with leaving purgatory. The song was not simply read aloud, but sung with the also traditional melody of the "long sage". The syllable structure of the verses corresponds to this melody: The first system with 11 notes includes the first two verses with four and seven syllables, the second system with 17 notes includes the third and fourth verses with eight and nine syllables respectively:

I do you kant,
wÿ daz in the tides
ains kunges except Engelant
al da peschach grass adventures,
tells us the schrifft für ware.
the kung was called Steffenus.
the het ain riter, was called Awende.

He came
to ainem pischaff dare
in daz pistum, there was
Sant Patericÿ feure inside.
there he came to in riding,
that he het advice
of his sins from the an vang pis to the end.

The Carthusian monk Heinrich Haller of the Allerengelberg monastery in Schnals , South Tyrol, translated the Tractatus into the South Bavarian language in addition to numerous other texts such as the Visio Tundali and the Navigatio Sancti Brendani . The text is preserved as part of the manuscript Cod. 979 of the Innsbruck University Library , which Haller himself wrote , which contains a collection of his translations and which was created in 1473 or earlier.

Another well-known German-language translation is the writing Von dem pegfeüer sancti patricÿ in ÿbernia . According to the language it comes from the second half of the 15th century from the area between Bamberg and Augsburg . Only the first two sheets of her have survived. The incunable was printed in Augsburg around 1489 either by Peter Berger or Johann Schönsperger . The text begins by describing how God created the purgatory in response to Patrick's prayers:

That one knows, however, greenish vnn on all doubts
, unn remcken müg dz eyn pegfeüer
seÿ vnn eyn helle as then dÿe denotes
wholeheartedly written So there is a second thing
that was revealed in the country ÿbernia
by dz prayer Sancti then through the
sending of god in the same country Christian faiths there
zebredigen vnn to zeoben was sent dz he was then
even done with great glory day from night - vnn
thet also great wounds in the name of jh'u christi

Since the introductory text has been expanded and also changed in essential points, it is assumed that this is an indirect translation. Two further sheets have survived separately, which seem to be a continuation of the other two sheets, since they have similarities in print and also follow in terms of content. Added to this are the then current indications that the Pope had forbidden access and that a Carthusian monk from Tückelhausen who was interested in the purgatory was advised to return to his order:

Drumb has said the Babst to o vnsern zeyten overall
botten that you nÿemand mere is a sol can he
then got even large vrsach is czu o - It's kurczlich
EŸ kartheüser to o been thuckelhausen the bat got
vnd the common Capittel vnd the beloved father of Car /
she Tusia Solten a permit dar / man wolt it Abe
nit thu o n - vnd admitted in o antwurt he solt the kartheü-
ser orden rechtt thu o n vnnd shalt do the vleyßlichen
keep it hett fegfeüers genu o g is on - and so
it always tears up

Tradition through the Legenda Aurea

Depiction of the purgatory of St. Patrick in the Alsatian translation of the Legenda Aurea from 1419.

The Legenda Aurea by Jacobus de Voragine , created at the end of the 13th century, adopted the text in an abbreviated version as part of a larger collection, which was used in particular as a text to be read during the monastic meals. Due to the extraordinarily high circulation of the text - more than 1000 manuscripts have survived to this day - the purgatory of St. Patrick became widely known. One of the most noticeable changes is the name of the knight, who is called Nikolaus instead of Owein. Furthermore, the name of Jesus is not simply called out, but with “Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy on me sinner” a somewhat longer prayer is said in order to avoid the respective torment.

Like the Tractatus before , the Legenda Aurea was also translated, including several times into German. With 34 surviving manuscripts, the Alsatian translation is one of the most important versions. It was created in Strasbourg before 1350 and was initially intended for the Dominican convents on the Upper Rhine .

Text output

The first text editions were published in the 17th century by two Irish people as part of larger collections. First the Florilegium insulae sanctorum seu vitae et actae sanctorum Hiberniae by Thomas Messingham appeared in Paris in 1624 . The volume Triadis Thaumaturgae, edited by the Franciscan John Colgan , followed in Leuven in 1647 . Messingham and Colgan's texts were reprinted in the 19th century, some with additions from other manuscripts. Beginning in the 20th century, there were also text editions of various early translations or retellings, some of which were provided with new transcriptions of the original text. The newer editions include the following two works:

  • Jean-Michel Picard and Yolande de Pontfarcy: Saint Patrick's Purgatory: A Twelfth Century Tale of a Journey to the Other World . Four Courts Press, Dublin 1985, ISBN 0-906127-91-2 . (Includes a translation of the text into today's English, a detailed introduction and a bibliography.)
  • Robert Easting: St Patrick's Purgatory: Two versions of Owayne Miles and the Vision of William of Stranton together with the long text of the Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii . Early English Text Society, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1991, ISBN 0-19-722300-1 . (Contains the longer β version of the text on pages 121–154, along with comments on pages 236–254. The volume also contains a Middle English translation and a Middle English retelling of the text.)

literature

  • Robert Easting: The Date and Dedication of the Tractatus de Purgatorio Sancti Patricii . From: Speculum , Volume 53, Issue 4, October 1978, pp. 778–783.
  • Carol G. Zaleski: St. Patrick's Purgatory: Pilgrimage Motifs in a Medieval Otherworld Vision . From: Journal of the History of Ideas , Volume 46, Issue 4, October to December 1985, pp. 467–485.
  • Jacques Le Goff: The Birth of Purgatory: From the Change of the World View in the Middle Ages . Klett-Cotta in Deutsches Taschenbuch Verlag, Munich 1990, ISBN 3-608-93008-6 . (The French original edition La Naissance du Purgatoire was published in 1981.)

Web links

Remarks

  1. See Easting's article on dating, p. 782, and de Pontfarcy's introduction, p. 18.
  2. See p. Xvii in the text edition by Robert Easting: It has been called 'one of the best-sellers of the Middle Ages . Easting here refers to Shane Leslie: Saint Patrick's Purgatory: A Record from History and Literature , London 1932, p. Xvii.
  3. See p. 15 in de Pontfarcy's introduction to Picard's text edition.
  4. See footnote 11 on p. 470 in Zaleski
  5. ^ A b c cf. p. 146 in David Knowles et al .: The Heads of Religious Houses: England & Wales, I. 940-1216 . Second edition, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-80452-3 .
  6. See Easting's article on dating. Easting's view is taken from de Pontfarcy, see p. 14.
  7. See Chapter XXII.
  8. See p. 16 in the introduction by de Pontfarcy.
  9. See Chapter XXI.
  10. a b See p. 126 in David Knowles et al .: The Heads of Religious Houses: England & Wales, I. 940-1216 . Second edition, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-80452-3 .
  11. See p. 15 in the introduction by de Pontfarcy.
  12. On the founding date, see p. 127 in Aubrey Gwynn and R. Neville Hadcock: Medieval Religious Houses Ireland . Longman, London 1970, ISBN 0-582-11229-X . See also p. 56 and p. 383 in Marie Therese Flanagan: Irish Royal Charters , Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-926707-3 .
  13. See footnote 2 on p. 346 in David Knowles: The Monastic Order in England . Cambridge University Press, 1950.
  14. See introduction by de Pontfarcy, p. 16.
  15. This emerges from a note by Gilbert, in which he describes an incident in Basingwerk, his former monastery: "in monasterio cui prefui", see lines 1104 and 1105 of the quoted text edition on p. 150 and the end of Chapter XXII in English translation on p. 73.
  16. See Easting's essay on dating, p. 779, and the introduction by de Pontfarcy, p. 17.
  17. See Easting's article on dating, p. 782, and the introduction by de Pontfarcy, p. 17.
  18. See de Pontfarcy, p. 17.
  19. See p. 18 in de Pontfarcy's introduction. On the year the bishop took office, cf. P. 346 in Royal Historical Society: Handbook of British Chronology . Third edition, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-56350-X . For a discussion of how the pilgrimage site on Lough Derg in Donegal could then belong to the diocese of the Bishop of Derry, see pp. 24-25 in the introduction by de Pontfarcy.
  20. See entry on purgatory in FL Cross and EA Livingstone: The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church . Oxford University Press, 1998, ISBN 0-19-211655-X .
  21. The German translation was taken from Bernhard von Clairvaux: Complete Works IX . Published by Gerhard B. Winkler, Tyrolia-Verlag, Innsbruck 1998, ISBN 3-7022-2192-1 .
  22. See p. 17 in de Pontfarcy. Fasting can already be found in the early hagiographies of Patrick, see for example the 7th century by Tírechán from the Book of Armagh, p. 152 in Ludwig Bieler: The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh . Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 2004, ISBN 1-85500-118-7 .
  23. See de Pontfarcy, p. 19.
  24. Translated into German from the English text edition translated by John J. O'Meara, p. 61: The History and Topography of Ireland . Penguin, ISBN 0-14-044423-8 .
  25. See p. 472 in Zaleski.
  26. See the explanations by Gilbert, which are presented in Chapter XXII.
  27. See Zaleski, p. 473 including footnote 20.
  28. See p. 50 and 52 at Le Goff.
  29. See p. Lxxxv, footnote 1 in Easting's text edition.
  30. See p. 33 in the introduction by de Pontfarcy.
  31. See p. 179 ff. In Carolyn Dinshaw and David Wallace (eds.): The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Women's Writing. Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-521-79638-5 .
  32. BN fund fr. 15210 and BN fund fr. nouv. acq. 10128, cf. Kurt Ringger: The old French spurgatoria . From: From the Middle Ages to the Modern Age: Contributions to French and Italian Literature. , P. 52 ff. Including footnote 8 on p. 53.
  33. See p. Xix and xliv-xlvi in ​​Easting's text edition. The underlying old French text has been handed down in the anonymous handwriting Ee. 6.11 of Cambridge University Library .
  34. Verse 68, lines 1-3, folio 27rb, manuscript MS Advocates 19.2.1. of the Scottish National Library, see p. 13 in Easting's text edition.
  35. See S. liv-lv in Easting's text edition.
  36. See p. Xix in Easting's text edition.
  37. See p. 364 in John Hennig: Irish Saints in Early German Literature . From: Speculum , Volume 22, Issue 3, July 1947, pp. 358–374.
  38. Cf. Christoph Petzsch: The melodies and their tradition . Appendix from Die Gedichte des Michel Beheim , Volume III / 1, Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1971. See also the author's lexicon , entry on Beheim, Michael , Volume 1, column 672 ff.
  39. See text edition edited by Hans Gille and Ingeborg Spriewald: Die Gedichte des Michel Beheim , Volume III / 1: Poems No. 358–453: The Melodies . Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1971. Poem No. 449, pp. 304–334. Lines 1 to 14 of the first stanza on p. 304 are quoted here.
  40. Cf. Nigel Palmer: A manuscript find for the translation work of Heinrich Haller and the library of Count Karl Mohr . From ZfdA , volume 102, 1973, pp. 49-66.
  41. See G. Waterhouse: An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory . From: The Modern Language Review , Volume 18, Issue 3, July 1923, pp. 317–322. The print belongs to Trinity College in Dublin , call number Press A. 7. 19. The date can be found in a subsequent note at the end of the article.
  42. Quoted from the article by G. Waterhouse, p. 318. Some characters have been replaced, for example “ē” by “en” or “em”.
  43. See p. 322 in G. Waterhouse: An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory . From: The Modern Language Review , Volume 18, Issue 3, July 1923, pp. 317–322.
  44. See G. Waterhouse: Another Early German Account of St. Patrick's "Purgatory" . From: The Modern Language Review , Volume 29, Issue 1, January 1934, pp. 74–77. The incunabula discussed in it and cited here belongs to the holdings of the Irish National Library . Unfortunately, no signature is given in the article. About the closure of the purgatory by the Pope: In 1479 Pope Sixtus IV received a report that the Augustinian monastery belonging to the purgatory was without a prior and convent. The Pope then initiated an investigation. In 1494, a Dutch pilgrim filed a complaint that led to the closure of the purgatory by Pope Alexander VI in 1497 . led. However, the year 1497 is after the point in time when, according to the analyzes by Waterhouse, the incunabula should already have been printed. For these processes cf. Pp. 172-175 in Aubrey Gwynn : The Medieval Province of Armagh 1470-1545 . Dundalgan Press, Dundalk 1946.
  45. ^ Lines 37-46 on p. 76 in G. Waterhouse: Another Early German Account of St Patrick's "Purgatory" . From: The Modern Language Review , Volume 29, Issue 1, January 1934, pp. 74–77.
  46. See pp. 86–87 in Peter Dinzelbacher's : Heaven, Hell, Holy: Visions and Art in the Middle Ages . Primus Verlag, Darmstadt 2002, ISBN 3-89678-421-8 . The corresponding section at Dinzelbacher contains a partial translation of the text from which the prayer text was taken. The number of surviving manuscripts see the comment of the UB Heidelberg handwriting cpg 144th
  47. See author's lexicon , Volume 2, Column 716.
  48. See the comment from Heidelberg University Library on manuscript cpg 144.
  49. See entry 146 on p. 354 ff. In James F. Kenney: The sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical . Columbia University Press 1929, reprinted by Four Courts Press, Dublin 1997, ISBN 1-85182-115-5 . P. lxxxiv ff. In Easting's text edition. Also the entry on Colgan on p. 106 in Robert Welch (ed.): The Oxford Companion to Irish Literature . Oxford University Press 1996, ISBN 0-19-866158-4 . In the case of the Florilegium collection , the text is on p. 86–109, in the case of the work Triadis Thaumaturgae on p.
  50. A complete listing and discussion can be found in Easting's text edition, pp. Lxxxiv ff.