Chicano nationalism

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Chicano nationalism is the ethnic nationalist ideology of Mexican Americans. While there were nationalistic aspects of the Chicano Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, the Movement tended to emphasize civil rights and political and social inclusion rather than nationalism. For this reason, Chicano nationalism is better described as an ideology than as a political movement.

Background

In 1960, the United Nations General Assembly affirmed the right of self-determination for the colonized peoples of the world. Although Mexican-Americans had a rich culture, a distinguished history, had served in every American war, and many had made great strides toward assimilation and economic success, they continued to face discrimination and racial segregation. Some began to question whether assimilation was possible or even desirable. At the same time, a sense of ethnic consciousness and was forming, especially among the youth, around the plight of the farmworkers. Mexican Americans, many of whom began calling themselves "Chicanos" as a symbol of ethnic pride, also began to uncover their history and critically analyze what they learned in public schools. With this new sense of identity and history, many Mexican Americans began viewing themselves as a colonized people entitled to self-determination of their own.

Quote

The concept of Chicano nationalism is perhaps best articulated in the 1968 Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, generally considered the manifesto of the Chicano Movement. It states,

"El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán sets the theme that the Chicanos (La Raza de Bronze) must use their nationalism as the key or common denominator for mass mobilization and organization. Once we are committed to the idea and philosophy of El Plan de Aztlán, we can only conclude that social, economic, cultural, and political independence is the only road to total liberation from oppression, exploitation, and racism. Our struggle then must be for the control of our barrios, campos, pueblos, lands, our economy, our culture, and our political life. El Plan commits all levels of Chicano society - the barrio, the campo, the ranchero, the writer, the teacher, the worker, the professional - to La Causa."

Functions and basis

Chicano nationalism allowed Chicanos to define themselves as a group on their own terms, and was a determination on their part to mold their own destiny. It is rooted in the Aztec

origin myth of Aztlán, origin myth of Aztlán, a "northerly place". As the Aztecs are central to the conquest and history of Mexico, the use of the word took on the added dimension of the reclamation of an indigenous heritage as part of the decolonization process.

The sense of Chicano nationalism was enhanced by a geographical proximity of the United States and Mexico. Chicanos use name "Aztlán" in reference to territories within the boundaries of the Mexican Cession, the land that was "granted" to Spain in 1493 by Pope Alexander VI in Bull Inter caetera, then claimed in 1821 by Mexican Empire as a (former) American Spanish colony (a claim denied by Spain in 1822), then claimed as "territories" (as opposed to "states", often referred to as "provinces") by 1824 Constitution , and finally ceded to the United States in 1848 as an outcome of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (although it also included Texas, which had earlier proclaimed its independence from the government in Mexico City and was independent territory.)

The commitment to a nationalist ideology allowed Chicano activists to supersede differences that threatened their unity. Mexican Americans had regional, linguistic, age, cultural, and gender differences, all of which were all subsumed to a mutual dedication to the Chicano Movement.


Criticism

Chicana feminists criticize Chicano nationalism for de-emphasizing the oppression of women in the patriarchical Mexican culture. This is contradictory to the left-wing ideology of equality of races, classes and sexes preached by many Chicano nationalists, including feminist and workers' rights advocate Dolores Huerta was herself involved in Chicano political activism.

Post-movement Chicanos have criticized the shortcomings of the ideology, which naively assumed that autochthony was possible. Others argue the wave of immigrants, legal or illegal, have been the main center of Latino political issues in the late 20th century. And the reality is Latino national groups aren't isolated to the Mexican community, but of those from Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Central and South America, don't entirely share this mentality.

Another emphasis of Chicano nationalism is a misconcepted ideology of what a Hispanic or Latino is, especially in the United States, and the fact is most Mexican Americans are descendants of immigrants voluntarily came to the U.S. in the 20th century. The first Spanish-speaking inhabitants of the lands annexed by the U.S. were called Californios, Tejanos and Hispanos, instead of Chicanos, a late 20th century self-designation.

At the first place, most Mexican Americans are loyal to the U.S. government and proud to be part of America instead of Mexico with its' political corruption and economic problems. The Chicano movement has promoted a Hispanic, but anti-white third world agenda, and failed to include Native Americans of the Southwest U.S. And there was a heavy level of left-wing and Marxist ideology aimed to "decolonize" the Western U.S. is truly anti-American, or calls to remove white Americans (or Anglos) is criticized as racism in itself.

Today, the political organization voz de Aztlan based in Pico Rivera, California is labeled as a "hate group" by the Southern Poverty Law Center, due to the group's vocally open anti-black, anti-Asian, anti-Semitic and anti-government agenda. In the Southwest states, Hispanics are more geared away from ethnic separatism in favor of assimilation, while they have cultural tolerance by the larger Anglo society (i.e. bilingualism and pluralism), enjoyed improved access to job opportunities and gained a political voice in local, state and federal governments in the last 40 years.

And most of all, critics pinpoint and compare other American minorities (Civil rights movement among African Americans) with the Chicano movement to find there was wider hostility against social integration of Chicanos than with black Americans in the Southern U.S. Other comparisons of Chicano nationalism to global ethnic separatist movements (Palestine, Kosovo, Quebec and Northern Ireland) finds the Mexican American experience in the U.S. was not as violent or instable, and in U.S. history, activism gained legitimate attention to leaders and the government corrected inequalities by increased tolerance and peaceful reconcilation.

See also

References

  • Chávez, Ernesto. "Mi raza primero!" (My people first!): nationalism, identity, and insurgency in the Chicano movement in Los Angeles, 1966-1978 Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. ISBN 0-520-23018-3.