Chicano Movement

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Cesar Chavez and protesters.

The Chicano Movement (also: movimiento carpoforiano , Chicano Civil Rights Movement , El Movimiento ) of the 1960s was a civil rights movement that followed the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s with the aim of bringing "Mexican Americans", so-called Chicanos , into theirs To strengthen their rights and self-confidence. At the same time, a rich Chicano art and culture developed. The political movement leads to separatist movements of the organizations that want to establish Aztlán as a state of their own.

Origins

The movement was the expression of a diverse mix of conflicts over land regaining, rights for farm workers, improved education, voting rights and other civil rights, and it was also an expression of an emerging awareness of history. In terms of social goals, the Chicano Movement primarily fought negative stereotypes against Hispanics and Latinos or Mexicans in the mass media and the collective consciousness of Americans.

The term Chicano was originally used disparagingly for the sons and daughters of Mexican migrant workers. Sometimes the word was also spelled "Xicano". The new generation of Mexican Americans was rejected by people on both sides of the border because they were perceived to be neither American nor Mexican. In the 1960s, the name Chicano gained recognition as an expression of self-determination and ethnic pride.

The Chicano Movement also addressed discrimination in public and private institutions. In the early 20th century, Mexican Americans formed organizations to protect themselves from discrimination. One of these organizations, the League of United Latin American Citizens , was founded in 1929 and is still active today.

The origins of the Chicano Movement go back to the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, when the American-Mexican border was established. Since then, there have been repeated campaigns by Chicanos and Chicanas against discrimination, racism and exploitation. The Chicano Movement, which flourished in the early 1970s, was inspired by heroes and heroines of indigenous , Mexican and American pasts.

The movement picked up momentum when after World War II groups such as the American GI Forum (AGIF), a veterans' organization of Mexican-American veterans, began to work with other civil rights organizations. The AGIF first attracted national attention when it represented the case of Felix Longoria , a Mexican-American soldier who was denied a funeral service in his hometown of Three Rivers, Texas after he died on duty in World War II. After the Longoria Incident, AGIF quickly spread throughout Texas, and local chapters were formed throughout the United States in the 1950s.

During this period, Mexican-American civil rights activists repeatedly achieved significant successes in legal disputes, for example in the Mendez v. Westminster , when the Supreme Court ruled that segregation of children from "Mexican and Latin descent" was against the Constitution and the 1954 judgment in the Hernandez v. Texas , in which the court ruled that Mexican Americans and other groups that were subordinate to history are nonetheless entitled to equal protection under the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution .

The Chicano Movement was diverse and there were a number of leading figures. In New Mexico, for example, Reies López Tijerina , who worked for the Land Grant Movement . He struggled to regain control of what he saw as "ancestral lands". He was drawn into civil rights litigation over the course of six years and also became one of the sponsors of the Poor People's March in Washington in 1967. In Texas, war veteran Hector P. Garcia founded the American GI Forum and later became a member of the United States Commission on Civil Rights Appointed. In Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzáles established a Chicano self-confidence through his poem Yo Soy Joaquin ( I am Joaquin ). In California, César Chávez and farm workers turned to urban youth in their struggles, creating political awareness and participating in the “ La Raza Unida ” party.

The most prominent civil rights movement in the Mexican-American community is the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), which was founded in 1968. Even though this organization closely followed the example of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund , MALDEF also took on many other functions, such as political advocacy and training of local leaders.

Some women in the movement felt that some members were too preoccupied with social issues affecting the Chicanos community rather than addressing issues that particularly affected the Chicanas (women). Therefore, Chicanas founded the Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional . 1975 this was in the case of Madrigal v. Quilligan embroiled in a moratorium on the forced sterilization of women and the introduction of bilingual consent forms. These steps were necessary because many Latino women who did not understand English well enough were sterilized without real consent.

With the widespread "Immigration Marches" held in the United States in early 2006, the Chicano Movement broadened its spectrum and the number of people active in the Mexican-American community. In the 21st century, the focus was on improving the representation of Chicanos in the media and the entertainment industry. Furthermore, educational projects are carried out in which Latinos are informed about their rights and their influence, such as the South Texas Voter Registration Project . Latinos and other minorities should expand their participation in the American Democratic Process. Members of the original movement like Faustino Erebia Jr. still convey the story they themselves helped to create through difficulties and changes.

geography

The Chicano Movement was particularly pronounced in certain cities: Albuquerque , Chicago , Corpus Christi , Dallas , Delano , Denver , El Paso , Fresno , Houston , Las Vegas , Los Angeles , Oakland , Phoenix , San Antonio , San Diego , San Jose , Santa Barbara , San Francisco , Sacramento . The American Southwest was certainly the largest focus of the movement, but it can be seen that the focus of the movement was different in the different areas: In southern Texas, where Mexican Americans make up a large part of the population and already a share of the The Raza Unida Party of Jose Angel Gutierrez formed in 1970 and fought for election victories and voter turnout for the Chicanos.

In California, the movement developed into an alliance with other marginalized groups. The Chicanos in Los Angeles identified with the Left in the Third World (Third World Left) and fought the US imperialism and racism. The Brown Berets, with ties to the Black Panther Party , were one form of this movement in the multiracial Los Angeles context. The Chicano Moratorium Antiwar Protests of 1970 and 1971 also reflected the lively collaboration between African Americans , Japanese Americans , American Indians and white opponents of the war in southern California.

Chicano student activism also followed a specific geography. The Movimiento Estudiantil Chicana / o de Aztlan (MEChA) was founded in 1969 in Santa Barbara and brought together many university and college groups of Mexican Americans. MEChA has become a multi-state organization , but a look at the annual growth shows that the greatest concentration of members is in California.

Political activism

In 1949 and 1950 the American GI Forum organized local "pay your poll tax" campaigns to get more Mexican Americans to vote. Although the poll tax failed to be abolished, more Hispanics than voters were won over to help elect Latino representatives to the Texas House of Representatives and the American Congress in the late 1950s and early 1960s .

A political movement first formed in California when World War II veteran Edward R. Roybal applied for a seat on the Los Angeles City Council . Activists founded the Community Service Organization (CSO) and gained 15,000 new voters in Latino areas. With this support, Roybal won the 1949 election against the incumbent, becoming the first Mexican American since 1886 to receive a seat on the Los Angeles City Council.

The Mexican American Political Association (MAPA), founded in Fresno , California, was founded in 1959 and developed a plan for targeted electoral policy. The MAPA soon became the political mouthpiece for the Mexican-American community in California.

Student protests (walkouts)

After World War II, Chicanos began to be aware of their own history and status as Mexican Americans in the United States and to critically reconsider what they were taught in schools.

In the 1960s, when student protests were rampant around the world, the Chicano Movement sparked its own student protests. For example, in 1970 there were "walkouts" by high school students and the Chicano moratorium in Los Angeles . Walkouts also occurred in Denver and East Los Angeles as early as 1968, as well as in some places outside of Los Angeles. In Los Angeles County , especially at high schools in El Monte , Alhambra and Covina (Northview), students organized demonstrations to fight for their rights. Similar walkouts occurred in 1978 at Houston high schools as a protest against the different learning conditions for Latinos, as well as various "sit-ins" in protest against the cancellation of funds for specific courses for Chicanos.

In 2006 there were similar protests in opposition to the Illegal Immigration Control Bill.

Student and youth organizations

Chicanos student groups developed in universities and colleges in the mid-1960s. Well-known groups are United Mexican American Students (UMAS), the Mexican American Youth Association (MAYA) in California and the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) in Texas. South Texas had a local chapter (chapter) of the MAYO, through which the racial tensions in this area could be strongly contained. Members included Faustino Erebia Jr , a local politician and activist who was also the keynote speaker for the annual Cesar Chavez Walk at Texas A&M University . At a historic meeting at the University of California , Santa Barbara, in April 1969, various student organizations came together and founded the Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MECHA) association. Between 1969 and 1971 MECHA grew rapidly and large centers were set up on the campus in Southern California, as well as some local groups on the east coast in the Ivy League schools. In 2012 MECHA had more than 500 “chapters”. The student groups were initially very concerned with educational issues, but their activities evolved into participating in political campaigns and various forms of protest against societal problems such as police violence and the American war in Southeast Asia. The Brown Berets , a youth movement from California, took a more militant and Chicano-nationalist course.

Peace activism

The Chicano Moratorium was a movement of Chicano activists who organized anti-Vietnam War demonstrations and activities throughout the Southwest and other Mexican-American communities between November 1969 and August 1971. The movement began with the disproportionately high death rate of Mexican-American soldiers in Vietnam and the simultaneous discrimination they experienced in their homeland. After months of demonstrations and conferences, it was decided that a National Chicano Moratorium on the War would be held on August 29, 1970. The march began at Belvedere Park in Los Angeles and moved to Laguna Park (since then Ruben F. Salazar Park ). 20,000 to 30,000 people took part. The members of the Committee have included Rosalio Munoz and Corky Gonzales continue their work and although the movement was just one year she had great influence because it encouraged activists in other groups.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ LULAC: LULAC History - All for One and One for All. 23rd September 2015.
  2. ↑ Rudi Williams: Congress Lauds American GI Forum Founder Garcia [1] US Department of Defense.
  3. ^ American GI Forum Map. Mapping American Social Movements 2017-01-27.
  4. ↑ LatinoLA - Hollywood : Mendez v. Westminster LatinoLA | 23rd September 2015.
  5. ↑ HERNANDEZ v. TEXAS. The Oyez Project at IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. http://www.oyez.org/cases/1950-1959/1953/1953_406/
  6. ↑ yo soy Joaquin .
  7. ↑ MALDEF - About Us. April 22, 2008.
  8. ↑ STERILIZED in the name of Public Health. PubMed Central (PMC) September 23, 2015.
  9. ↑ cemaweb.library.ucsb.edu September 23, 2015
  10. ^ "Chicano Power in the USA" - Xcano Media, Los Angeles.
  11. ^ Chicano / Latino Movements History and Geography. Mapping American Social Movements Through the 20th Century
  12. ↑ Brown Berets .
  13. ^ "Our First Poll Tax Drive": The American GI Forum Fights Disenfranchisement of Mexican Americans in Texas. historymatter.gmu.edu September 23, 2015.
  14. ^ Election of Roybal, democracy at work: extension of remarks of the Hon. Chet Holifield of California in the House of Representatives. 23rd September 2015.
  15. ↑ [2] September 23, 2015.
  16. ↑ Our PLACE Called Home - The Chicano Student Walkout May 10, 2011.
  17. ↑ Border Protection, Anti-terrorism and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005, HR4437.
  18. ↑ tamuk.edu. PDF.
  19. ↑ a b J. W. Moore, AB Cuéllar: Mexican Americans . Ethnic groups in American life series. Englewood, Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall 1970: 150. ISBN 0-13-579490-0
  20. ↑ MEChA chapters map .
  21. ↑ depts.washington.edu .
  22. ^ JW Moore, AB Cuéllar: Mexican Americans . Ethnic groups in American life series. Englewood, Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall 1970: 151. ISBN 0-13-579490-0
  23. ↑ 30 Years After the Chicano Moratorium . In: Frontlines of Revolutionary Struggle . Retrieved September 23, 2015.
  24. ↑ chicanomoratorium.org .

literature

  • Juan Gómez-Quiñones, Irene Vásquez: Making Aztlán: Ideology and Culture of the Chicana and Chicano Movement, 1966-1977. 2014
  • Matt S. Meier, Margo Gutiérrez: Encyclopedia of the Mexican American civil rights movement. Greenwood 2000. online
  • Cynthia E. Orozco: No Mexicans, women, or dogs allowed: The rise of the Mexican American civil rights movement. University of Texas Press 2010. online
  • F. Arturo. Rosales: Chicano! The history of the Mexican American civil rights movement. Arte Público Press, 1997. online
  • George I. Sánchez: "Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1960." In: Journal of Southern History. 2006. 72, 3: pp. 569-604. in JSTOR

Web links