Cluvius Rufus

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Cluvius Rufus (* probably before 2 BC ; † after 70 AD) was a Roman consul and historian in the 1st century AD .

Caligula's assassination

It is uncertain whether a Cluvius named by Flavius ​​Josephus can be identified with the historian. Josephus narrates a conversation that took place in the theater on January 24, 41, shortly before Caligula's murder:

“Vatinius, a man of senatorial rank and former praetor, asked Cluvius, who was sitting next to him, a former consul, whether he had heard nothing new. But he spoke so carefully that no one else could understand him. Cluvius replied that he had heard nothing and now Vatinius whispered to him: 'Today, dear Cluvius, the play of tyrannicide is being performed!' 'Silence,' he replied, 'so that no other Achiver hears the speech!' "

In the manuscripts it is not "Cluvius" but "Cluitos". But since such a name is not known, Mommsen already suspected that Cluvius Rufus was meant here. Townend concluded from the whispered conversation that one of the participants, probably Cluvius, must have passed on this scene and drew the exaggerated conclusion that Cluvius as a historian should not be taken seriously. In any case, it is uncertain whether the historian himself or possibly his father is meant here. It is possible that Josephus only anachronistically referred to Cluvius as a former consul.

The herald of Nero

At the time of Nero, Cluvius Rufus performed heralding services for the emperor. Suetonius reports on the second Neronia in the summer of 65:

"As soon as he had taken his seat and finished the foreplay, he had Cluvius Rufus, a man who held the consulate, announce that he would sing the 'Niobe', which lasted almost until the tenth hour."

Cassius Dio reports on Nero's trip to Greece in 67:

"In every city in which a competition was held, he [Nero] participated equally in it and used the ex-consul Cluvius Rufus as a herald whenever the services of one were required."

A quote from his historical work, which Plutarch narrates, testifies to Cluvius' preoccupation with the theater :

“Why do the Romans call the Dionysian artists 'Histrions'? Is it for the reason that Cluvius Rufus reported? Because he explains that in very ancient times, under the consulate of Gaius Sulpicius and Licinius Stolo [361 BC Chr.] A plague-like illness arose in Rome and killed all but one man who appeared on the stage. Consequently, at the request of the Romans, many eminent artists came from Etruria, the most respected and the longest successful in their theaters being called 'Hister'; and that is why all actors are called histriones after him. "

Governor of Spain

Cluvius Rufus' friendship with Nero did not prevent his successor Galba (emperor since April 1 / June 8, 68 ) from sending him to the province of Hispania (Tarraconensis) as governor :

"Of the provinces, Spain was under Cluvius Rufus, an eloquent man who was well experienced in the arts of peace and who had not yet proven himself in the war."

After Galba's murder (January 15, 69), he inclined to Otho.

“The first message that instilled more confidence in Otho was that from Illyricum, that the legions [...] had taken their oath of homage. The same was reported from Spain; Cluvius Rufus was commended by a letter, but at the same moment they learned that Spain had turned to Vitellius. "
“Cluvius Rufus says that ID cards were also brought to Spain like those given to the official mail carriers on which the nickname Nero was added to the name Othos. But when he noticed that the first and most distinguished men were offended by it, he dropped it. "
“After Galba's murder, devoted to Otho and not satisfied with Africa, he [ Lucceius Albinus ] threatened Spain, which was separated from it by a narrow strait. so Cluvius Rufus became concerned and ordered the 10th Legion to approach the coast as if to cross over. Centurions were sent ahead to win the Moors for Vitellius and it was not difficult, given the important reputation of the Germanic army in the provinces. "

When Vitellius replaced Otho (April 16, 69), Cluvius found himself on the side of the victor again in time. But there are also serious doubts about his loyalty:

“When Vitellius had already left Lugdunum, Cluvius Rufus, who had left Spain, reached him with joy and congratulations on his face, fearful in his heart and knowing that he had been blackened. Hilarius, an imperial freedman, had reported him that, as soon as he had heard of Vitellius and Otho's rule, he had striven for his own authority and for the possession of Spain, and therefore did not put any prince name in front of the letters of conduct. He also interpreted some things in his speeches as dishonorable for Vitellius and as calculated for popular favor for himself. Cluvius' reputation, however, was of such weight that Vitellius ordered his freedmen to be punished on top of that. Cluvius was added to the prince's retinue, Spain not taken from him, which he administered absent after Lucius Arruntius' affairs. The emperor Tiberius held this back out of concern, Vitellius held back Cluvius without fear. "

And even under Vespasian, Cluvius was in the highest esteem. At the beginning of the year 70, Tacitus contrasts him with T. Eprius Marcellus :

“The Senate heard Montanus with so much applause that Helvidius had hope that Marcellus could also be overthrown. So he began with the praise of Cluvius Rufus, who was no less rich and famous for his eloquence, but had never caused danger to anyone under Nero, and pressed Eprius at the same time with the accusation and the comparison. The hearts of the senators burned. "

The historian

Cluvius Rufus' date of death is unknown. He is likely to have completed his historical work under Vespasian. If he was actually consul in the year 41, in all probability he would have died under this emperor. The fragments are collected in The Fragments of the Roman Historians (No. 84).

Period of the Historiae des Cluvius

It is disputed what period the history of Cluvius Rufus included. Its beginning is particularly uncertain, but it should at least have covered the entire reign of Claudius (41–54). But it is also possible that the detailed account of the murder of Caligula, handed down by Josephus, goes back to Cluvius.

But it is also unclear at what time the historical work ended: With the death of Nero or the end of 68 (Townend)? With the death of Vitellius (Mommsen)? Presumably, Cluvius did not deal with the end of 69.

Valuation as a historian

Since Mommsen's relevant study, Cluvius Rufus has been regarded as an “excellent informant” and as the main source for describing the Nero period in Tacitus . Plutarch quotes him, and Suetonius and Cassius Dio also referred to the historian. His high position gave him a deep insight into the events of his time: "a man who knew his way around" (Schmal). His eloquentia was undisputed. Tacitus also makes it clear several times why he prefers Cluvius Rufus as a source to others. So he reports for the year 55:

“Fabius Rusticus testified that a letter had already been sent to Caecina Tuscus in which he had been given the command of the praetoric cohorts. but through Seneca's endeavors, Burrus retained his dignity. Pliny and Cluvius report that there was no question of the prefect's loyalty, and that Fabius was indeed inclined to praise Seneca, through whose friendship he gained respect. We want to follow the agreement of the historians here [...]. "

According to Tacitus, Cluvius reported in agreement with the other historians and Tacitus followed him in his account. Cluvius also agrees with the majority on another incident about the year 59 that has been handed down differently and is preferred by Tacitus:

“Cluvius reports that Agrippina, in her eagerness to hold onto power, went so far that at noon, since Nero used to be heated by food and wine at that time, she repeatedly offered herself to the drunk, adorned and prepared to disgrace. And since the immediate vicinity noticed voluptuous kisses and caresses appearing as harbingers of iniquity, Seneca had tried to help against the temptations of the woman with a wine, and the Freedom Act had been sent to him, at the same time in fear of her own danger and Nero's disreputable reputation for bringing forth that the incest was world-famous, as the mother boasted of it, and that the soldiers would not endure the rule of a desecrated prince. Fabius Rusticus relates that it was not Agrippina but Nero who had this desire, and it was thwarted by the ruse of that freedman. But the same thing that Cluvius has passed on to the other historians and the legend [their reputation] speaks for it [...]. "

Pliny the Younger reports in a letter of a conversation between Cluvius Rufus and Verginius Rufus (14–97), which underlines the unconditional loyalty to the source and the love of truth of Cluvius Rufus:

“Only once did he [Verginius] come to report on his affairs in my presence, namely that Cluvius had said to him: 'You know, Verginius, the objectivity that historiography owes. So please forgive me if you read something different in my history than you wish. ' Then he said: 'Don't you know, Cluvius, that I did what I did so that you could write what you want?' "

literature

  • LH Feldman: The sources of Josephus' Antiquities 19. In: Latomus 21 (1962), p. 320ff.
  • Rudolf Hanslik : Cluvius II.2. In: The Little Pauly . Vol. 1 (1964), Col. 1234f.
  • Theodor Mommsen : Cornelius Tacitus and Cluvius Rufus. In: Hermes 4 (1870), pp. 295-325.
  • HW Ritter: Cluvius Rufus with Josephus? In: Rheinisches Museum 115 (1972), p. 86ff.
  • Ronald Syme : Tacitus . Vol. 1 (of 2). Oxford 1958, pp. 287ff.
  • D. Timpe: Roman history with Flavius ​​Josephus. In: Historia 9 (1960), p. 500ff.
  • GB Townend: Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus. In: American Journal of Philology 85 (1964), pp. 337-377.
  • D. Wardle: Cluvius Rufus and Suetonius. In: Hermes 120 (1992), pp. 466-482.

Remarks

  1. Josephus ant. 19,1,13; German translator H. Clementz. It is a modified quote from Homer's Iliad (14.90).
  2. Against: Wardle (1992) passim .
  3. Some put his (suffect) consulate in the years 39/40. PA Gallivan "The Fasti for the Reign of Claudius" Classical Quarterly 28 (1978) 423 dates his consulate to the Nero period.
  4. utque constitit, peracto principio 'Niobam se cantaturum' per Cluvium Rufum consularem pronuntiavit. (Suetonius Nero 21.2; German translation after Adolf Stahr, Essen 1987).
  5. ^ Cass. Dio 63, 14, 3; German translation Otto Veh 1987.
  6. ^ Plutarch, Roman questions 107, (= 289 D). Wardle rightly points out that from this mention it cannot be concluded that Cluvius in his historical work up to the 4th century BC. BC declined. It is more likely that he knew how to apply his knowledge of the old days in connection with Nero's theatrical mania. (cf. Wardle (1992) 478, note 67.
  7. Hispaniae praeerat Marcus Cluvius Rufus, vir Facundus et Pacis artibus, <> Bellis inexpertus. (Tacitus, Historien 1, 8, 1; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer). "Corruption in the text has, if anything, minimized the contrast between Cluvius military and civilian qualities." (Wardle (1992) 475, note 53).
  8. Jump up Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex Illyrico nuntius iurasse in eum Dalmatiae ac Pannoniae et Moesiae legiones. idem ex Hispania adlatum laudatusque per edictum Cluvius Rufus: set statim cognitum est conversam ad Vitellium Hispaniam. (Tac. Hist. 1, 76, 1f.; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer).
  9. Plutarch Otho 3; German transl. Konrat Ziegler .
  10. caeso Galba in Othonem pronus nec Africa contentus Hispaniae angusto freto diremptae imminebat. inde Cluvio Rufo metus, et decimam legionem propinquare litori ut transmissurus iussit; praemissi centuriones qui Maurorum animos Vitellio conciliarent. neque arduum fuit, magna per provincias Germanici exercitus fama; (Tac. Hist. 2, 58; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer)
  11. Jump up Digressum a Luguduno Vitellium Cluvius Rufus adsequitur omissa Hispania, laetitiam et gratulationem vultu ferens, animo anxius et petitum se criminationibus gnarus. Hilarus Caesaris libertus detulerat tamquam audito Vitellii et Othonis principatu propriam ipse potentiam et possessionem Hispaniarum temptasset, eoque diplomatibus nullum principem praescripsisset; [et] interpretabatur quaedam ex orationibus eius contumeliosa in Vitellium et pro se ipso popularia. auctoritas Cluvii praevaluit ut puniri ultro libertum suum Vitellius iuberet. Cluvius comitatui principis adiectus, non adempta Hispania, quam rexit absens exemplo L. [Arrunti. sed] Arruntium Tiberius Caesar ob metum, Vitellius Cluvium nulla formidine retinebat. (Tac. Hist. 2, 65; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer)
  12. Tanto cum adsensu senatus auditus est Montanus ut spem caperet Helvidius posse etiam Marcellum prosterni. igitur a laude Cluvii Rufi orsus, qui perinde dives et eloquentia clarus nulli umquam sub Nerone periculum facessisset, crimine simul exemploque Eprium urgebat, ardentibus patrum animis. (Tac. Hist. 4, 43, 1; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer).
  13. ^ Wardle (1992) 478.
  14. Detailed discussion in Wardle (1992) 478-482.
  15. ^ Wardle (1992) 477.
  16. Mommsen (1870), passim.
  17. Wardle (1992) passim; GB Townend: The sources of the Greek in Suetonius. In: Hermes 88 (1960), pp. 98-120.
  18. ^ GB Townend: Traces in Dio of Cluvius, Aufidius and Pliny. In: Hermes 89 (1961), pp. 227-248; ders .: Some rhetorical battle pictures in Dio. In: Hermes 92 (1964), pp. 467-481.
  19. Stephan Schmal: Tacitus. (= Study Books Antike 14) Hildesheim / Zurich / New York (2005), p. 112.
  20. Fabius Rusticus auctor est scriptos esse ad Caecinam Tuscum codicillos, mandata ei praetoriarum cohortium cura, sed ope Senecae dignationem Burro retentam. Pliny et Cluvius nihil dubitatum de fide praefecti referunt. sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae, cuius amicitia floruit. nos consensum auctorum secuturi, quae diversa prodiderint, sub nominibus ipsorum trademus. (Tacitus, Annalen 13, 20; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer).
  21. Tradit Cluvius ardore retinendae Agrippinam potentiae eo usque provectam, ut medio diei, cum id temporis Nero per vinum et epulas incalesceret, offerret se saepius temulento comptam in incesto paratam; iamque lasciva oscula et praenuntias flagitii blanditias adnotantibus proximis, Senecam contra muliebris inlecebras subsidium a femina petivisse, immissamque Acten libertam, quae simul suo periculo et infamia Neronis anxia deferret principally toleris toleris incestium, necori milulgatum esse incestum. Fabius Rusticus non Agrippinae sed Neroni cupitum id memorat eiusdemque libertae astu disiectum. sed quae Cluvius, eadem ceteri quoque auctores prodidere, et fama huc inclinat, [...] (Tacitus, Annalen 14, 2; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer).
  22. ^ Ipse sum testis, familiariter ab eo dilectus probatusque, semel omnino me audiente provectum, ut de rebus suis hoc unum referret, ita secum aliquando Cluvium locutum: 'Scis, Vergini, quae historiae fides debeatur; proinde si quid in historiis meis legis aliter ac velis rogo ignoscas. ' Ad hoc seine: 'Tune ignoras, Cluvi, ideo me fecisse quod feci, ut esset liberum vobis scribere quae libuisset?' (Plin. Ep. 9, 19, 5; German transl. Heribert Philips 1996).