Women's suffrage in Mongolia

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Süchbaataryn Jandschmaa, President of the Mongolian People's Republic 1923/1924, with her husband Damdin Süchbaatar

The women's suffrage in Mongolia was born on November 1, 1924 law. Women at that time were given by the Constitution, the general active and passive granted suffrage. So who was Mongolia one of the first countries that took this step in the Asia-Pacific region. The rise of socialism has been accompanied by an increased participation of women in political life. Between 1924 and 1990 the parliamentary elections held a quota of 25% women . The fall of socialism and the democratization of the country weakened the political participation of women. Only after the introduction of a women's quota of 20 percent for the 2012 elections did the proportion of women in parliament increase.

Historical development until 1990

Political background

Outer Mongolia was a province of China under Manchu rule from 1691 to 1911 . Shortly after the Chinese uprising against the Manchu, the Mongols declared independence in 1911. The Russian government ensured through treaties signed in 1913 and 1915 that the new republican government of China accepted an autonomy of Mongolia under Chinese suzerainty. Between 1911 and 1919, Mongolia was heavily dependent on Russia. Its entry into the First World War and internal political difficulties caused control to be continuously weakened. The Russian Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War made it possible for Chinese troops to invade Mongolia again in 1919. The troops of the monarchist Roman von Ungern-Sternberg first drove out the Chinese. Subsequently, they were defeated by Soviet-Mongolian units under Damdin Süchbaatar and expelled from the capital Örgöö (also Urga, then: Niislel Chüree, now Ulaanbaatar ). Süchbaatar declared independence from China on March 13, 1921 and, three years later, after the death of Bogd Khan (VIII. Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu ) and thus the end of the monarchy, proclaimed the Mongolian People's Republic on November 26, 1924 . The new state established a communist regime led by the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MRVP), heavily influenced by Moscow. The consolidation of the government led to the adoption of the constitution as a socialist people's republic on November 26, 1924. In 1990 the Mongolian People's Republic was converted into the democratic state of Mongolia .

Impact on the situation of women

The declaration of independence of 1921 led to the emancipation of women in areas such as education: in the country's first constitution of 1924, women were guaranteed political and social rights for the first time. As a result, women were given the right to work, arranged marriages were banned in 1925, a campaign for literacy was started, and equal rights for women were recognized as the basis of legislation. In the 1960s all women could read and write, and while only 40% of women had attended elementary school in 1931, around 95% of women received at least basic education in 1989. In 1989, 43% of the students were women and 86% of the women were employed. There was a labor guarantee, the gender pay gap was small, the wages were controlled by the state according to communist ideology. The state also now provided a health system and a social system that benefited women.

At the political level, too, the constitution worked to the advantage of women. Regardless of race or religion, all citizens over the age of 18 who were in paid employment were granted the general right to vote and stand for election by the constitution on November 1, 1924. Mongolia was one of the first countries in the Asia-Pacific region to take this step. Under socialism the participation of women in public and political life increased. Women also saw a rise in decision-making positions.

In the 1920s, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party introduced a women's quota of 25% for parliamentary elections. Politics followed the principle of state feminism , which was understood as part of the class question . In the socialist period between 1924 and 1990, this quota was law and thus guaranteed a proportion of women that was very high compared to the post-socialist period or other Asian countries, but lower than in communist one-party systems . The proportion of women in parliament during this period was between a fifth and a quarter. In 1986, when the last elections were held under the socialist regime, it was 24.86%. However, no woman rose to the highest government office. Mongolia thus resembles other communist states in which, despite assurances to the contrary, real power is reserved for a small group of men. An exception is Süchbaataryn Jandschmaa , who was one of the most important leaders of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party . She was President of the Mongolian People's Republic for the transition period from September 23, 1953 to July 7, 1954.

Democratic Mongolia from 1990

According to Stockemer and Byrne, it would be expected that the opportunities for women to participate in political life would be greater under the free and transparent rules of a democratic society than in other political systems. During the transition from a communist to a democratic state, however, the participation of women in political life in Mongolia decreased. On the one hand, this was due to the resurgence of traditional role models. On the other hand, in the communist era there was no independent organization in which women could develop their political skills. As a result, women were politically inexperienced. Despite rhetoric to the contrary, women's politics under communism led to traditional gender roles being retained. The regression in the participation of women in political life in Mongolia after democratization in 1990 is not unusual. Democratic Mongolia shows two typical trends here: On the one hand, the participation of women remained low at many levels of decision-making and is subject to fluctuations with an unclear cause. On the other hand, the participation of women in political life follows the principle the higher, the less . This means that despite identical electoral systems at national and local or provincial level, there is a higher representation of women at the lower levels: In all elections below the national level in 2010, 22.3% women were elected, three years later 22.2%. In the 1998 national elections, only 10.53% of the seats were given to women, compared to 11.84% in 2001 and 14.47% in 2012.

Introducing a women's quota for the 2012 elections

After the 2004 elections, the number of women MPs fell from nine to five, almost half. As a result, on October 21, 2014, a forum for political participation by women called on the government to introduce a quota for women. In contrast to the past, the non-governmental organizations of the partisan women from four of the five parties represented in parliament now joined forces and in 2005 formed the Women's Partnerships in Politics and Governance Forum . This led to the introduction of a women's quota of 30%. But parliament changed the law and abolished the women's quota on December 26, 2007. The initiative came from two male MPs from the MPRP and DP and was based on a secret agreement between the two parties.

Nambaryn Enchbajar, president from 2005 to 2009, vetoed the women's quota in 2009.

In response to this, the partisan women’s non-governmental organizations submitted a petition to the speaker of parliament, and other women’s organizations also campaigned for the women's quota for several weeks. Finally, on January 8, 2008, President Nambaryn Enchbajar met with the women and vetoed the law. On January 10, 2008, Parliament approved the veto. But the male MPs of the two main parties refused to accept the parliamentary decision. They got another vote on January 11, 2008, which overruled the president's veto.

In the course of these debates, male MPs attacked the female MPs, claiming that they would shake the political system by asking the president to veto them. Women and men from women's organizations and advocates of the women's quota were threatened with political violence and verbally attacked in public. TV debate moderators received threatening phone calls. Politicians from both major parties waged a negative campaign, playing up traditional patriarchal sentiments and negative gender norms, and having a number of anti-women articles appear in newspapers and magazines. Strong opposition from male MPs and the leadership of both major parties to the women's quota was televised live. This has resulted in unprecedented support for women from journalists and the general public. More importantly, it welded together the various non-governmental organizations of women across the country. Despite the counter-movement to the women's quota, the proponents managed for several weeks to activate large parts of society and to make the gender issue visible in politics as an important socio-political problem. This created great potential for further joint actions. Nevertheless, the political headwinds were considerable. The election of three female MPs in 2008 was the reason for the formation of a parliamentary working group to investigate the introduction of a quota for women. The MPRP and the DP, however, continued to oppose it, and even before the 2012 elections a united front of male MPs against the women's quota formed. The women's organizations of the main parties committed themselves in a document to cooperation on this issue. In the drafting phase of the electoral law in June 2011, this working group discussed the introduction of a quota for women with the parliamentary body that dealt with the structure of the state and the president's office. The participants demanded a quota of women of 30% and criticized the way in which candidates were selected. However, only one of the 73 MPs took part in the group. In April 2011 the MP refused to accept the petition from women's organizations for the introduction of a women's quota.

Women from the various parties joined forces and called on donors to financially support the women's organizations in the parties and women in politics. This call formed the basis for a 45-day media campaign called Women Can , launched on October 3, 2011 . It was supported by the United Nations Development Program , among others . The aim was to increase the participation of women in political life, to change the traditional perception of women in politics, to increase the number of candidates for election and to help the women's quota achieve a breakthrough. Women were made visible to the electorate as strong, assertive and reliable politicians.

Against this background, the MPP's parliamentary committee approved the DP's proposal on November 7, 2011 for a 15% quota for women. The Forum Women for Development 2011 met in Ulaanbaatar from 11 to 12 November 2011 and demanded an increase in the quota to 20%. After two weeks of tough negotiations, Prime Minister Tschimediin Saichanbileg announced that the responsible body of his party DP had agreed on 20%. The MPP got involved and the electoral law was changed accordingly.

For the 2012 elections, for the first time since 1990, there was a quota for women.

present

Issues affecting women were put on the political agenda in the 2010s, such as the Gender Equality Act in 2011 and the Domestic Violence Act in 2016. But Mongolia's political culture is still male-dominated. A striking example of this was the ritual of lighting the state fire in 2011: The ceremony took place in the government building. It was organized by a few male MPs and supported by the president, government and parliament. Women were excluded as their presence supposedly defiled the ritual. As a result, only male journalists were allowed.

The increase in the number of women MPs after the 2012 elections could be due to the work of women’s NGOs , the increased presence of women in public life and the women's parliamentary body established by women’s mandates from all parties. It advocated women's interests such as improving the quality of maternity clinics and advocated the introduction of the law against domestic violence in 2016. Results from a 2016 survey showed that public opinion on women in politics was women-friendly. The gender of the candidates had lost importance and the preference for female candidates had increased. Against this background, it is not the opinion of the population but rather the male-dominated political culture of the largest parties that appears to be the main obstacle to greater access for women to political power.

Investigation of possible influencing factors on the development of women's suffrage and the political representation of women

Electoral system

The example of Mongolia shows that the electoral system has less of an impact than the introduction of a quota for women. The repeated switch between forms of proportional representation and majority voting in the years between 1990 and 2012 showed no clear effect on the number of female MPs.

Quota for women

After the introduction of the women's quota of 20%, the proportion of women in the 2012 elections rose. It increased by 9 percent compared to 2008 and was now 13.16 percent. Ten women entered parliament. The women's quota had a lasting effect: Although the number of female candidates fell from 31.9 percent to 25.9 percent in 2016, the proportion of women elected rose by 4 percent to 17.11 percent, which corresponds to 13 women.

Role of non-governmental organizations

After the transition to democracy in 1990, women-led non-governmental organizations became a leading force in Mongolian civil society. According to Dalaibuyan, this shift can be traced back to the following development: The dramatic economic and socio-political change after 1990 resulted in women losing influence in the male-dominated political parties. Since they are traditionally seen as problem solvers, on the other hand, they benefited from foreign donors who concentrated on promoting social issues. These opposing movements in the field of politics and non-governmental organizations meant that, despite the loss of power in the parties, women now moved to key positions in non-governmental organizations. This gave Mongolian civil society a matriarchal face, while the political parties remained male-dominated.

In the 1990s, the individual non-governmental organizations operated mostly for themselves, there were hardly any networks. This separation between them and the conflicts hindered women’s access to control centers of political power. The first coalition, the Mongolian Women's Coalition of 1995, brought together 15 women's non-governmental organizations. His aim was to support more female candidates for the 1996 election and to initiate a women's quota. Before the elections in 2000, a second alliance was formed that comprised 27 women's non-governmental organizations and focused on supporting female candidates. However, neither of the two alliances succeeded in increasing the number of candidates.

Role of the media

The media and public debates also increased gender inequality and helped to maintain it. It was only in the course of the campaign for the introduction of a women's quota in 2011 that the media selected five editors to found the Diamond Club , which publicly announced its support for female candidates for the 2012 election.

Role of political parties

The two main parties, DP and MPRP , traditionally agreed on attitudes towards women: they were led by men from the upper middle class who did not want to share their power. The work of the women-dominated non-governmental organizations intensified the anti-women attitudes of the parties. This shows the patriarchal political culture in the country and the gender-dependent hierarchies in family and society. In 2012, however, under pressure from a campaign by non-governmental organizations, the two major parties agreed on a 20% quota for women in parliamentary elections.

Individual evidence

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