Innsbruck Easter Game

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The Innsbruck Easter Game is a spiritual game that was created at the beginning of the 14th century . Despite its current name, it comes from central Germany; With the exception of some Latin passages, it is written in the vernacular ( Thuringian ) and addresses the biblical Easter event about the resurrection of Jesus Christ . This is extended by secular storylines and achieved a partly comedic effect through satirical, burlesque and absurd sequences.

The Innsbruck Easter Game is one of the oldest medieval Easter games . The manuscript with the signature Codex 960 is kept in the Innsbruck University and State Library of Tyrol .

background

The name

The Innsbruck Easter Game was named after its place of storage since the 19th century, the Innsbruck University Library. Originally it has no relation to this place. When it was determined that the manuscript comes in all probability from the Neustift monastery near Brixen, the title changed to Neustifter (Innsbruck) Osterspiel . The game underwent another name change after the language was identified as Thuringian. From then on it was called the Innsbruck Thuringian Easter Game . The language specification can, however, also be noted in brackets: Innsbruck (Thuringian) Easter game . In this article, the game will continue to be referred to as the Innsbruck Easter Game for short.

The handwriting

The Innsbruck Easter Game was handed down as a paper manuscript. This is owned by the Innsbruck University and bears the signature Codex 960, which indicates that it is a collective manuscript . In addition to the Innsbruck Easter Game , the 60-sheet manuscript also contains the Innsbruck Game by Mariae Himmelfahrt , the Innsbruck Corpus Christi game , a Latin incantation for a love spell, a small note and various feather samples as well as a note about the death of Oswald von Wolkenstein at the end.

The Innsbruck Easter play comprises pages 35 verso to 50 recto . All games as well as the respective titles and individual Latin marginal notes, which are to be understood as stage directions, are written by one hand, in one of the book cursives approximating the Bastarda . Textura and red strikethroughs highlight headings and stage directions. The texts are written in one column and save space, so that the consecutive verses are only separated from each other by a small vertical line at the beginning of a verse. The mostly capitalized and rubricated first letters of a verse can also be used for orientation.

Neuhauser records some peculiarities within the typeface. An e-like character, which is usually placed directly above the vowel to mark an umlaut, has been introduced in several places for no apparent reason. In addition, there are numerous decorative strokes at the end of the word and in the interior of the word, mainly with the letters m , n , h , y and z . Also noticeable is the arbitrariness with which the d is written either in upper or lower case. The first letter of the Innsbruck Osterspiel title, an H , stands out due to its unusually large size and special design. The first corrections in the handwriting were made by the first scribe himself. Finally, the Latin text was written by a second hand, the end note by a third hand.

The format of the manuscript is 276/281 × 105/110 mm. The values ​​fluctuate as a result of various cuts in the paper. It is a split folio format , also known as a narrow folio or lift register format, which is characteristic of game manuscripts. Legibility is severely impaired due to heavy wear on the pages, stains and the like. With regard to the paper, the assumption is that it was obtained from Northern Italy. There are two different papers. The fact that the change of paper does not also mark the break between two games and, conversely , that borders between the games are not also indicated by layer boundaries suggests that the three games were written in one piece.

Origin and tradition

A date, which was made in the manuscript itself, provides information about the time of origin. Accordingly, the Innsbruck Easter Game was completed on September 1, 1391.

Thuringia, more precisely Schmalkalden , is believed to be the home of both the poet and the writer based on a linguistic analysis. However, findings, for example the Italian paper, which was not infrequently used in Tyrol, or the fact that the Neustift monastery was always interested in the appropriation of spiritual games from central Germany, show that mainly writing was done in Neustift. Neuhauser designed two possible solutions for this apparent contradiction: 1. A scribe from Schmalkalden copied a template he had brought with him in Neustift. 2. The original came from Thuringia to Neustift, where a scribe copied it while retaining the linguistic peculiarities. In any case, the writer and the writer are not identical. According to Rudolf Höpfner's research and considerations, the Easter play itself was created in the first half of the 14th century.

Even if it is not entirely clear when and how the Easter play got to the monastery in Neustift, it is at least certain that the manuscript was there from 1445, as can be seen from the note on the death of Oswald von Wolkenstein. It can be assumed that the script appeared in Neustift around 1391 and was probably part of the monastery library there until the monastery was dissolved in 1807. But the whereabouts are not certain; the manuscript, for example, lacks the book mark of the Neustift library. The timing of the handover to the Innsbruck University Library is also questionable. The year 1809 was determined to be this point in time, but the composite manuscript does not appear in the library's handover protocols.

use

In his investigation, Neuhauser points to the strong signs of wear and tear on the game handwriting. This could be an indication that the manuscript was actually used as a director's book, also taking into account the special lift register format and the marginal notes. Contrary to Eduard Hartl, who considers the thesis that the handwriting should also be understood as a director's book to be correct, Rolf Bergmann emphasizes in his catalog of sacred games that appeared years later that there was no evidence of a performance of the Innsbruck Easter play. The mentioned marginal notes could indicate that the Easter play was edited with a view to a planned performance, but there were no performance news. In addition, collective manuscripts are not created for performance purposes. For Bergmann, the purpose of the piece remains open, and no evidence to the contrary has apparently been provided so far. There is also the possibility, explained by Bernd Neumann and Dieter Trauden, that the text was not written for the purpose of the performance, but should nevertheless be recognized and received by the reader as a play text. One reason for this could have been the effective conveyance of the text's internal message to the reader, who was able to visualize what was read before the inner eye, for whom the text could thus "evoke an imaginary performance situation" (Neumann / Trauden 2004, p. 37).

shape

The Innsbruck Easter Game is a vernacular Easter game comprising 1317 verses, which is based on a biblical text (the Easter event). It bears the characteristic trait of dialogical structure, which is characteristic of dramas ; next to it monologues and chants. In front of the individual spoken passages there are stage directions that should determine whether the person sings (Latin cantat or plural cantant , when the angels are singing) or speaks (Latin dicit ). In addition to the form of dialogue and the chants, the Innsbruck Easter Play fulfills other criteria that enable it to be assigned to the genre of dramatic play (mhd. Spil ): It expresses rules of conduct towards the audience. So it says in the prologue:

dar vm swiget vnd ​​do not put any
vnd see diz spil czuchtiglichen
by god's sake of the rich,
and remember abir vorbas,
that ir may go ahead deste baz,
what I wil mean,
[...] (v. 24 - v. 29)

therefore keep silent and sit down
and
watch this game for the sake of the glorious God,
and
pay attention so
that you may understand all the better what I want to show you
[...] (own translation)

The game is framed by a prologue and an epilogue , spoken by a precursor . It also gives hints about what is happening on stage. The announcer tells the audience what action the play will begin with:

I wil uch kunt thon
(you muget like whores czu),
wy dy Jews dar varen
vnd daz grave wullen warden
with knights mechteg vnd gruz,
dy da sint the Jews gnoz:
sy schullen hats through well
Ihesum halden in irer hat.
(V. 31 - V. 38)

I want to announce to you
(you should listen willingly)
how the Jews
want to come and protect the grave
with strong and great knights who are
the companions of the Jews:
they should take Jesus under their protection today for payment (Ann. Meier)
.
(own translation)

The game can be divided into several scenes - probably in different ways, in small steps or in a very tough manner. A solid framework, however, is formed by the typical tropes of the Easter event based on biblical passages, whereby the order in the game is not true to the Bible: appointment of the watch, resurrection, journey to hell, purchase of the Mary's ointment, Mary's walk to the grave, Jesus as a gardener, apostle run to the grave. Some parts of the game are written in Latin, such as the stage directions and certain song verses and speeches. However, this does not contradict the designation as a vernacular Easter game, but, according to Johan Nowé, is due to the fact that core sentences and songs were taken from the older Easter celebrations - and they were in Latin. In addition, many Latin passages in the play are made accessible to the audience through subsequent Middle High German paraphrases. In the following example the Middle High German verses precede the Latin ones, but the effect remains the same and is particularly clear here:

Ihesus dicit:
Nu kumt, myne vil lyben [kint,
dy got from my father,]
in my father rich,
that is ready for ever!
(V. 333 - v. 336)

Jesus said:
Now come, my beloved [children
of my Father]
into the kingdom of my Father,
which is forever prepared for you!
(own translation)

Et cantat:
Venite, benedicti patris mei,
possidete paratum vobis regnum
a constitutione mundi!
(V. 337 - v. 339)

He sings:
Come, you blessed ones of my Father,
take possession of the kingdom that has been
prepared for you from the beginning of the world!
(Translated from Meier)

The traditional choirs, however, have been dissolved in favor of individual voices, which, in addition to expanding the plot, can contribute to an expansion of the game. Said plot extensions come about because the biblical text basis is further exhausted and furthermore expanded to popular and comic acts. Precisely the use of the vernacular leads to an addition to the game with elements that did not exist in the Easter celebrations within the church, namely comedy, burlesque, drasticism, obscenity. These come to light, among other things, in the journey to hell and the shopkeeper scene. As in numerous other Easter games, liturgical solemnity is combined with, or juxtaposed with, secular components. Paraphrasing of Latin passages, folklore and comedy suggest that the game was intended for a lay audience , that is, for the citizens.

content

The verses in the following summary, based on a classification by Nowé, are based on the edition of the Innsbruck Easter Play by Rudolf Meier. The game was given the title "Hic incipit ludus de resurrectione domini" and can be divided into 15 scenic sections - prologue and epilogue included.

prolog

The prologue (v. 1 - v. 40) consists of an address by the precursor, or game announcer (lat. Expositor ludi ), in which the audience is asked to calm down and the expected game is partially outlined. Finally, the game announcer leads directly into the first scene by announcing the intention of the Jews to have the tomb of Jesus guarded by paid knights.

Order of the grave guards

This is followed by the appointment of these grave guards by Pontius Pilate , encouraged by the Jews who fear the resurrection of Christ, and their erection in front of the grave (v. 41 - v. 201). The scene is extended by a messenger order given by Pilate: The messenger runs to find suitable guards, returns with the message that he has found them, and then rushes back to the willing soldiers and, at Pilate's command, leads them to him to lead. Finally, the hired guards sit down in front of the tomb of Jesus.

resurrection

The subject of the next scene is the resurrection of Jesus Christ (Latin resurrectio Christi ) (v. 202 - v. 214). An angel appears and calls Jesus to stand up and save the innocent souls from Hell; Jesus returns to life with the intoned chant " resurrexi et adhuc sum tecum". Pilate then catches the sleeping guards who, in view of the missing corpse, get into an argument about the question of guilt (v. 215 - v. 250).

Trip to hell

This is followed by Christ's descent into hell (Latin descensus Christi ad inferos ) (v. 251 - v. 345), which together with the soul-catching scene takes up a considerable part of the entire game. In front of the gates of hell, the angels ask Jesus to enter, but Lucifer does not open so that Jesus breaks the gate in order to then free the innocent souls, including Adam and Eve, from hell. A soul, however, is held back by the devil. The soul-catching scene, which begins with Lucifer's lamentation, is connected to this (v. 346 - v. 506). He remembers his own fate, namely his arrogance (Latin superbia ), which once brought him to hell. The devil himself warns against being cocky. Immediately afterwards, in an outburst of anger, he orders Satan to capture new souls for Hell, without exception everyone from the clergy to the nobility and the middle class to the unworthy. Satan does his job, but only brings middle-class personalities. The souls admit their sins and are condemned - all except for the last one that Lucifer does not want to know himself in his hell: that of the lover (mhd. Helser ).

Mary's Lament

Inspired by Rolf Bergmann's merging of sections that are not directly consecutive to one another in the course of the verse, the scenes of the Lamentation of Mary , the shopkeeper's game and the proclamation of the resurrection are also divided into individual sections that belong together as a whole. After the soul-catching scene, the three Marys join in their lament in which they mourn the loss of their master (v. 507 - v. 539). Likewise before they meet the shopkeeper (lat. Mercator ) (v. 838 - v. 877).

Shopkeeper

After the first lamentation of Mary, the extensive shopkeeper's game (v. 540 - v. 837) begins with the shop's search for a servant. He finds that in Rubin, who then introduces his new masters to the audience again in many words. But Rubin as well asks for a henchman, whom he finds in Pusterbalk, but falls out with him. Lasterbalk joins the scene and has a suggestive conversation with Antonia; probably the maid. The shopkeeper repeatedly asks Rubin to work, which ultimately consists of Rubin making an ointment from intangible and disgusting ingredients. In the second section of the grocer's scene (v. 878 - v. 919) the three Marys are noticed by the grocer who suspects he is doing business. It is like that too. Then Mary bought ointments (v. 920 - v. 1000). Rubin leads the Marys to the shopkeeper, with whom they have to negotiate about the ointment with which the body of Jesus is to be oiled. The game of shopkeepers ends with Rubin moving away with the shopkeeper after a quarrel between the merchant and his wife - Rubin takes sides with the woman and the maid for the shopkeeper (v. 1001 - v. 1074).

Grave scene and apostle run

At the tomb of Jesus, the Marys meet three angels who announce the resurrection of the Lord to them (v. 1075 - v. 1138). The Marys respond with another complaint about the now empty grave. The transition to the so-called Hortulanus scene (v. 1139 - v. 1207) is fluid. Jesus appears in specie hortulani , i.e. in the form of a gardener, in front of the third Mary, who also expresses her sorrow again before him until Jesus finally reveals himself. Immediately Mary proclaims the resurrection of the Lord (v. 1208 - v. 1215), which is followed by the teaching of the unbelieving Thomas (v. 1216 - v. 1256). Thomas does not believe Mary's proclamation, so Jesus appears to him to confirm the miracle. The second proclamation of the resurrection (v. 1257 - v. 1280) by Mary is addressed to the apostles Simon Peter and John , who accept and believe the message. In the following scene, known as the disciples' run, the two of them run to the tomb of Jesus and make sure that it is actually empty.

epilogue

The final epilogue (v. 1291 - v. 1317) of the game is an address by John to the audience, in which Jesus is praised as the liberator of all from hell and finally the Easter song Christ is risen is intoned.

Interpretative approaches

Chants

The chants that are part of the Innsbruck Easter Play have already been mentioned above. These chants differ from one another and, according to Andreas Traub, can be divided into three groups based on their specific characteristics: The first of these groups includes those chants of the "people as role bearers". For example the first lamentation of the first Mary to sing:

Omnipotens pater altissime,
angelorum rector mitissime,
quid faciamus nos miserrimae?
hay quantus est noster dolor!
(V. 507 - V. 519)

Almighty, high Father,
mildest leader of the angelic choirs,
what should we poor people do?
O how great is our pain!
(Translated from Meier)

and then says the verse:

Almighty father, hoster consolation,
whom you have redeemed me from sins,
where do I hide,
am I lost have my lords?
awe jammir vund leit,
[...] (v. 511 - v. 515)

Almighty Father, supreme confidence,
because you have redeemed me from [my] sins,
where should I turn
since I lost my master?
Oh woe to misery and suffering,
[...] (own translation)

As can be clearly seen here, these chants are usually accompanied by spoken verses that translate, explain or further elaborate on the inventory, which can lead to a statement being made twice in a slightly modified form. The second group comprises the traditional liturgical chants, such as the intoned Resurrexi et adhuc sum tecum in the resurrection scene (v. 214). The third group is made up of the chants between scenes or parts of the game. This includes the angels' chanting of silets , for example after Lucifer gave Satan the task of capturing new souls (v. 456). Rolf Max Kulli suspects that the silet singing is an invitation to the audience to be quiet, as the singing is placed in places in the text that might awaken the audience's need to talk, such as after Lucifer's request to Satan, everything tangible Bringing souls.

As part of his reflections on the theatricality and rituality of Easter plays, Christoph Petersen also adopted the chants adopted from the liturgical celebration. The adoption of the chants shows that the Easter play adheres to the cultic claim of the celebration, said Petersen. But this cult cannot be transferred one-to-one into the game, since "per se, as an extra-liturgical theatrical performance" it no longer belongs to that "cult practice" (Petersen 2004, p. 147). The chants would only be understood as a kind of link between theater and liturgy . In addition, they stand for the connection of the Easter play to a tradition implied in the chants, which, however, in connection with the free design of the plot and scene, can be irritating, for example when the apostles run to the grave. Not only that. Using the resurrection scene of the Füssen Easter Play , Petersen shows that a deviation from the song sequence handed down from the celebration can lead to a shift in meaning. The observations can be transferred to the Innsbruck Easter Play, as there is also a change in the song sequence within the same scene. The original sequence Quis revolvet question of Mary (v. 1076/1077) with subsequent paraphrasing, trope dialogue (v. 1082–1101) and Venite request (v. 1102/1103) with ad monumentum singing remains . However, the scene is not concluded with the proclamation of the resurrection by the Marys, but with a continuation of their lament, which extends into the gardener scene (cf. vv. 1119–1181). This change has the effect that the joy of the resurrection takes a back seat to the sadness of the continued absence of the Lord, so that the meaning of the scene is marginalized. Only after the gardener reveals himself to be Jesus, i.e. appears before Mary as a person in the body, does the lamentation come to an end and Mary runs to proclaim the resurrection; not without emphasizing that they “really do live” to the gentlemen, which sounds like a justification for the fact that the disciples can now “vow to syn”, “that he [Jesus] willingly sin to the father” (v. 1212– 1215). Petersen makes further reflections on the question of the physicality of Jesus, which, however, should not be elaborated further here. Suffice it to say: Even the unbelieving apostle Thomas first needs to be convinced by the true presence of Jesus, who even - in contrast to Mary - allows him to touch him (cf. vv. 1231-1242).

Shopkeeper

With a total of 411 verses, the shopkeeper takes up a considerable part of the entire Easter game. The action can be traced back to a report in the Gospel of Mark (Mc 16,1). Otherwise the game lacks any biblical textual basis. This gives the freedom to freely invent the role texts and dialogues in this "purely earthly, inner-worldly [m] area of ​​action" (Linke 1994, p. 128) - not least the figure of the shopkeeper himself. What emerges is an extended coarse - naughty plot that makes you laugh. The reasons why the game of shopkeepers developed to such an extent has not been clearly established. Karl Konrad Polheim tries to explain. He traces the origin of the game of shopkeepers back to pilgrimages , since he assumes that the portrayal of the merchant scene does not represent "some reality that has been copied from the street or the market" (Polheim 1994, p. 138), but a reference to the religious Operations of the game. The pilgrimages were aimed at the Holy Sepulcher of Jesus in Jerusalem , where things could be purchased that were believed to have been passed on to them by the blessing and saving power of the divine place. There was brisk trade in the holy place, and indecent and rude behavior is said to have been observed. You also had to pay for admission to the Holy Sepulcher - those who couldn't do that had to go again. Pilgrims' reports made these processes known in the west and could have become models for the shopkeeper scene in Innsbruck's Easter play. At least there are parallels.

When Rubin's wages include spending pleasant hours with the grocer's wife (v. 589 - v. 594) and Lasterbalg asks the maid to come to a rendezvous (v. 757), when a fight breaks out between Rubin and Pusterbalk (v. 714 / 715) and the shopkeeper and Rubin refer to each other as crooks (v. 895; v. 906), or when Rubin introduces his masters to the audience as a doctor who can do just as much "alzo eyn esel czu seytenspil" (v. 657 / 658), then the offensive and rabid handling of the characters involved in the game of shopkeepers is evident and laughter from the recipients is guaranteed. As for the trade between the shopkeeper and the three Marys, the situation is similar to those who are only allowed to enter the Holy Sepulcher if they can pay. Here it is the shopkeeper who immediately makes it clear that the Marys only receive the desired ointment if they pay a talent of gold (v. 960 - v. 962).

What is remarkable about the shopkeeper is that the religious, almost symbolic act of Mary seems to be woven into the extravagant, rather secular act of the shopkeeper scene. And yet a demarcation between the figures is created by the fact that the Marys have quiet, brief speaking roles, while the speeches of the shopkeeper and Rubin are generally lengthy and verbose.

Journey to hell with a catch of souls

As the only scaffolding scene in the game, that of the journey into hell is essentially not borrowed from the Christian gospel, but from the Nicodemus gospel, which is not included in the Bible canon . The beginning of the journey into hell, like the shopkeeper, marks the transition from a comedic to a religiously serious passage, as Jesus' descent into hell immediately follows the fight between the grave guards. After Jesus broke the gate to hell and freed all innocent souls, the devil breaks out into a lawsuit in Innsbruck's Easter game. If Kulli's observation that Lucifer's lament only follows the capture of the soul in the manuscript is a fact, then this section of the scene has changed its position in the present edition. In Hartl's opinion, however, it makes sense to bring the lawsuit forward, as otherwise the effect of the class satire would be lost. Bringing the lawsuit before the outbreak of anger could also emphasize the caricature of the helpless and humiliated devil.

In order to fill his hell with new souls, the devil commands his assistant Satan to bring all the souls he can catch. Lucifer specifies which these could be in a 68-verse list of various people. Kulli states that in no other game would there be such a detailed instruction, the order of the requested persons also roughly corresponds to the order of the class: clergy ( babest , kardenal ), imperial princes ( counts , princes ), nobility ( knights ), craftsmen ( czymmerman , muller , smet ), vicious ( trencker , spiler ). After all, Satan only brings souls from middle-class people; seven souls present their (professional) sins to Lucifer: a becker and a cobbler , a kappelan. a byrschencker and a fleyschewer. a shotgun and finally a helper . The class satire is expressed in these two text sections. On the one hand, in the enumeration of people, some of which is derogatory - of the Pope and the patriarchs, for example, Lucifer says that they "give evil advice to the people" (v. 393), and of the "rattling men" (v. 444) that they "dunk themselves alzo holy syn / also dez phaffen mastsmin" (v. 446/447) - in which the devil also does not consider any class differences when he emphasizes that he does not know any "gender, the bright one is not right" (V. 448/449). On the other hand, in the revelation of typical professional and private sins of the individuals who, taken together, represent the middle class people. The soul-catching with implied class satire could act as a deterrent and improve the sinful viewer, who can identify with the presented figures.

That the devil becomes a confessor is funny enough. How funny, however, it must have been for the viewer when he became aware of a "hell candidate" (Kulli 1966, p. 28) next to him or could be one himself. In order to take the whole grotesquely funny event to the extreme, the devil refuses to take the last soul, the lover, into hell, with the words:

Sathan, Lyber journeyman,
not the brenge in dy hell: come
here in dy hell myn,
we all had to be kebeskinder!
(V. 503 - v. 506)

Satan, dear companion,
do not take him to hell: if he goes to
my hell,
we must all become stepchildren!
(own translation)

He is therefore afraid that the wooer will behave in the same way in hell as he does on earth, which is expressed in his prophecy that then everyone would become step-siblings (v. 505/506). The devil, who brings all those who disturb the moral and moral order on earth, fears for his own norm of order in his hell. Taken together with the grouchy, self-pitying lament that followed Jesus' show of force, Lucifer paints a downright ridiculous picture.

The whole scene offers the recipient amusing entertainment. This is a deliberately staged laugh, also called risus paschalis , which, according to Klaus Ridder, serves in this case to "fear that is excluded in the Christian way of life, but nevertheless present in popular piety" (Ridder 2004, p. 201) to compensate for dark forces. Laughter has a relief function. Although it cannot drive away the fear of evil - and its work on earth is not excluded, as the capture of souls shows - it can nevertheless create a certain distance from the dreaded object. In spite of Lucifer's capture of souls, the journey into hell could ultimately also be interpreted as meaning that the audience should be given the belief in their own redemption, since there is a connection to the concluding speech of the precursor, here in the form of John, in which it says: "and [Jesus] has redeemed us because of the need" (v. 1296).

Position within the genus

The genre already shows a dichotomy in its name as an Easter game. "Easter" is no longer associated with the traditional "celebration" but with "play". At this stage, the Easter Games were already civic folk festivals and only in the beginning church instruction. How this approach works in the Innsbruck Easter Game was shown using selected examples. Also that the game has moved away from the Easter liturgy , but nevertheless sticks to certain liturgical traditions. This may be due to the fact that the Innsbruck Easter Game, along with the Muri Easter Game (around 1250), the East Low German Brandenburg Easter Game (late 14th century) and the Berlin (Thuringian) Easter game fragment (14th century), is one of the oldest games of its kind . The Easter games of the late Middle Ages also include the Vienna Easter game (presumably 14th century) and the Erlauer Easter game (14th century).

As a vernacular game, the Innsbruck Easter Game allows laypeople access to the Easter event, but at the same time offers entertainment that was probably expected from a (theater) game. The "sacredness of what is represented" (Henkel 2006, p. 103) is made aware through the Latin chants. The realization, or even just the planned realization of the piece outside the church, made it possible to expand the subject matter of a kind that was not yet available in the celebration. In addition, a didactic effect could be achieved among the audience, who belonged to all levels of the public. The best example of this is the hell trip scene, for the improvement and purification of the spirit and the soul. An implicit instruction is also hidden in the Thomas scene: Thomas, as the representative of the indecisive believer, first needs the true appearance of Jesus in order to believe in his resurrection. Jesus rejects this skepticism by making it clear that God particularly honors those who believe in him even though they have never seen him (v. 1243 - v. 1246).

There are claims that the Innsbruck Easter Play had a significant influence on the creation of the Tyrolean Passion (around 1400), as it can be clearly seen that the author of the Passion knew the Easter Play and continued to do it. Also "The Game of the Doctor Ipoeras" (around 1510), in which all secular scenes were eliminated from church events and used for themselves, should refer to the Innsbruck Easter Game with the images used. However, there is no evidence of such continued effects. Barbara Thoran expressly denies that the game has any effect on the Tyrolean folk theater. The Magdalenenklage and other passages indicated that the Tyrolean Passion was influenced by other texts. There would only be similar echoes in Central German text passages, which were, however, well known in many places. It should be noted that the development of the medieval spiritual drama, to which the Easter play belongs, cannot be viewed as a continuous process and that one has to constantly deal with a juxtaposition of phenomena. As far as the historical development of the Easter Games is concerned, the Innsbruck Easter Game does not seem to have any special status. This could be examined more closely by comparing the medieval Easter Games.

literature

Text output

  • Rudolf Meier: The Innsbruck Easter Game: Middle High German and New High German . Ed., Trans. with a note and a postponed vers. by Rudolf Meier. Stuttgart 1970. (brosch.)
  • E-text of the Innsbrucker Osterspiel, created by Nigel F. Palmer in 2009 for the lecture 'Osterspiele' at the University of Oxford; from him also the translation of the Latin elements and the English introduction. Revised in 2015 by Henrike Lähnemann. Edition on Wikimedia Commons

Secondary literature

  • Rolf Bergmann: Catalog of the German-language spiritual games and Marian laments of the Middle Ages . Among employees by Eva P. Diedrichs. Munich 1986, ISBN 3-7696-0900-X .
  • Helmut de Boor: German literature in the late Middle Ages, decay and a new beginning . 5., rework. Edition. In: Helmut de Boor, Richard Newald (ed.): History of German literature from the beginnings to the present . Munich 1997, ISBN 3-406-40378-6 . ( Handbooks for studying German . Volume 3)
  • Roberto De Pol: On the role of Pilatus in the Innsbruck Easter play. A question of coming to terms with the past. In: Derekh Judaica Urbinatensia. No. 1, 2003.
  • Eduard Hartl: Easter Games . With introduction and note on the basis of the manuscripts, ed. by Eduard Hartl. In: Drama of the Middle Ages. Leipzig: 1937, book no. 88846. ( Collection of literary art and cultural monuments in development series. Volume 2)
  • Nikolaus Henkel: Staged journey into hell - The Descensus ad inferos in the spiritual drama of the Middle Ages. In: Markwart Herzog , Rainer Jehl (Hrsg.): Höllenfahrten. History and topicality of a myth . Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 3-17-019334-1 . ( Irseer Dialoge . Volume 12)
  • Rudolf Höpfner: Investigations on the Innsbruck, Berlin and Vienna Easter game . Diss. At the Univ. Marburg. Wroclaw 1913.
  • Rolf M. Kulli: The class satire in the German sacred drama of the late Middle Ages . Diss. At the Univ. Basel. Einsiedeln: 1966.
  • Elizabeth Lawn: Captivity. Aspect and symbol of social ties in the Middle Ages - depicted using chronic and poetic sources . Frankfurt am Main: 1977, ISBN 3-261-02341-4 . ( European university publications . Volume 214)
  • Hansjürgen Linke: Easter celebration and Easter game. Suggestions for the objective and terminological clarification of some delimitation problems. In: Max Siller (Ed.): Easter Games. Lyrics and music . Innsbruck 1994, ISBN 3-7030-0263-8 . ( Schlern writings . Volume 293)
  • Bernd Neumann, Dieter Trauden: Considerations for a reassessment of the late medieval religious drama. In: Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (ed.): Ritual and staging. Spiritual and secular drama of the Middle Ages and early modern times . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-64026-X .
  • Johan Nowé: We wellen have a spil: On the history of drama in the German Middle Ages . Leuven 1997, ISBN 90-334-3767-8 .
  • Christoph Petersen: ritual and theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-89125-4 .
  • Karl K. Polheim: Ludus paschalis and peregrination. In: Max Siller (Ed.): Easter Games. Lyrics and music . Innsbruck 1994, ISBN 3-7030-0263-8 . ( Schlern writings . Volume 293)
  • Klaus Ridder: Redemptive laughter. God comedy - devil comedy - end time comedy. In: Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (ed.): Ritual and staging. Spiritual and secular drama of the Middle Ages and early modern times . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-64026-X .
  • Hans Rupprich : The outgoing Middle Ages, Humanism and Renaissance (1370–1520) . 2. rework. Edition. by Hedwig Heger. In: Helmut de Boor, Richard Newald (ed.): History of German literature from the beginnings to the present . Munich 1994, ISBN 3-406-37898-6 . ( Handbooks for studying German . Volume 4/1)
  • Max Siller: The localization of medieval games with the help of (historical) dialectology. In: Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (ed.): Ritual and staging. Spiritual and secular drama of the Middle Ages and early modern times . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-64026-X .
  • Barbara Thoran: Questions about the origin and aftermath of the Innsbruck Thuringian Easter Game . In: Max Siller (Ed.): Easter Games. Lyrics and music . Innsbruck 1994, ISBN 3-7030-0263-8 . ("Schlern writings". Volume 293)
  • Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration. In: Ulrich Müller, Franz Hundsnurscher, Cornelius Sammer (eds.): Litterae. Göppingen contributions to text history . Göppingen 1975, ISBN 3-87452-302-0 . ( Litterae . Volume 40)
  • Andreas Traub: Time determination through chants? In: Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (ed.): Ritual and staging. Spiritual and secular drama of the Middle Ages and early modern times . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-64026-X .
  • Rainer Warning: In search of the body. In: Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (ed.): Ritual and staging. Spiritual and secular drama of the Middle Ages and early modern times . Tübingen 2004, ISBN 3-484-64026-X .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 8.
  2. ↑ Max Siller: The localization of medieval games with the help of (historical) dialectology . 2004, p. 247.
  3. ↑ ibid.
  4. ↑ ibid.
  5. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 8.
  6. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, pp. 12/13.
  7. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 10.
  8. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 10.
  9. ↑ ibid.
  10. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 11.
  11. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 9.
  12. ↑ ibid.
  13. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 9.
  14. ↑ ibid.
  15. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 13.
  16. ↑ ibid.
  17. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 9.
  18. ↑ Barbara Thoran: Questions about the origin and aftermath of the Innsbruck Thuringian Easter Game . 1994, p. 189.
  19. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 13.
  20. ^ Rudolf Höpfner: Investigations on the Innsbruck, Berlin and Vienna Easter game . 1913, p. 45.
  21. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 14.
  22. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 14.
  23. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, pp. 14/15.
  24. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 15.
  25. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 9.
  26. ^ Eduard Hartl: "Easter Games". 1937, pp. 124/125.
  27. ^ Rolf Bergmann: Catalog of the German-language spiritual games and lamentations of the Virgin Mary of the Middle Ages . 1986, p. 160.
  28. ↑ Bernd Neumann, Dieter Trauden: Considerations for a reassessment of the late medieval religious drama . 2004, p. 36.
  29. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 6.
  30. ↑ Bernd Neumann, Dieter Trauden: Considerations for a reassessment of the late medieval religious drama . 2004, p. 35.
  31. ↑ Bible. Revised Elbfeld translation. 6th edition. Scofield, Cyrus I. (Ed.). author. German translator: Gertrud Wasserzug-Taeder. Wuppertal 2001, ISBN 3-417-25821-9 . Mt 27: 62-66; 28.1-8; Mk 16: 1-11; John 20: 1-18
  32. ↑ Johan Nowé: "Wir wellen have a spil: On the history of drama in the German Middle Ages". 1997, p. 33.
  33. ^ Eduard Hartl: Easter Games . 1937, p. 132.
  34. ↑ Nikolaus Henkel: Staged journey to hell - The Descensus ad inferos in the spiritual drama of the Middle Ages . 2006, p. 102.
  35. ↑ Hans Rupprich: The outgoing Middle Ages, Humanism and Renaissance (1370-1520) . 1994, p. 245.
  36. ↑ Johan Nowé: "Wir wellen have a spil: On the history of drama in the German Middle Ages". 1997, p. 36.
  37. ^ Rudolf Meier: The Innsbruck Easter Game: Middle High German and New High German . 1970, pp. 4-111.
  38. ^ Rolf Bergmann: Catalog of the German-language spiritual games and lamentations of the Virgin Mary of the Middle Ages . 1986, pp. 161/162.
  39. ↑ Andreas Traub: Determining time through chants? 2004, p. 135.
  40. ↑ Andreas Traub: Determining time through chants? 2004, p. 135.
  41. ↑ Andreas Traub: Determining time through chants? 2004, pp. 136/137.
  42. ^ Rolf M. Kulli: The class satire in the German spiritual drama of the late Middle Ages . 1966, p. 28.
  43. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . 2004, p. 147.
  44. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . 2004, pp. 148/149.
  45. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages. 2004, p. 151.
  46. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . 2004, p. 151.
  47. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . 2004, pp. 169-172.
  48. ^ Hansjürgen Linke: Easter celebration and Easter game. Suggestions for the objective and terminological clarification of some delimitation problems . 1994, p. 128.
  49. ^ Hansjürgen Linke: Easter celebration and Easter game. Suggestions for the objective and terminological clarification of some delimitation problems . 1994, p. 127.
  50. ^ Karl K. Polheim: Ludus paschalis and peregrination . 1994, p. 138.
  51. ^ Karl K. Polheim: Ludus paschalis and peregrination . 1994, p. 139.
  52. ^ Karl K. Polheim: Ludus paschalis and peregrination . 1994, p. 143.
  53. ↑ ibid.
  54. ^ Karl K. Polheim: Ludus paschalis and peregrination . 1994, p. 141.
  55. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 6.
  56. ↑ ibid.
  57. ↑ Rainer Warning: In Search of the Body . 2004, p. 347.
  58. ^ Rolf M. Kulli: The class satire in the German spiritual drama of the late Middle Ages . 1966, p. 23.
  59. ^ Eduard Hartl: Easter Games . 1937, pp. 124/125.
  60. ^ Rolf M. Kulli: The class satire in the German spiritual drama of the late Middle Ages . 1966, p. 27.
  61. ^ Eduard Hartl: Easter Games . 1937, p. 134.
  62. ^ Rolf M. Kulli: The class satire in the German spiritual drama of the late Middle Ages . 1966, p. 28.
  63. ↑ Klaus Ridder: Redemptive Laughter. God comedy - devil comedy - end time comedy . 2004, p. 200.
  64. ↑ Klaus Ridder: Redemptive Laughter. God comedy - devil comedy - end time comedy . 2004, p. 205.
  65. ↑ Klaus Ridder: Redemptive Laughter. God comedy - devil comedy - end time comedy . 2004, p. 206.
  66. ↑ Elizabeth Lawn: Captivity. Aspect and symbol of social ties in the Middle Ages - depicted using chronic and poetic sources . 1977, p. 190.
  67. ↑ Roberto De Pol: On the role of Pilatus in the Innsbruck Easter play. A question of coming to terms with the past . 2003, p. 74.
  68. ↑ ibid.
  69. ^ Helmut de Boor: "The German literature in the late Middle Ages, decay and new beginnings". 1997, p. 166.
  70. ↑ Johan Nowé: Wir wellen have a spil: On the history of drama in the German Middle Ages . 1997, p.
  71. ^ Eduard Hartl: Easter Games . 1937, p. 134.
  72. ^ Christoph Petersen: Ritual and Theater. Mass Allegories, Easter celebrations and Easter games in the Middle Ages . 2004, pp. 171/172.
  73. ↑ Eugen Thurner, Walter Neuhauser: The Neustifter-Innsbrucker Spielmanschrift from 1391 in illustration . 1975, p. 7.
  74. ↑ ibid.
  75. ↑ Barbara Thoran: Questions about the origin and aftermath of the Innsbruck Thuringian Easter Game . 1994, p. 200.
  76. ↑ ibid.
  77. ↑ Rainer Warning: In Search of the Body . 2004, p. 363.