Partido Revolucionario Institucional
The Partido Revolucionario Institucional ( PRI , translated "Party of the institutionalized revolution" or "institutionalized revolutionary party") is a social democratic political party in Mexico . The PRI is a full member of the Socialist International .
It was founded in 1929 under the name Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) , was called Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM) from 1938 and has been called Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) since 1946 .
history
Dominant role
From 1929 to 2000 the PRI was the dominant party in the country; it had clear features of a unity party , which is why it was often referred to as the "official party". Its supremacy was so evident until the 1980s that it was clear from the start that the PRI would win any election . From its inception until the 2000 election, the PRI provided all presidents , until 1989 all governors , almost all senators and the overwhelming majority of MPs in national, state and local parliaments. Until 1997 the PRI had an absolute majority in the House of Representatives .
Until the 1970s, apart from the PRI, only three opposition parties were allowed to participate in elections. Two of them were a left and a right split from the PRI, which, however, continued to have close contacts with the PRI and sometimes put up joint candidates. Only the conservative Catholic Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), founded in the late 1930s, was a real opposition party. It was not until the presidential election in 2000 that the PAN finally succeeded in replacing the PRI in government; their candidate Vicente Fox Quesada emerged victorious from the elections and was President of Mexico until 2006. After two lost elections drew in the presidential election in Mexico in 2012 with Enrique Peña Nieto , a candidate of the PRI in the presidency again. In the federal elections in Mexico in 2018 , the PRI candidate only received 16.4 percent of the vote, while the left-wing opposition candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador achieved 53.2 percent of the vote.
Plutarco Elías Calles , President of Mexico from 1924 to 1928 and founder of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR)
Lazaro Cardenas , Mexico's president from 1934 to 1940 and renamed in 1939, the PNR in Partido de la Revolucion Mexicana (PRM) to
Miguel Alemán Valdés , president of Mexico from 1946 to 1952 and renamed in 1946, the PRM in Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) to
Carlos Salinas de Gortari , President of Mexico from 1988 to 1994
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León , President of Mexico from 1994 to 2000
1988 presidential election
In the 1988 presidential election, for the first time since the beginning of the PRI rule, there was a real competitive situation that put the PRI's election victory into question. From dissatisfaction with the neoliberal policies of the PRI candidate Carlos Salinas de Gortari , the had Corriente Democrática split from the PRI and was along with other left-wing opposition forces as Frente Democrático Nacional (later Party of the Democratic Revolution begun) to choose and had Cuauhtemoc Cardenas as Presidential candidates placed. On election evening it initially looked like Cárdenas would win, but the computers that were used for the first time failed that night. The following day, PRI candidate Salinas was presented to the Mexican public as the winner of the election.
Party currents
The PRI describes itself as social democratic and belongs to the center or left center within the political spectrum. The Mexican political system has long been a de facto one- party system . Within the PRI, however, there was a multitude of different groups and organizations that stood for different and sometimes opposing policies and each hoped to be involved in the next government and to be appointed.
Sectors
The PRI is often compared to a three-legged chair and consists of three sectors through which a large part of the population is tied to the party: The workers sector consists of the Confederación de Trabajadores de México (CTM). The farming sector comprises the majority of those employed in the countryside. In the sector popular gather those that can be assigned to any of the other two sectors. In 1940 the military sector was abolished.
As long as the PRI ruled, membership in one of these associations was in many cases a prerequisite for participating in social and economic life. Through these corporatist structures it was possible to control large parts of the population.
Election manipulation
The implementation of large-scale and organized election fraud was mostly not necessary for the PRI in order to guarantee the appearance of democratic legitimation of its almost unlimited political supremacy in state and society until the end of the 20th century. Due to the unofficial patronage system that is widespread in Mexico , social advancement or being called up to important positions in the state often required membership of the PRI. This network of influential party members regularly ensured large-scale manipulation before and during the elections in almost all parts of Mexico. Primarily among the rural poor, food and building materials were distributed by PRI officials who were clearly identifiable as such, who also often took over the transport of voters to the polling stations. These polling stations were often monitored by PRI members, making a secret ballot impossible. Disappeared ballot boxes, repeated votes and even the casting of votes by people who had already died were part of the practice that secured the re-election of influential PRI mayors, governors and presidents in Mexico for decades.
Election results in presidential elections
choice | candidate | be right |
---|---|---|
1929 | Pascual Ortiz Rubio | 1,947,848 (93.6%) |
1934 | Lázaro Cardenas del Río | 2,225,000 (98.2%) |
1940 | Manuel Avila Camacho | 2,476,641 (93.9%) |
1946 | Miguel Alemán Valdés | 1,786,901 (77.9%) |
1952 | Adolfo Ruiz Cortines | 2,713,745 (74.3%) |
1958 | Adolfo López Mateos | 6,721,045 (89.8%) |
1964 | Gustavo Díaz Ordaz | 8,262,393 (87.7%) |
1970 | Luis Echeverría Álvarez | 11,708,065 (82.9%) |
1976 | José López Portillo | 15,435,321 (86.4%) |
1982 | Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado | 16,145,254 (68.4%) |
1988 | Carlos Salinas de Gortari | 9,687,926 (50.7%) |
1994 | Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León | 17,181,651 (48.7%) |
2000 | Francisco Labastida Ochoa | 13,579,718 (36.1%) |
2006 | Roberto Madrazo Pintado | 9,301,441 (22.2%) |
2012 | Enrique Peña Nieto | 18,153,342 (38.2%) |
2018 | José Antonio Meade | 9,289,853 (16.4%) |
See also
Web links
- Official Website (Spanish)
Individual evidence
- ↑ Marianne Braig , Markus-Michael Müller: The political system of Mexico. In: The Political Systems in North and Latin America. An introduction. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, p. 400.
- ↑ Raina Zimmering: myths change and political transition in Mexico. In: The Revolutionary Myth in Mexico. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2005, p. 31.
- ↑ Barbara Schröter: Clientelism in the Politics of Mexico. Parties in comparison. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 23.
- ^ A b John Gledhill: Power and its Disguises. Anthropological Perspectives on Politics. Pluto Press, London / Boulder CO 1994.
- ↑ a b Luz Kerkeling: La Lucha sigue - The fight goes on. Causes and developments of the Zapatista uprising . Unrast Verlag, Münster 2003, ISBN 3-89771-017-X .
- ↑ Declaración de principios of 2013: "Por eso nos inscribimos en la corriente socialdemócrata de los partidos políticos contemporáneos." (Chapter Partido , No. 1)