Shurahbīl ibn Simt

Shurahbīl ibn Simt ( Arabic شرحبيل بن سمط, DMG Šuraḥbīl ibn Simṭ ; died 660/61 in Salamiyya ) was an Arab military leader from the Kinda tribe , who briefly acted as governor of al-Madā'in after the Arab conquest of Iraq and was later governor of Homs for about 20 years . After the camel battle , he played an important role in the dispute between ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān , because he was convinced by followers of Muʿāwiya that ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib had spread the caliph ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān and then murdered this in Syria . In this way he helped Muʿāwiya before the battle of Siffīn in the summer of 657 to unite the Syrian Arabs, among whose ranks there had been great sympathy with ʿAlī, behind him. With his support for Muʿāwiya, Shurahbīl stood up against his two tribal comrades al-Ashʿath ibn Qais and Hudschr ibn ʿAdī , who were on the side of ʿAlīs in this dispute.

ancestry

Shurahbīl belonged to the Arab tribe of Kinda , namely the Banū Jabala, who in turn were a sub-branch of the Banu Muʿāwiya al-Akramūn. The Banū Jabala also included the two well-known Kinditic tribal leaders Hudschr ibn ʿAdī and al-Aschʿath ibn Qais . From the accounts of the Ridda it appears that there was a rivalry between Shurahbīl's father as-Simt ibn al-Aswad and al-Ashʿath ibn Qais.

Role during the Ridda Wars

In pre-Islamic times, Shurahbīl lived in the Hadramaut . As a young man ( ġulām šābb ) he distinguished himself in the Ridda Wars . When the Kindites under the Banū Muʿāwiya entrenched themselves in their fortresses and decided the ridda, Shurahbīl and his son rose against them, moved out and joined Ziyād ibn Labīd, the Muslim governor of the Hadramaut. Together with Ziyād, Shurahbīl fought against the rebellious Kindites.

Role during the Arab invasions

During the time of the caliphate of ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb (from 634) Shurahbīl emigrated to Medina . His father Simt was one of those who went to Syria with Abū ʿUbaida ibn al-Jarrāh and took part in the Battle of Yarmūk . Shurahbīl wanted to follow him to Syria, but ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb sent him to Iraq with other Kindites, giving him a letter of recommendation for Saʿd ibn Abī Waqqās . According to a tradition which is traced back to al-Sha'bī (d. 721-29), al-Ash'ath ibn Qais was subordinate to him during this march.

At the Battle of the Bridge (634), Shurahbīl fought with 700 horsemen under the commandant Saʿd ibn Abī Waqqās . He then commanded the right or left wing at the battle of al-Qādisīya (635/36) under Saʿd ibn Waqqās. Before the battle, Saʿd is said to have asked him to go about as a poet and orator among the tribes and banners and encourage them to fight. After the battle and defeat of the Persians, he and al-Qaʿqāʿ ibn ʿAmr at-Tamīmī had the task of pursuing and killing those Persians who had fled upstream or downstream. In the year 14 of the Hijra (635/36 AD) Shurahbīl was appointed governor of al-Madā'in by Saʿd ibn Abī Waqqās .

Dispute with al-Ash Aath ibn Qais in Kufa and transfer to Syria

From the time of the exodus from Medina to the establishment of Kufa, Shurahbīl had a greater influence on his tribe than al-Ashʿath ibn Qais. According to a report that is traced back to Muhammad ibn as-Sā'ib al-Kalbī (d. 763), he rivaled al-Ashath in Kufa for the leadership of the Kinda. Al-Madā'inī (d. 850) describes the relationship between the two as "alienation" ( tabāʿud ).

According to a report quoted by al-Balādhurī citing al-Shay'bī, Saʿd ibn Abī honored Waqqās Shurahbīl and preferred him to al-Ash Aath, which angered the Kinda. This also had to do with the fact that Shurahbīl introduced special penitential rites as the commander. So he offered to purify those men who had committed a hadd offense during the time of the Jāhilīya . The men in question then confessed to their offenses and were subsequently flogged by him. According to another tradition, cited by Ibn ʿAsākir, the purification did not refer to the time of the Jāhilīya, but to Hadd offenses committed by Muslim fighters on enemy territory “where there were women and alcohol.” When ʿUmar ibn al- When Chattāb heard of these practices, he reprimanded them and accused Shurahbīl of ordering his tribe to "expose things that God had covered with his veil."

ʿUmar Shurahbīl later withdrew to Syria. Two reasons are given in the Arabic sources for this transfer. On the one hand, Jarīr ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Badschalī, who traveled as an envoy from Kufa to ʿUmar, is said to have discredited Shurahbīl at the request of al-Ashʿath. On the other hand, ʿUmar is said to have complied with the request of Shurahbīl's father al-Simt, who had moved to Syria, captured Homs and settled in the city with his troops. He is said to have moved to ʿUmar and asked him to bring him together with his son. The account, which is traced back to al-Kalbī, quotes Shurahbīl's father Simt with the words to ʿUmar: “O commander of the believers. You do not separate the prisoners of war, but you separated me and my son. So transfer him to Syria or me to Kufa. ”ʿUmar then transferred Shurahbīl to Syria, where he settled with his father in Homs.

As a military leader and governor in Homs

Shurahbīl later gained a high position in Syria. During the caliphate of ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān (r. 644-656) he divided Homs anew among the Arab tribes. Muʿāwiya placed him at the head of part of his armies. According to a tradition given by Ibn ʿAsākir, Shurahbīl also went to Egypt for a time in order to take part in armed forces in the Maghreb from there . According to a tradition that goes back to the Arab historian Chalīfa ibn Chaiyāt, Shurahbīl was governor of Homs for about 20 years.

His role in the dispute between Muʿāwiya and ʿAlī

Attracting Muʿāwiya for Shurahbīl's support

Most of the accounts of Shurahbīl in Arabic historiography concern his role in the dispute between Muʿāwiya and ʿAlī after the murder of Uthmān and the camel battle in November 656. During this time, Jarīr ibn ʿAbdallāh came up with a letter from ʿAlīs to Muʿāwiya and urged him to see Muʿāwiya To swear allegiance . According to consistent reports, Muʿāwiya informed Jarīr in this situation that he wanted to leave the decision to Shurahbīl because he was “one of the outstanding men of Syria” or “the head of the Syrians” ( raʾs ahl aš-šām ). This is said to have been a recommendation from Amr ibn al-s . He suggested that Muʿāwiya do this because he knew that Shurahbīl was enemies of Jarīr. Muʿāwiya should send a messenger to Shurahbīl and have it spread that ʿAlī had killed ʿUthmān. That will unite the people behind him. Muʿāwiya then sent a letter to Shurahbīl to come and at the same time called on several South Arabian tribal leaders who were his confidants and Shurahbīl's relatives to testify to Shurahbīl after his arrival that ʿAlī had killed ʿUthmān. The men whom Muʿāwiya prepared in this way are named in the sources: Yazīd ibn Asad, Busr ibn Artāt, ʿAmr ibn Sufyān, Machāriq ibn al-Hārith az-Zubaidī, Hamza ibn Mālik and Hābas ibn Saʿd at-Tā'ī .

When the letter reached Shurahbīl in Homs, he first asked the Yemeni Arabs of Homs how he should respond. Here he found that they had different opinions. ʿAbd ar-Rahmān ibn Ghanm al-Azdī, one of the most learned people in Syria, advised him to be cautious about the charge that ʿAlī killed ötetUthmān. If īAlī actually did this, then it must be taken into account that the Muhādjirūn and Ansār , who are the judges over the people, had sworn allegiance to him. But if īAlī had not killed him, why should Shurahbīl believe Muʿāwiya and destroy himself and his people. In order to avoid Jarīr taking his place, ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Shurahbīl recommended going to ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib and doing the baiʿa, which Shurahbīl refused.

Another person who advised him against going to Muʿāwiya was the ascetic ʿIyād ath-Thumālī. He sent him a poem in which he called on him not to listen to ʿAmr and not to be deceived by Muʿāwiya, who wanted to rise above them as king and imam and to use the blood of the Yemeni Arabs for the good of the Quraish . In order not to fall into disbelief , he should rather perform ʿAlī the Baiʿa, who is the best man of the Banū Hāschim. The people are just as obliged to him by a contract as they used to be to Abū Hafs (= marUmar ibn al-Chattāb ) and Abū Bakr .

Shurahbīl nevertheless traveled to Muʿāwiya and received a splendid and honorable reception from him. Muʿāwiya pointed out to Shurahbīl that Jarīr ibn ʿAbdallāh asked them to take the oath of allegiance to ʿAlī and said that ʿAlī would be the best person if he had not killed ʿUthman. He also informed him that he would let him decide on the matter. Shurahbīl asked for time to think it over, went out and met with the confidants of Muāwiya, who assured him that ʿAlī had killed mUthmān. Shurahbīl then went back inside, threatened Muʿāwiya that he would drive him out of Syria or kill him if he served ʿAlī the Baiʿa, and asked him to send Jarīr back to ʿAlī. In this way Muʿāwiya is said to have gained certainty that the Syrians would follow him in a war with the Iraqis. Another tradition, citing al-Balādhurī with reference to al-Madā'inī, says that Shurahbīl Muʿāwiya advised him after his arrival: “ʿUthmān was our caliph. If you can, demand blood vengeance, but if not, we will take it from us. "

Shurahbīl's argument with Jarīr ibn ʿAbdallāh

According to al-Minqarī, Shurahbīl and Jarīr then met in the house of Hussain ibn Numair, the leader of the Kinditic clan of the Sakūn. Shurahbīl Jarīr made serious accusations: He wanted to deceive them and sang the praises of ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib, even though he was a murderer. Jarīr defended himself, dismissing the murder allegation against ʿAlī as a slander for which there was no evidence, and suggested that Shurahbīl had a lust for worldly power and had a grudge against him from the time of Saʿd ibn Abī Waqqās . Jarīr later sent him a poem in which he rejected the allegations against ʿAlī as defamation and praised ʿAlī as the only authorized representative ( waṣī ) of the Messenger of God from his family and his knight, who has the greatest right to be regarded as a model.

Jarīr's letter cast Shurahbīl into great doubt, and Muʿāwiya had to send his confidants to him again to try to stir him up with reports of ʿAlī's alleged crime. When they succeeded, an ascetic related to Shurahbīl from Homs made one last attempt to pull him back to Alī's side by accusing him of being fooled by Muʿāwiya in a mocking poem. However, Shurahbīl could not change his mind and drove the man who fled to Kufa , where he later joined ʿAlī.

According to a tradition that is traced back to al-Sha'bī, there was yet another encounter between Shurahbīl, Muʿāwiya and Jarīr ibn ʿAbdallāh. Shurahbīl Muʿāwiya promised that the Syrians would recognize him as governor if he waged jihad against ʿAlī and the killers of ʿUthman in order to take revenge, but at the same time threatened that the Syrians would depose him and someone else Would choose governors to fight with this against īAlī. When Jarīr warned him not to shed blood unnecessarily and thereby violate God's will, Shurahbīl reaffirmed his words and received great applause from the crowd. This incident is said to have robbed Jarīr of any hope of being able to change Muʿāwiya and the Syrians.

Mobilizing the Syrians to fight

Muʿāwiya now asked Shurahbīl to travel through the cities of Syria and make it clear to the people that ʿAlī had killed ʿUthmān and that it was the duty of the Muslims to demand his blood. Shurahbīl complied and began his journey in Homs, where he appeared as a penitent and preached to the people:

“O people, īAlī has killed ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān. Then some people rebelled against him, but he killed them. He defeated them all and conquered the country, leaving only Syria. Now he has taken the sword on his shoulder to wade with him through the waters of death until he comes to you, if God does not intervene. There is no one stronger than Muʿāwiya to fight against. So try and rise up. "

Apart from a few ascetics, the people of Homs followed his call. He then traveled on through Syria and successfully encouraged the people to fight. According to Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfīs, many people gathered at Shurahbīl with whom he went to Muʿāwiya. They vowed to fight and die for him.

According to an isolated tradition, which is handed down in the book al-Imāma wa-s-siyāsa ascribed to Ibn Qutaiba (d. 889) , Shurahbīl was also the one who first got Mu brachteāwiya to claim the caliphate for himself. According to this tradition, Shurahbīl held a meeting of tribal leaders in Homs after Muʿāwiya had asked him to oath of allegiance to his command ( imra ) in a letter . He reprimanded Muʿāwiya and claimed that he was only entitled to demand blood revenge for the murdered caliph ʿUthmān if he claimed the title of caliph for himself. With this argument he then made the oath of allegiance to the caliphate together with the residents of Homs Muʿāwiya and informed him about it. This is said to have induced Muʿāwiya to hold a meeting himself, at which the other Syrians swore the oath of allegiance to the caliphate.

Shurahbīl supported Muʿāwiya in his dispute with ʿAlī, but apparently his loyalty to Muʿāwiya also knew limits. When a man named al-Aswad ibn ʿArfajah from the Kinditic clan of the Sakāsik sided with ʿAlī in front of Muʿāwiya and had Muʿāwiya seize him, Shurahbīl asked Muʿāwiya to stop the man and threatened to revoke his oath of allegiance . Muʿāwiya then released the man, saying to Shurahbīl: "I will give it to you."

Attempts from ʿAlī's camp to change Sharahbīl's mind

The poet Qais ibn ʿAmr an-Najāschī from the Banū l-Hārith ibn Kaʿb clan, an old friend of Shurahbīl who had switched to Alī's side, sent him a poem in which he accused him of being with his Let personal motives guide you in choosing Muʿāwiya. The poem is quoted in numerous Arabic historical works:

شرحبيل لا للدين فارقت أمرنا
ولكن لبغض المالكي جرير
وقولك ما قد قلت عن أمر أشعث
فأصبحت كعيلحادي بغير بير

Šuraḥbīlu lā li-d-dīni fāraqta amra-nā
Wa-lākin li-buġḍi l-Mālikīyi Ǧarīr
Wa-qauli-ka mā qad qulta ʿan amri Ašʿaṯ
Fa-aṣbaḥta ka-l-ḥādīʿī-ġairi

Shurahbīl, you left us not because of religion,
but out of hatred of the Mālikite Jarīr
and what you said about the affair of al-Ashʿath.
Now you are like a camel driver who lacks camels.

In the poem, an-Najāschī also accused Shurahbīl of suspecting ʿAlī of murder on hearsay alone, while the sensible were reluctant to judge.

Another attempt to change Shurahbīl's mind was made by Saʿīd ibn Qais (d. 670), who stood on ʿAlīs and was chief of the Hamdān tribe in Kufa. According to Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, he wrote a letter to Shurahbīl with ʿAlī's permission, in which he tried to arouse doubts about the correctness of his conduct. In doing so, he focused primarily on the fact that the men who had testified to him that ʿAlī had murdered ʿUthmān were unbelievable and had also paid homage to the Muhādschirūn and Ansār ʿAlī. The letter ended in a poem. When Shurahbīl received the letter, he showed it to Muʿāwiya. He said that Shurahbīl could be indifferent to the letter, since Saʿīd was chief of the Hamdān, but he was chief of the Kinda. According to Ibn Aʿtham al-Kufī, Shurahbīl Saʿīd wrote in response that just as the Muhādjirūn and Ansār had reason to take the oath of allegiance to ʿAlī, he had reason to take the oath of allegiance to Muʿāwiya. In addition, Shurahbīl had a relative of his tribe write a poem which he put under the letter.

Role in and after the Battle of Siffīn

When the military confrontation between ʿAlī and Muʿāwiya began in Dhū l-Hiddscha 36 (= May / June 657) with duels between prominent supporters from both camps, Shurahbīl was one of the men who Muʿāwiya sent into battle for his camp. According to Ibn Aʿtham, al-Ashʿath struck Shurahbīl with his lance in one of the duels.

Muʿāwiya later sent Shurahbīl together with Habīb ibn Maslama al-Fihrī and Maʿn ibn Yazīd as-Sulamī for negotiations in ʿAlī's camp. On this occasion ʿAlī is said to have explained to the men, at the request of Shurahbīl, his view of the early Islamic history from Mohammed to his own elevation to caliph and the dispute with Muʿāwiya. When Shurahbīl asked whether he testified that ʿUthmān was wrongly killed, he replied after the report of Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī: “He is both a wrongdoer and a victim of injustice.” After a report from ad-Dīnawarī, Shurahbīl asked ʿAlī the occasion also whether he would not hand over the murderers of ʿUthmān to them. To this, sollAlī is said to have replied that he could not because there were about 20,000 men. In another duel, Shurahbīl is said to have fought against Mālik al-Ashtar. In the battle of Siffīn, which began a little later, Shurahbīl led the banner of the Kinda who were on Muʿāwiya's side.

According to an anonymous tradition quoted by al-Balādhurī , Shurahbīl was one of the men to whom Muʿāwiya offered to transfer the province of Egypt, after holding the court of arbitration and elevating himself to the position of caliph, on the condition that the person concerned would conquer the province himself. But since Shurahbīl, like most other men, was unwilling to do so, Muʿāwiya entrusted this task to ʿAmr ibn al-ʿĀs.

Death and burial

According to a tradition that is traced back to the Syrian traditionalist Sulaimān ibn ʿAbd al-Hamīd al-Bahrānī, Shurahbīl died in the year 40 (= 660/61 AD). A tradition that quotes al-Mizzī from the book Tārīḫ al-Ḥimṣīyīn by Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Baghdādī (died at the end of the 9th century) states Salamiyya as the place of death . Habib ibn Maslama said the funeral prayer for him. Muhammad ibn Saʿd quotes about Yazīd ibn Hārūn the report of a certain ʿAbdallāh ibn Yahyā al-Hazūnī, who attended the funeral of Shurahbīl. Thus Habīb ibn Maslama cried while those present to on, the " orthodox , devout soul" ( an-nafs al-Hanifa al-muslima ) Schurahbīls a supplication to speak.

literature

Arabic sources

• Naṣr b. Muzāḥim al-Minqarī (d. 827): Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . Ed. ʿAbd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn. Cairo 1962. pp. 44-52. Digitized
• Muḥammad ibn Saʿd (d. 845): Kitāb a-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Ed. E. Sachau. 9 vols. Leiden 1904–1940. Vol. VII / 2, p. 155. Digitized
• Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī (fl. 9th century): Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Ed. ʿAlī Šīrī. 8 Vol. Dār al-Aḍwāʾ li-ṭ-Ṭibāʿa wa-n-Našr wa-t-Tauzīʿ, Beirut, 1991. Vol. II, pp. 517-21. Digitized
• Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā al-Balāḏurī (d. 892): Ansāb al-ašrāf . Vol. V Ed. Iḥsān ʿAbbās. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1996. pp. 91f. Digitized
• Ad-Dīnawarī (d. 895): Kitāb al-Aḫbār aṭ-ṭiwāl . Ed. Vladimir Guirgass. Brill, Leiden 1888. Digitized
• Abū Ǧaʿfar Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr aṭ-Ṭabarī (d. 923): Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . Edited by MJ de Goeje. Leiden 1879–1901. Digitized
• Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr (d. 1071): al-Istīʿāb fī maʿrifat al-aṣḥāb . Ed. ʿAlī Muhammad al-Biāwī. Dār al-Ǧīl, Beirut, undated vol. II, pp. 699f. Digitized
• Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 1176): Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Ed. ʿUmar ibn Ġarāma al-ʿUmarī. Dār al-Fikr, Beirut, 1995. Vol. XXII, pp. 455-463. Digitized
• Al-Mizzī (d. 1341): Tahḏīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ ar-riǧāl . Ed. Baššār ʿAuwād Maʿrūf. Muʾassasat ar-Risāla, Beirut, 1988. Vol. XII, pp. 418-421. Digitized
• Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī (d. 1449): al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz aṣ- ṣaḥāba Cairo 1327h (= 1909 AD). Vol. III, pp. 199-200. Digitized

Secondary literature

• Bannāǧī al-ʿAbdūlī: Qabīlat Kinda fī ṣadr al-islām wa-d-daula al-umawīya . Dār Ḥaḍramaut li-d-Dirāsāt wa-n-Našr, al-Mukallā, 2010. pp. 114–118.
• Patricia Crone: Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980. p. 101. Digitized
• Mahmut Kavaklıoğlu: "Şürahbîl b. Simt" in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm ansiklopedisi Vol. XXIX, p. 269. Digitized
• Georg Leube: Kinda in the early Islamic history: a prosopographical study on the basis of early and classical Arabic-Islamic historiography , Ergon, Würzburg, 2017. pp. 154–162.
• Wilferd Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. A Study of the Early Caliphate . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997. pp. 199-202.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Werner Caskel: Ǧamharat an-nasab: the genealogical work of Hišām Ibn Muḥammad al-Kalbī . 2 Vols. Brill, Leiden, 1966. Vol. I, plate 236 and Vol. II, p. 381.
2. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . 1881, Vol. I, pp. 2004f.
3. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Vol. I, p. 2225.
4. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . 1881, Vol. I, pp. 2004f.
5. ↑ Leube: Kinda in early Islamic history . 2017, p. 158.
6. ↑ al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ ar-riǧāl . 1988, Vol. XII, p. 420.
7. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Vol. I, p. 2225.
8. ↑ al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ ar-riǧāl . 1988, Vol. XII, p. 420.
9. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. I, p. 138.
10. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . Vol. I, p. 2225.
11. ↑ Ad-Dīnawarī: Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-ṭiwāl . 1882, p. 128.
12. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . Vol. I, pp. 2338, 2341, 2346.
13. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wa-l-mulūk . Vol. I, pp. 2360f.
14. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Vol. I, p. 2225.
15. ↑ ^{a b} Al-Balāḏurī : Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān. Ed. Michael Jan de Goeje . Brill, Leiden, 1866. p. 138. Digitized - German transl. Oskar Rescher . S. 141. Digitized
16. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. V, p. 91.
17. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. V, p. 91.
18. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, pp. 461f.
19. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. V, pp. 91f.
20. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. V, pp. 91f.
21. ↑ Muḥammad ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 1, p. 155.
22. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, p. 455.
23. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, p. 459.
24. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, p. 461.
25. ↑ For the dating see al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 47, where reference is made to the camel battle.
26. ↑ So Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. II, pp. 516f.
27. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 44.
28. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 44 and Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. II, p. 518.
29. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 45.
30. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 45f.
31. ^ Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. 1997, p. 200.
32. ^ Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. 1997, p. 201.
33. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 45.
34. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. V, p. 92.
35. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 47f.
36. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 48f.
37. ^ Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. 1997, p. 201.
38. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 51f.
39. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 50.
40. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 50.
41. ^ Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. 1997, pp. 201f.
42. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. II, p. 523.
43. ↑ Ibn Qutaiba: al-Imāma wa-s-siyāsa: wa-huwa al-maʿrūf bi-Tārīḫ al-ḫulafāʾ . 2 Vols. Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī, Cairo, 1969. Vol. I, p. 80.
44. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. II, p. 524.
45. ^ Madelung: The Succession to Muḥammad. 1997, pp. 201f.
46. ↑ The term Mālikit here refers to the descent of Mālik ibn Saʿd from the Arab tribe of Badschīla, see Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī: al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz aṣ-ṣaḥāba . 1909, Vol. III, p. 200.
47. ↑ al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . 1996, Vol. II., P. 92.
48. ↑ al-Minqarī: Waqʿat Ṣiffīn . 1962, p. 51.
49. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. II, pp. 524f.
50. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Vol. I, p. 3272.
51. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. III, p. 18.
52. ↑ aṭ-Ṭabarī: Taʾrīḫ al-rusul wa-l-mulūk. Vol. I, pp. 3277-79.
53. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. III, p. 19.
54. ↑ Ad-Dīnawarī: Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-ṭiwāl . 1882, p. 182.
55. ↑ Ibn Aʿṯam al-Kūfī: Kitāb al-Futūḥ. Vol. III, p. 19.
56. ↑ Michael Lecker: “Kinda on the eve of Islam and during the ridda” in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Third Series 4 (1994) 333-56, here p. 344.
57. ↑ Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā al-Balāḏurī: Ansāb al-ašrāf . Vol. II. Ed. Wilferd Madelung. Klaus Schwarz, Beirut-Berlin, 2003. p. 254 digitized
58. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, p. 463.
59. ^ Title to be corrected according to Fuat Sezgin : History of Arabic literature . Vol. 1. Quranic sciences, Ḥadīṯ, history, fiqh, dogmatics, mysticism up to approx. 430 H. Brill, Leiden, 1967. p. 347. The original is Tārīḫ al-Ḥimṣain .
60. ↑ al-Mizzī: Tahḏīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ ar-riǧāl . 1988, Vol. XII, p. 420.
61. ↑ Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . 1995, Vol. XXII, p. 458.
62. ↑ Muḥammad ibn Saʿd: Kitāb aṭ-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr . Vol. VII / 2, p. 155.