Hanif

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The Arabic word Hanīf , plural Hunafāʾ ( Arabic حنيف ، حنفاء, DMG ḥanīf, ḥunafāʾ ) denotes pre-Islamic monotheists on the Arabian Peninsula who were neither Jews nor Christians . Their religious tendency is called al-hanīfiyya in Islamic literature  /الحنيفية / al-ḥanīfīya . The Arabic verb from the root ḥ-nf taḥannafa تحنفmeans depending on the context a) "to become Hanīf", d. H. follow the Hanīfiyya, the religion of Abraham - so in the explanations of Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalānī , b) accept Islam. In this sense the term in Sura 22:31 becomes hunafāʾ li-llāhiحنفاء لله / ḥunafāʾa li-llāhi used: "Hanīfe devoted to God" who do not associate anything with the only god. In theological scriptures, hanīf and al-hanīfiyya are often used as synonyms for Muslim and Islam, respectively.

The term is not that of Abu Hanifa founded Sunni school of Hanafi to be confused.

State of research

In research, the term, which also occurs outside the Quran, has been understood and presented differently:

  • The Ḥanīfe or the Ḥanīfiyya were neither Jewish nor Christian sects.
  • The Ḥanīfe in Arabia represented a movement under Christian or Jewish influence; the Muslims considered themselves to be the successors of the Hanīfen.
  • The Ḥanīfe were an independent, Arab-influenced monotheistic movement.
  • The Ḥanīfe have also been associated with the Sabians of Harran .

In Harran there were some followers of a late Hellenistic celestial religion who were regarded by the Christians there as pagans , in Syriac: ḥanpē . The sound and meaning of the Syrian ḥanpē differed in comparison to the term ḥanīf . The Syrian meaning of the term has, despite the Koranic meaning of ḥanīf , also consolidated in Islamic literature: al-Biruni (died around 1050) describes the pagan Harranians both as ḥunafāʾ and as idolaters. The term also appears in pre-Islamic poetry as a term for pagans and idolaters.

The Christian apologist ʿAbd al-Masīḥ al-Kindī in the early Abbasid period and other Syrian apologists use the term in its double meaning. al-Kindī - according to the unknown narrator of his correspondence with his Muslim interlocutor - argues as follows:

“With his fathers, grandfathers and the people of his country, Abraham worshiped the idol named al-ʿUzzā in Harran as a Ḥanīf, as you admit. O thou, Ḥanīf! He (Abraham) renounced the Ḥanīfiyya, which means idol worship, and became a monotheist, a believer. For we find al-ḥanīfiyya in the scriptures revealed by God as a designation for idol worship "

The ḥunafāʾ were, in the view of Muhammad, the "worshipers of the one and true God, whose most prominent representative had just been Abraham"; At the time of Muhammad, in Mecca and its surroundings, and also in Yathrib (Medina), which was influenced by the Arab-Jewish population, it was used to refer to the adherents of the established, original religion in contrast to Arab paganism and the - according to Islamic view - falsified scriptural religions.

The monotheistic religion of Abraham ( din Ibrahim ) was known to the Arabs even before the appearance of Muhammad. The Eastern Roman church historian Sozomenos († around 450), who treats the period between 324 and 439 in his Historia Ecclesiatica , reports in the 6th book about Arab groups who saw themselves as descendants of Isma'il , who distanced themselves from their pagan surroundings and the have sought original monotheism.

The description of the Ḥanīfe by the German orientalist Johann Fück finds general acceptance, who says, when considering Islamic literature:

“Tradition has given us the names of those seekers of God, some of whom sought salvation in Judaism or Christianity, while others, who did not want to give up their national character, took over from the older religions what seemed useful to them: belief in the unifying God, the rejection of all polytheism and the demand for a moral standard of living "

Rudi Paret remarks on the Koran 2: 135 :

“The Koranic expression ḥanīf means something like 'Muslim monotheist'. In many places it is added that the person who is referred to as ḥanīf 'does not belong to the pagans' (whereby with 'pagans', mušrikūn , especially the representatives of the ancient Arabic paganism are meant). Often the expression including this addition is applied to Abraham, the alleged representative of pure Ur-Islam, the millat Ibrāhīm . "

Hanīf in the Koran

The term hanīf / Pl. Hunafāʾ is therefore often used in the Koran in connection with the religion of Abraham. In the polemics with the Christians and Jews it says in sura 2 : 135:

"And they (that is, the people of the Scriptures) say, 'You must be Jews or Christians, then you will be guided.' Say: No: (For us there is only) the religion of Abraham, a Hanif - he was not a pagan. "

Similar in Sura 3 : 67:

“Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian. Rather, he was a devoted Hanīf and not a pagan. "

And also in Sura 3:95:

“Say: God told the truth. Therefore follow the religion of Abraham, a hanep - he was not a pagan. "

See also 4: 125; 6:79 and 161; 16: 120; 22:31.

Correspondingly, God's command is given to Mohammed in Revelation; in sura 10 : 105 it says:

“And (I was commanded): raise your face to the (only true) religion! (Act like this) as a hanīf. And don't be a pagan. "

The Koran expresses the same thought, also in the form of an imperative to Mohammed, in sura 30:30 . There it says:

“Now turn your face to the (only true) religion! (Act like this) as a hemp! (That (i.e., such religious conduct) is) the natural way in which God created man. The way in which God (human beings) created cannot (or: may?) Not be changed (exchanged for something else). That is the right religion. But most people don't know. "

The “natural way” (in the original: fitrata 'llāhi ) is interpreted by the oldest exegetes, such as Mujāhid ibn Jabr , in one word: al-islam . Thus, Islamic teaching assumes that Fitra , the “natural disposition of man” has been a religion in Islam since the beginning of creation. For Adam was the first hanīf.

This equation of Islam and Hanifiyya was directly attested in the copy of the Koran of the Prophet's companion ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd . The canonized passage in Sura 3:19 reads:

"Islam is considered by God to be the (only true) religion"

In his copy it was as

"The (only true) religion is the Hanīfiyya"

recorded.

Thus, Mohammed and his community saw themselves as the representatives of true monotheism, which was neither identical with Christianity nor with Judaism, and consequently also distinguished themselves from paganism, polytheism ( shirk ) - the cult of idols on the Arabian Peninsula. Mohammed was already in pagan Mecca - and after his emigration also in Medina - the true herald of the original religion of Abraham, the Hanīfiyya. He received the commission to follow the religion of Abraham through the revelation in the above quoted Koran. This commonality between the only God devoted Hanif Abraham / Ibrahim and Mohammed is clearly expressed in an old Arabic inscription from the year 735 from the Negev desert , in which the only god is invoked as Lord of Mohammed and Ibrahim ( rabb Muḥammad wa-Ibrāhīm ) becomes.

According to Muhammad, Ibrahim was - expressed in the above verses of the Koran - one of the greatest among God's messengers. Both Ibrahim and Mohammed “advocate the religion of monotheism in a polytheistic environment.” The use of the term hanīf in Meccan suras 6 and 10 shows - even if both suras contain Medinan insertions - that Mohammed was already before his confrontation with the Jews of Medina saw his religion in connection with the Hanīf Ibrahim.

In addition to this millat Ibrāhīm , the religion of the (Muslim) Hanīf Abraham, who was devoted to the only god, there is the outside world, which Mohammed called differently during the historical development of his prophecy in the Koran:

  • al-mušrikūn : the heathen (from Mecca), who according to sura 9:28 are even “unclean”. Also those who at the same time associate other gods with God (e.g. in Sura 12 : 106).
  • allaḏīna fī qulūbihim maraḍun: those who have disease in their hearts.
  • allaḏīna kafarū: those who disbelieve.
  • allaḏīna ẓalamū: those who do wrong or do wrong.
  • kāfir / plural: kāfirūn or kuffār are the unbelievers.

Depending on the Qur'anic context, these terms refer to the “book owners” - that is, to the Jews and Christians - and to the polytheistic Arabs of the time of Muhammad.

Hanīf and Hanīfiyya in non-Koranic literature

The representation of the Hanīfe and the Hanīfiyya is in the non-Quranic literature, i. H. also demonstrable in the biography of the prophets, Koran exegesis and ancient poetry. They describe the tension that existed between Mohammed and the Hanīfe in the pagan surroundings of Mecca and Medina.

The idea of ​​Hanīfiyya is not of Koranic origin. It was already present in Meccan and Medinan society before the appearance of Muhammad and contained elements that later became the content of religious teaching in Revelation. The central importance of the Meccan sanctuary with the pre-Islamic pilgrimage rituals was just as much a part of Hanifiyya as the orientation towards an ancient monotheism, the true religion of Abraham.

Muhammad's polemics, both in the form of revelation as a Koran text and in everyday life, presented in the biography of the prophet, was directed against the Meccan polytheists. The connection between Hanifiya and the Islam proclaimed by Mohammed have been vigorously rejected by the Meccans. Ibn Ishāq's biography of the prophets, which was written in the Islamic spirit, can report on this; there Ibn ʿUbayy, one of the most famous opponents of Muhammad, is allowed to speak as follows:

"You there! There is nothing better than what you are telling, provided that it is true. So sit down in your house and if someone comes to you, tell him! But you don't need to bother those who don't come to you. If he is in company at home, do not bring something to him that he does not want to know about! "

The loyal followers of the Medinan Muslim community during the Ridda Wars considered themselves Hanīfe, referring to an ancient Arabic term. A member of the renegade Banu Asad addressed the following words - in verse - to his tribesmen:

"Even if you accuse me of boldness / I am a Hanīf in the true religion, a Muslim" (... ḥanīfun ʿalā d-dīni l-qawīmi wa-muslimu)

In pre-Islamic Mecca

Ibn Ishāq reports in his biography of the prophets ( Sira ) about some people who, as Hanīfe, rejected the idol worship in Mecca and were in search of true monotheism.

  • Zaid ibn ʿAmr ibn Nufail زيد بن عمرو بن نفيل; in the poems ascribed to him his rejection of Meccan polytheism is expressed. He also considered himself the only one among the Quraish to follow the religion of Abraham ( din Ibrahim ), i.e. the Hanīfiyya. He prayed in the direction of the Ka'ba as the qibla of Ibrāhim and Ismāʿīl, but did not offer any sacrificial animals. According to other reports beyond the biography of the prophet, he prostrated himself in the Jāhiliyya in the direction of the Ka'ba, "which Ibrahim established". Ibn ʿAsākir dedicates a detailed twenty-three page biography to him in his Damascus city history. According to ancient sources of Maghazi and Sira literature, he describes his encounter with Mohammed in the pre-prophetic era and his renunciation of eating the sacrificial meat that Mohammed offered to idols. According to Islamic traditions, the tomb of Zaid ibn ʿAmr is said to be at the foot of the mountain of Hira or in Syria.
  • Waraqa ibn Naufal ورقة بن نوفل; he is mentioned in Ibn Ishaq's biography of the prophet in the chapter on the four Hanīfs who sought true monotheism and  rejected the pagan rites around the Ka'ba - the worship of the ancient Arabic deities . Waraqa became a Christian in Syria after studying the scriptures and died either there or in Mecca - but before Muhammad began his activity as a prophet in front of the Meccan public. After Muhammad's first experience of revelation, Waraqa - as a Christian - is said to have recognized the signs of prophecy in Muhammad.
  • ʿUbaid Allaah ibn Jahsch عبيد الله بن جحش / ʿUbaid Allāh b. Ǧaḥš and ʿUthmān ibn Huwairithعثمان بن حويرث / ʿUṯmān b. Ḥuwairiṯ , two other Hanīfe from Mecca, about whose activities nothing more can be found in the sources, have become Christians; the first in Abyssinia, the second in Byzantium. These four persons are named by Ibn Ishaq, who “went their separate ways in the countries in search of the Hanīfiyya, the religion of Ibrāhīms”.

In Medina after the emigration

  • Abū ʿĀmir, ʿAbd ʿAmr b. Saifīأبو عامر عبد عمرو بن صيفي / Abū ʿĀmir ʿAbd ʿAmr b. Ṣaifī was one of the best-known enemies of Mohammed from the tribe of the Medinan Amr ibn Auf , fought against the Muslims at Uhud in 625, allied with the Quraish of Mecca after the banu 'n-nadir had been driven out to Khaibar and fled after the conquest of Mecca in 630 after Tāʾif. He forbade the members of the ʿAmr ibn ʿAuf to follow Mohammed as a prophet. He emigrated and died in Syria.

The importance of the Meccan sanctuary for the Hanīf Abū ʿĀmir and his allies, something that research has only recently pointed out, is impressively described by the maghazi author al-Wāqidī . “Let us”, said Abū ʿĀmir and his followers to Abū Sufyān ibn Harb , “we and you, through the curtains, enter the Kaba, so that we can press our bodies against (its) walls and then we all swear by God (Allah) that no one abandons the other and that as long as one of us is alive, we speak with one tongue against this man (i.e. Mohammed). - So they did; they have committed themselves by oath and signed a contract. "

Despite his hostility towards Mohammed and Islam, he is portrayed as Hanīf in Islamic historiography; Al-Balādhurī even mentions that Abū ʿĀmir "was preparing to claim prophecy for himself". In his discussion with Mohammed, which Ibn Ishaq narrates, he introduced himself as the true representative of the Hanīfiyya and accused his opponent of including elements in the Hanīfiyya that did not belong to it. His nickname ar-rāhib - "the monk" / "ascetic" - has been preserved in Islamic historiography. With reference to Ibn Hishām and al-Wāqidī , it is assumed that he may have been a Christian monk (rāhib). Mohammed called his rival an ungodly wicked person (fāsiq).

  • Abū Qais ibn al-Aslat أبو قيس بن الأسلتwas poet and head of the Banū Aus Allāh of the tribe of Aus, to which Abū ʿĀmir also belonged. Ibn Saʿd (d. 845), a disciple of al-Waqidi, who was active in the 9th century, reports that Abu Qais dealt extensively with the Hanīfiyya and is said to have said "to follow the religion of Abraham" until his death. Monotheistic elements associated with the pilgrimage to Mecca and the sacrificial rituals are preserved in his poems. As the head of the Banū Aus Allaah and as Hanīf, he was able to prevent his tribesmen from following Mohammed until the battle of the trenches in 627, five years after the emigration. The reasons for this can be seen in the close contacts between the Banu Aus and the Jews of Yathrib, dating back to pre-Islamic times. Abū Qais did not become a Muslim.

In at-Tā'if

  • Umaiya ibn Abī s-Salt أمية بن أبي الصلت / Umaiya ibn Abī ṣ-Ṣalt was a poet in at-Tā'if ; he died around 631–632. He is said to have read the books of the pre-Islamic monotheists. His poems with monotheistic elements of the Hanīfiyya of his time were already collected in anthologies in the early 8th century and have been discussed several times and controversially in research. Since he had also visited Syria, Ibn ʿAsākir dedicates 33 pages to him in his scholarly biography of Damascus and cites numerous verses from his poems. The poet made it clear that the Hanīfiyya was the true doctrine, but added that he was in doubt about Muhammad's mission; this statement ascribed to him has been discussed in detail by Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalānī in his hadith commentary on al-Buchārī and supplemented with Muhammad's reaction about Umayya: "His poetry has faith, his heart (against it) remains in disbelief". The style, content and vocabulary of his poems have similarities with the language of the Koran. Other fragments of his poetry are understood in research as later forgeries.

The Koran passage

“And left them the story of him to whom we gave our marks and who then got rid of them! Then Satan took him into his company (or: Satan was after him (and caught up with him)?). And so he was one of those who went astray. "

- Sura 7: 175

is discussed controversially by the Koran exegetes, as it remains unclear who is meant here who "got rid of" the signs of God after he had received them beforehand. The authorities of Tafsirliteratur name next to the Old Testament Balaam - in Islamic literature Bal'am ibn Ba'ūr (a)  - even the poet Umayya ibn Abi -s-Salt and Abu'Amir. Because both are known in Islamic literature for having studied the writings of the monotheists, the ahl al-kitab . Thus, the passage from the Qur'an has also been seen as a polemic against the Hanīfiyya, who - according to Muhammad - have moved away from Abraham's monotheism.

Male first name

Hanif is a male given name in modern Arabic only, meaning "the orthodox". The feminine form is Hanifa / Hanife. This name does not exist in classical Arabic, only Hunaif occurs there, such as: Hunaif ibn Sa'id and Hunaif ibn 'Umair, both of Mohammed's contemporaries, also Hunaif ibn Rustam a prayer caller from Kufa, Sahl ibn Hunaif a well-known companion of the prophets and Hunaif ibn Malik in the second generation after Mohammed. The Arabic lexicography does not understand the name Hunaif as a diminutive of Hanif, but as an independent naming.

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Hamilton AR Gibb: Pre-islamic Monotheism in Arabia. In: The Harvard Theological Review. Vol. 54 (1962), pp. 269-280
  2. Fatḥ al-bārī, Volume 1, p. 23, line 10; and in the usage of Ibn Sa'd, the disciple of al-Wāqidī : taḥannafa fī-ʾl-ǧāhilīya (= he became Hanif in the Jāhiliyya ): Ibn Sa'd: Kitāb aṭ-ṭabaqāt al-kubrā . Ibn Saad: biographies of Muhammad ... . Ed. E. Wednesday and E. Sachau. (Brill, Leiden) 1917. Volume I / 2. P. 55, line 5.
  3. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 3, p. 165
  4. Alois Sprenger: The life and teaching of Mohammad . Berlin 1860, pp. 67-69
    J. Horovitz: Koranic investigations . Berlin / Leipzig 1926, pp. 56–59
    Julius Wellhausen: Remnants of Arab paganism . Berlin 1897, pp. 238-240
  5. Th. Nöldeke: History of the Qoran . Leipzig 1909, Volume I, p. 8. CH Becker: Islam Studies . Leipzig 1924, Volume I, p. 347
  6. ^ DS Margoliouth: On the Origin and Import of the Names Muslim and Ḥanīf . In: JRAS, 35 (1903), p. 478ff; Richard Bell: The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment. London 1926, pp. 57-59.
  7. ^ J. Pedersen: The Sabians . In: A Volume of Oriental Studies Presented to Edward G. Browne . Cambridge 1922, pp. 387-391. NA Faris, Harold W. Glidden: The Developement of the Meaning of Koranic Hanīf . In: The Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society. Volume 19 (1939/1940) pp. 1-13.
  8. ^ Josef van Ess: Theology and Society , Volume II, p. 444
  9. ^ W. Montgomery Watt (1970), p. 16 (Annex B)
  10. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, Leiden, Volume 5, p. 120
  11. Anton Ties (Ed.): Risala… London 1885, p. 42. Here after: Sidney H. Griffith: The Prophet Muḥammad: his scripture and his message according to the christian apologies in Arabic and Syriac from the first Abbasid century . In: Toufic Fahd (ed.): La vie du Prophète Mahomet: Colloque de Strasbourg. October 1980 . Paris 1982, p. 120
  12. ^ Josef van Ess: Theology and Society. Volume II, p. 444.
  13. ^ Richard Bell: Who were the Ḥanīfs? In: The Muslim World. 20, 1930, pp. 120-124. A summary of the research results goes back to the French orientalist Claude Gilliot : Muhammad, Le Coran et les “Contraintes de l'histoire”. In: Stefan Wild (Ed.): The Qur'an as Text. Brill, Leiden 1996, pp. 3-26, esp. 6-19.
  14. In: Patrologia Graecia , Volume LXVI, 1411-1412
  15. Uri Rubin: Ḥanīfiyya and Kaʿba. An inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic background of dīn Ibrāhīm. In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990), p. 99, note 68. Cl. Gilliot, op.cit, p. 14.
  16. J. Fück: The originality of the Arab prophet . In: Rudi Paret (Ed.): The Koran . Darmstadt 1975, p. 173; from: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 40 (1936), pp. 515-516
  17. Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance . Kohlhammer 1977, p. 32
  18. ^ Translations after Rudi Paret: The Koran. Kohlhammer 1979
  19. See: Arthur Jeffery: Materials for the history of the text of the Qurʾān. Leiden 1937. p. 32; W. Montgomery Watt: Bell's Introduction to the Qurʾān (= Islamic Surveys. 8). Edinburgh 1970. p. 16.
  20. Yehuda Nevo, Zemira Cohen, Dalia Heftman: Ancient Arabic Inscriptions from the Negev. Negev 1993. Volume I. No. HS3155.
  21. Edmund Beck: The figure of Abraham at the turning point in the development of Muhammad. P. 125.
  22. Edmund Beck: op.cit 126.
  23. ^ Theodor Nöldeke: History of the Qorāns. Volume 1, pp. 158 and 161.
  24. Edmund Beck, ibid.
  25. ^ W. Montgomery Watt: Bell's Introduction to the Qurʾān. Pp. 119-120.
  26. Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. Pp. 97-98, 106-109
  27. ^ Translation: Rudi Paret: Mohammed and the Koran. P. 160: from Ibn Ishaq's biography of the prophets
  28. See note 12 with a comment by Rudi Paret from
  29. Ella Landau-Tessaron: Asad from Jāhiliyya to Islām . In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. 6 (1985), p. 24 and note 113
  30. See the English translation of the biography of the prophets: A. Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad . Oxford University Press. 3rd ed. 1970. pp. 100-102
  31. A. Guillaume, op. Cit. P. 99; Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. Pp. 100-101
  32. Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. Pp. 101–102, who does not question the authenticity of these and comparable reports.
  33. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīch madīnat Dimaschq. Volume 19, p. 493ff; here: pp. 509-510; about this episode in detail: MJ Kister: "A bag of meat": A study of an early Ḥadīth. In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS), 33 (1970), pp. 267-275.
  34. About him see also: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 11, p. 474
  35. A. Guillaume, op.cit. P. 98ff; The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Volume 11, p. 142
  36. M. Lecker (1995), p. 145, note 238
  37. M. Lecker (1995), pp. 145-146, note 239
  38. Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. P. 94
  39. al-Waqidi: Kitab al-maghazi . Ed. Marsden Jones. Oxford University Press 1966. Volume 2, p. 442.
  40. Ansab al-aschraf, Volume IS 282, line 13 (Cairo 1959). Uri Rubin: Ḥanīfiyya and Kaʿba. P. 88
  41. Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. Pp. 86-89; Moshe Gil : The Medinan opposition to the prophet . In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987), pp. 87-92
  42. Moshe Gil (1987), pp. 90–91 and p. 90 note 60
  43. See Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic Literature. Vol II (Poetry). Brill, Leiden 1975. p. 287
  44. See the English translation in A. Guillaume, p. 128; 201; Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. P. 91; 93; Julius Wellhausen: Sketches and preparatory work IV = Medina before Islam. Berlin 1889. p. 46
  45. About him and about Abū ʿĀmir see also: W. Montgomery Watt: Muhammad at Medina. Oxford University Press. 1972. pp. 178-179; M. Lecker (1995), pp. 156-164
  46. ^ Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume II (Poetry), pp. 298-300.
  47. Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Volume 9. pp. 255-288 (Beirut 1995)
  48. Uri Rubin: Hanīfiyya and Kaʿba. P. 96 with further references
  49. ^ T. Seidensticker, The authenticity of the poems ascribed to Umayya Ibn Abī al-Ṣalt. P. 87ff
  50. ^ Hamilton AR Gibb: Pre-islamic Monotheism in Arabia. In: The Harvard Theological Review. Vol. 54 (1962), pp. 279-280; Fuat Sezgin, Volume II. P. 299 with further references
  51. Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. P. 179
  52. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Vol. 1. p. 984
  53. Uri Rubin: Ḥanīfiyya and Kaʿba. Pp. 94-95.

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