As Koranic exegesis is called the interpretation or interpretation of the Koran . In the Islamic -religious context, the Arabic term Tafsīr ( Arabic تفسير), which has the general meaning of "explanation, interpretation, explanation", used for the exegesis of the Koran. Etymologically , it is related to the Hebrew term Pescher , which in late ancient Judaism denoted a form of biblical interpretation. Al-Jurdjānī defined the term Tafsīr in the specifically religious sense as “the explanation of the meaning ( maʿnā ) of a Quranic verse, its meaning ( šaʾn ), history ( qiṣṣa ) and the occasion for which it came down ( Asbāb an-nuzūl , arab.أسباب النزول), with an expression that clearly indicates this. "
Tafsīr works usually follow the structure of the Koran according to sura / verse ( āya ), such as the monumental Koran commentary by at-Tabarī , which is considered a classic example of a tafsir. There are also works that deal with the methodological questions of Koranic exegesis, such as Ibn Taimīya's introduction to the basics of Koranic exegesis ( Al-Muqaddima fī uṣūl at-tafsīr ).
Comments that are primarily based on traditional literature and present the exegetical explanations of the generation of the companions of Mohammed and their immediate successors in an as far as possible uninterrupted chain of narrators ( isnad ) are called at-tafsīr bi-ʾl-maʾṯūr /التفسير بالمأثور / 'Explanation by tradition'. Because they explain both individual words and entire verses of the Koran with consistent recourse to the traditional statements ( aṯar / Pl. Āṯār ) of the oldest generations of Islam. At no time did these traditional commentaries have a uniform character, since the old traditions as comments on one and the same Quranic verse contain different or even controversial statements. "Accordingly, explanations that differ from one another, even contradict one another, can be considered tafsīr bil-ʿilm , as 'science-related' tafsīr." Even the philological interpretations of the text and the explanation of individual words - often taking into account the language of the Old Arabic poetry - are quite different.
Tafsīr and Taʾwīl
Another term that is used in the literature of the Koran for the interpretation of the Koran text is Taʾwīl تأويل / 'Interpretation; Interpretation; Interpretation'. In its application, the word was often used as a synonym for Tafsīr . But even the earliest exegetes like Muqātil ibn Sulaimān (d. 767) differentiated between the two terms; taʾwīl is the interpretation of what, according to Revelation, will only occur in the future and thus only known to God. Muqātil himself distinguishes - with reference to ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās - four types of Koran exegesis: Tafsīr , in which the scholars are familiar, the classical Arabic language ( al-ʿarabiyya ), which the Arabs (read: Bedouins) know, the knowledge of (Islamic law ) What is permitted and forbidden ( ḥalāl wa-ḥarām ), which one must not ignore, and Taʾwīl , who only knows God. This understanding of Taʾwīl is based on a tradition recorded by Muhammad ibn Saʿd at the latest , according to which the Prophet is said to have asked God to give Ibn ʿAbbā's knowledge of Taʾwīl : "Lord, give him wisdom and teach him the interpretation (Taʾwīl)."
Thus, the term stands in contrast to the above-mentioned at-tafsīr bi-ʾl-maʾṯūr , which is based on the statements of the first generations about the Koran passages . In Ta'wil it goes further to the applicability of the Koran text in the religious and social practice. The theologian and Koran exegete , author of a Taʾwīlāt al-Qurʾān , al-Māturīdi (d. 944), who was honored with the name “emblem of (correct) leadership”, defines taʾwīl as the result of research and expertise. In this direction also has the view of the Hadithkritikers and Koranexegeten Ibn Abi Hatim al-Rāzī (854-938) and the famous mystic as-Suhrawardi (died 1234th): "If the Tafseer of some Quranic verses is prohibited, as is the Ta'wil a . The former (as an explanation of the word) is tied to tradition ( naql ), in which reason can rule with great freedom. ”However, this thought was not new in the 13th century; asch-Schāfiʿī (d. 820) emphasizes several times in his legal work that the Taʾwīl can be different if there are several possible interpretations of a certain verse of the Koran . In this case one joins the interpretation (taʾwīl) that corresponds to the Sunna . However, what has been clearly revealed cannot be the subject of Taʾwīl . And “unclear”, so the general attitude of the Koran exegetes, only God can really interpret; If one practices Taʾwīl in these cases , it can lead to heretical deviations. The climax of the exegesis in the sense of Taʾwīl of the “hidden” in the Qur'anic verses through the connection and interpretation of their internal logic is the unfinished life work of Fachr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī (d. 1209) under the title Mafātīḥ al-ġaib (The Keys to the bent / to the divine mystery), which "is to be regarded as the conclusion of the productive Tafsīr literature."
Both in the sciences of the Qur'an often synonymous, but content ambiguous terms used have been the subject of research. Ignaz Goldziher wrote the following words to his older colleague Theodor Nöldeke in a private letter dated June 18, 1906: “Then the correct explanation of the word taʾwīl keeps chicaning me . If I remember well, you talked about it somewhere. (In the Gesch. D. Q.?) I have a large collection for the various uses of the word in earlier times; but will not lead to any central concept by comparing these passages. The opinions of the Arabs themselves lead to nothing sensible […] ”Nöldeke's suggestion was:“ About d. As far as I can remember, I have not written any words taʾwīl . Should d. Meaning 'interpretation' but cannot be explained as deductio ? āla , yaʾūlu has “got there”, “got to” ( ilā ), awwala thus “to bring to a goal, to get there” […] The taʾwīl leads to the true sense; so it is more than mere tafsīr . Waʾllāhu aʿlamu. "
History of the Tafsir
In the literary-historical processing of the development of this Islamic scientific discipline, four periods can be distinguished: the early period, the classical, the post-classical and the modern period. It is true that the temporal delimitations of these periods are difficult to define in concrete terms, but the main focuses of the Koran exegetical literature can be traced.
Until well into the 8th century, when the first exegetical works were written down, Orthodox circles viewed the interpretation of the Koran text with a certain degree of skepticism and rejection. Ahmad ibn Hanbal is said to have taken the view that dealing with Tafsīr, the apocalyptic tradition and the legendary tales of the Maghazi , the campaigns of the Prophet, was unfounded and therefore reprehensible. The opponents of this branch of science even tried to justify their position through the Koran itself and resorted to the following Koran verse:
"And when you see those chatting about our signs, turn away from them until they're chatting about something else!"
With the same tendency, an alleged saying of Muhammad was circulated in which he is said to have warned against people "who interpret the Koran differently than its correct explanation requires." The only legitimate and recognized interpretation of the revelation is based on " Knowledge "( ʿilm ). The foundations of this knowledge, however, are not the results of one's own thinking, but must be able to be traced back to the teachings of the prophet himself or his companions.
On the other hand, the one who interprets the Koran in his opinion ( Raʾy ) is an unbeliever according to at-Tirmidhī . However, this only constitutes the opinion of the early opposition to the interpretation of the Koran. In the time of at-Tirmidhīs rules for the transmission of reports from Muhammad's time were collected, which explains this opposition to its own opinion. Many exegetes, however, were able to legitimize their exegesis in the Koran through sura 3 , verse 7 .
The first exegetical works from the end of the first and second Muslim centuries are mostly in later collections (At-Tabarī, Ibn Kathīr , az-Zamachscharī ); the latter endeavored above all to the philological and less to the dogmatic interpretation of the sacred text.
In the last few years, significant commentaries on the Qur'an, which can be dated before the creative period of al-Ṭabarī, have been published: the exegesis of the Meccan Mujahid ibn Jabr (d. 722), whose handwritten material dates back to the 12th century, and the Qur'an commentary from Muqātil ibn Sulaimān (d. 767) from Basra; the manuscripts on which the edition of this work is based also date from the late 12th and 15th centuries. The oldest manuscripts of an exegesis of the Koran date from the late 9th century: they are copies of the Tafsīr work of the Egyptian scholar ʿAbdallāh ibn Wahb (d. 812), which al-Ṭabarī cites throughout the work mentioned. Three volumes of the work were first published in the early 1990s ( lit .: Abd Allah ibn Wahb).
Also in the second half of the 8th century, the originally extensive Koran exegesis by the Iraqi scholar from Basra Yahyā ibn Sallām at-Taimī (d. 815) with Qairawān was created. In its arrangement, the work follows the order of the suras, but does not deal with every verse of the Koran. This exegesis is currently only available in a few manuscript fragments in the manuscript collection of Qairawān , which was first presented to the public by the German orientalist Joseph Schacht . Another work by this scholar on the nuances of meaning of Quranic terms and their explanations was published in Tunis in 1979.
A little later, but before the classical Qur'an commentary of at-Tabarī was written, the Ibadite wrote Hūd ibn Muhakkam / Ver. Muḥkim al-Hawwārī wrote his commentary on the Koran around the middle of the 9th century, which is available in four volumes. Fuat Sezgin calls him “the author of the Ibāḍite commentary on the Qur'an that we have received”. The editor of the work has proven, however, that this work is a verbatim extract from the above-mentioned commentary on the Qur'an by Yahyā ibn Sallām, whereby the author only changed or disregarded those passages that were not in accordance with the Ibāite dogma. Among his sources, in addition to the aforementioned Mujāhid ibn Jabr al-Hasan al-Basri , Ibn al-Sā'ib al-Kalbī and other authorities of early exegesis appear.
Classic period: the traditional interpretation of the Koran
The monumental work Jāmiʿ al-bayān ʿan taʾwīl āy al-Qurʾān جامع البيان عن تأويل آي القرآن, DMG Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān ʿan taʾwīl āy al-qurʾān 'Summary of the Explanations for the Interpretation of the Qur'anic Verses ' by at-Tabarī is considered a classic commentary on the Qur'an , the discovery of which at the beginning of the 20th century gave new impetus to Quranic research. At-Tabari comments on each verse in accordance with the Uthmanian code . First, lexical questions are explained, followed by the presentation of the historical background of the revelation, furthermore various traditional interpretations of the contents and the discussion of the question of abrogation . Finally, at-Tabari gives his own judgment on the most likely interpretation of the verse in question. The work is the most extensive collection and evaluation of Koran exegetical writings that are no longer preserved today. Fuat Sezgin believes that by analyzing the tradition way koranexegetischer traditions at-Tabari the earliest, reaching back to the 7th century statements of the Prophet's companions can be reconstructed on the Koran text. In Islamic literature, at-Tabarīs Koran exegesis, which Ignaz Goldziher describes as the "epitome and climax of traditional exegesis" , is the richest source for the presentation of the diversity of exegetical content in the first centuries of Islam. The edition, first printed in Cairo in 1903, comprises 30 volumes and contains 38,397 hadiths, which the author explains with the isnads available to him. A new edition of the entire work with indices and the consideration of previously unknown manuscripts was published in 2001 in Cairo.
The traditional Koran exegesis, which is mainly based on the statements of the Prophet's companions and their immediate successors when discussing the contents of the Koran verses, is also preserved in the great collections of traditions of the 9th century. In addition to the chapters of Fiqh and the presentation of the life of Muhammad and his contemporaries, these works also contain a chapter on Tafsir. The interpretation of the Koran was, in addition to independent works from the early period, a branch of the hadith literature. "Because it was taken for granted that the Prophet himself, when asked about it, had expressed himself about the intentions of individual Koranic words and sayings." The most extensive chapter of Koranic exegetical content with reference to the corresponding statements of Muhammad on the Koranic content was written by al- Buchari in his collection authentic (saheeh) traditions, to which he added another chapter on the "virtues of the Koran" (Faḍāʾil al-Qurʾān). For the most part without isnade and without recognizable selection criteria, he reports sections from commentaries and philological writings from the 8th century. Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalānī then supplemented this chapter in his commentary on al-Buchārīs work with further material from the hadith literature. The traditionarian at-Tirmidhi has dedicated a separate chapter in his K. al-Sunan to the interpretation of the Koran, which he introduces with the “Advantages of the Koran”. an-Nasāʾī wrote an exegesis of the Koran in two volumes, the content of which is limited to the historical background and occasions of the revelation of certain Koran verses. It has been integrated into the new edition of his Kitāb as-Sunan al-kubrā .
In the 8th volume of the Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane , all references to Koran exegetical content that are mentioned in the six canonical books are compiled in alphabetical order of the sura names.
“The believers should not take the unbelievers as friends instead of the believers. Whoever does this has no (longer) fellowship with God. It is different if you fear them (i.e. the unbelievers) (in which case you are excused). God warns you against himself. "
See also in this sense: Sura 4, verse 144; Sura 9, verse 23
at-Tabari first sums up the content in his own words and interprets the verse as God's prohibition to take the unbelievers as helpers and supporters. “Whoever does that […]” is considered an apostate and a follower of Kufr . The following statement: It is different when you are afraid of them (i.e. the unbelievers) , he explains with the words: if the believers live under the rule of unbelievers and therefore fear them, they can express their friendship and loyalty verbally and through theirs Expressions (literally: with their tongues), but not through actions. Subsequently, at-Tabari reports eleven traditions which, through the documented Isnade, go back to early authorities of exegesis from the late 7th and early 8th centuries: Muslims express benevolence and kindness towards the unbelievers who are superior to them, but follow them in not their religion. This only happens verbally, while their hearts have found rest in faith (ie in Islam). This is a paraphrased hint from Sura 16 , verse 106.
at-Tabari then also gives a lecture on other possible interpretations and refers, with details of the routes of transmission, to corresponding traditions from the early period. Friendship with unbelievers is only possible in the case of a family relationship; an interpretation that at-Tabari allows only limited validity. The Koran exegete al-Qurtubī interprets the verse in its historical context with reference to Mujāhid ibn Jabr : Fear (of the unbelievers) was appropriate at the beginning of Islam. Today, however, after God has consolidated Islam, believers no longer have any reason to fear their enemies.
Since the 19th century, there has been a desire among Muslim authors of Tafsir works to simplify the interpretation of the text. The aim is to make the texts accessible to a wider audience, which is not necessarily trained in the field of religious exegesis . As a result, modern Tafsir works deal less grammatical and more theological and legal questions in a short version, without questioning or contradicting the foundations of classical exegesis. A well-known example of a contemporary commentary on the Koran is the 30-volume work Fī ẓilāl al-qurʾān (في ظِلال القُرآن) ( In the Shadow of the Koran ), the Sayyid Qutb , the important representative of the Salafism movement in the 20th century and leading theoretician of the Muslim Brotherhood , wrote mostly in prison from 1951 to 1965. Another example is Tafsīr al-manār by Muhammad Abduh and his disciple Raschīd Ridā , two important representatives of the Salafist reform movement in the early 20th century. The first comments appeared in volume 3 of the magazine al-Manār (Cairo, 1900) as lectures given by Abduh at al-Azhar University . Other volumes were published between 1908 and 1931. The commentary by the former rector of the Azhar University Maḥmūd Šaltūt (d. 1963) in ten volumes (Cairo 1959 and 1988) and his fatwa collection (" Investigations into the problems of contemporary Muslims in his everyday life "), which is very widespread in the Islamic world (8th edition, Cairo 1975), which in the justification of the legal opinions is mainly based on his interpretation of the Koran, represent one of the highlights of modern exegesis.
Tafsīr works in other languages
Tafsīr works were not exclusively written in Arabic. As early as the end of the 15th century, the Persian scholar Husain al-Wāʿiz al-Kāschifī (d. 1504/5) created several Tafsīr works in the Persian language for Mir ʿAli Schir Nawāʾi . One of these works, the so-called Tafsīr-i Husainī , was very popular in the Persian-speaking world. Shāh ʿAbd al-Qādir (d. 1839), a son of Shāh Walī Alāh ad-Dihlawī , wrote a Tafsīr work in Urdu in the early 19th century , which was entitled Tafsīr Fāʾida . And in 1891 the Bengali scholar Muhammad Naimuddin (1832-1908) began to publish a Bengali Tafsīr work, after a non-Muslim, the Brahmo scholar Girish Chandra Sen, had written a Bengali commentary on the Koran, based on the earlier ones Tafsīr works by al-Kāshifī and ʿAbd al-Qādir, as well as Tafsīr al-Jalālain .
Ignaz Goldziher, in his work The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation (1920), which is still groundbreaking today, presented the origin and development of Koran exegesis for the first time and discussed the content of the primary stages of Koran interpretation, as well as the dogmatic, mystical and sectarian directions of exegesis. John Wansbrough (1977), when analyzing the structure of the content of the oldest Koran commentaries available in print, distinguishes five genres in their chronological order: narrative-edifying commentary (“ haggadic commentary”); Sharia- oriented commentary (" halakhic commentary"); philological-text-historical commentary (“ masoretic commentary”); rhetorical-stylistic commentary ("rhetorical commentary") and allegorical commentary ("allegorical commentary").
Philological Exegesis of the Koran
The interpretation of the Koran text from a philological point of view is documented for the first time in two old documents of this genre - in the Kitāb al-ʿAin , in the Arabic lexicon of al-Chalil ibn Ahmad al-Farahidi (d. 791) and in Sibawayhi (d. Against 796) . Both writings deal with standard Arabic, the poetry of the poetry of the Jahilyya and the Koran text with references to contemporary language usage in the 8th century in order to explain terms of both poetry and the Koran. This genre, which is independent in the Koranic exegesis and focuses on the explanation of Koranic lexemes, is called gharāʾib al-Koran /غرائب القرآن / ġarāʾibu ʾl-Qurʾān / 'rare, unusual (terms) of the Koran'. In books under this title, the collected words were subjected to a precise stylistic and content analysis. In many cases, Koranic lexemes have been explained on the basis of the identical terms of the poetry of the Jahilyyah, which were known in the early days and in which a certain word meaning was still alive.
The oldest authority in the field of exegetical literature is ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās (died around 688), whose philological and exegetical explanations of the Koran text have been processed in the tafsir works of the following generations. The fact that poetry was used as an aid to explain difficult-to-understand terms in the Koran that were controversial in their meaning is confirmed by a recommendation traced back to Ibn ʿAbbās: “If something appears strange in the Koran (to you), look it up in poetry! Because the poetry is Arabic [...] ” . A statement to his contemporaries ascribed to the second caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Chattāb points in the same direction : "You must devote yourselves to the poems of the Jāhiliyya , because there is the exegesis of your book (ie the Koran)" .
The Karijite Nāfiʿ ibn al-Azraq (d. 682) asked Ibn ʿAbbās questions about the meaning of unusual Koranic lexemes, which the latter then explains with reference to “the authoritative authority of ancient Arabic poetry”, are embedded in a historically unreliable framework story . These traditions, which are also understood as the “linguistic apology of certain stylistically unusual passages from the Koran”, were handed down in writing in the late 8th century at the latest. Among the early philologists, it was Abū ʿUbaida, Maʿmar ibn al-Muṯannā (728-824) from Basra , who wrote in his Majāz al-Koran مجاز القرآن / Maǧāz al-Qurʾān / ' Explanation of the Koran' combines and explains the text of the Koran with poetry elements of profane literature.
The great commentaries on the Qur'an of the following years contain numerous lines of verse from ancient Arabic poetry, which are used as sources for understanding Quranic terms. Poetry as an aid to clarifying Qur'anic terms thus gained a firm place in exegetical literature early on; Here, the Bedouins, who are well versed in archaic vocabulary, played a decisive role.
In the work of the aforementioned Muqātil ibn Sulaimān, the philological interpretation of the Koran takes on firm contours. His work, handed down by one of his students, contains 185 lexemes, which are examined for their nuances of meaning (vujūh). The nuances of meaning are added to each Quranic term as a lemma in order to then coordinate them with the respective Quran passages (naẓāʾir) in terms of content and style. Therefore, Muqātil's work is called: K. al-wudschūh wa-ʾn-naẓāʾir , "The book of shades of meaning and (their equivalents) in the Koran."
- See: at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 1, p. 310 and Volume 30, p. 36.
"[...] what makes the earth grow (elsewhere) - greens, cucumbers, garlic [...]"
- Even the Medinan commentator Nāfiʿ ibn Abī Nuʿaim (d. 785), one of the primary sources of the Koran exegete ʿAbdallāh ibn Wahb (d. 812), knows about the fact that Ibn ʿAbbās can be found according to the meaning of the last word - fūm - in the above list asked, to which the latter is said to have answered: “It means 'wheat' (ḥinṭa); Did you not hear (the poet) Uḥaiyḥa ibn al-Ǧulāḥ say: 'I was the wealthiest man who came to Medina to grow wheat (ʿan zirāʿati fūmi ).' ”The poet himself, a wealthy landowner and Merchant of Yathrib in the middle of the 6th century, uses the word fūm as "wheat", which is controversial both among exegetes and lexicographers . In general, one understood by it grain products, whereby one also thinks of a reading variant with a comparable Rasm ثوم, فوم fūm - ṯūm, meaning “garlic”.
"[...] and you are (bright) awake"
- The translations of the passage bi-s-sāhirati in both R. Paret - (bright) awake - and Richard Bell - wide awake - are based on the basic meaning of the verb sahira "to be awake". Although the interpretation of the term as "earth, land, surface" is consistently verifiable in exegesis, there is nevertheless a line of verse by the poet Umayya ibn Abī ṣ-Ṣalt (d. 632) to confirm the correct word interpretation in the tradition of Ibn ʿAbbās used: "as-sāhiratu (means): the earth, the land. The poet says: «The prey of (the) sea, the prey of (the) land» ( ṣaidu baḥrin wa-ṣaidu sāhiratin ). ”Thus the passage in question may be translated as:“ And immediately they are on the surface ”, although the Mujahid ibn Jabr, already mentioned at the beginning, interprets the term as hell ( Jahannam ). Others understand the word as a geographical term, possibly as the name of a mountain near Jerusalem (Bait al-maqdis).
"[...] and inflicted a terrible punishment on those who did wrong [...]"
- The reading (see below) of the passage: “a terrible punishment” bi-ʿaḏābin baʾīsin was presented differently by the early philologists in Medina , Mecca , Kufa and Basra , which at-Tabari cites in detail at the beginning of the interpretation of the verse, but includes them the idiom and diction of the Arabs (Bedouins - kalām al-ʿarab ) cannot be reconciled, even if there is evidence of this in poetry. For the above reading, documented in the Koran, he resorts to a line of verse by the pre-Islamic poet Ḏū ʾl-Iṣbaʿ, in which he finds the Koranic form baʾīsin confirmed with the corresponding meaning. The meaning of the word itself is then interpreted using five pieces of evidence from traditional exegesis.
The Koranic readings
In addition to the dogmatic-theological and philological interpretation of the Koran text, the Tafsir literature also deals with important aspects of revelation: with the readings of the Koran ( qirāʾāt /قراءات). The science of the readings of the Koran text developed under the influence of the philologists in the late 8th century, especially in the scholarly centers of Basra and Kufa at that time and was one of the most important disciplines of the Arabic philology based on the Koran text. The famous grammarian of the Arabic language Sībawaih (d. 793) suspended the generally recognized text reading of Basra, but was also familiar with other locally-specific readings that he incorporated into his grammar. The non-canonical readings ( qirāʾāt schāḏḏa / schawāḏḏ ), which were compiled in the so-called Uthmanic code and - according to the Islamic tradition - by order of the caliph ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān were not observed, were included in Quran-specific works. Theodor Nöldeke , Arthur Jeffery and Gotthelf Bergsträsser have already produced groundbreaking studies in this area . Some works whose authors worked in the 10th century are in the critical edition by G. Bergsträsser (1938). A. Jeffery (1937) published the “Book of the Koran copies” (Kitāb al-maṣāḥif) by Ibn Abī Dāwūd as-Sidschistānī (d. 928), in which 27 old copies of the Koran with their readings are compiled. From the Kitāb Fa ausgewāʾil al-Qurʾān (“The Advantages of the Koran”) by Abū ʿUbaid al-Qāsim ibn Sallām (d. 838) Anton Spitaler edited and evaluated the chapter on the readings. The complete work has been in print in two volumes since 1995.
The systematic compilation of the readings, arranged according to the scholarly centers and their representatives, is the result of a lengthy process of standardizing the Koran text. After the elimination of those reading variants that did not correspond to the text forms of the Uthmanic Codex , it was a matter of allowing readings according to the principle of the consensus of the Koran scholars ( idschmāʿ - but not in the legal sense). The Koran scholar Ibn Mujāhid (d. 936) in Baghdad provided seven readings of the entire text of the Koran in this development process, which went back to the variants of seven recognized authorities of recitation in the centers of Islamic learning of the 8th century: three readings from Kufa and one each from Basra, Mecca, Medina and Damascus . Ibn Mujahid himself summarized the seven parallel versions in his Kitāb as-Sabʿa , “The Book of the Seven (Readings)”. Further annotated readings were added up to the 15th century.
According to the state of research, it can be assumed that there have always been a number of equal and parallel text forms.
"To project the notion of an official unified text back into those times so creative for Islam would be a darkening of one of its greatest spiritual and cultural achievements and a momentous anachronism."
At-Tabarī stands with his commentary on the Koran in the tradition of his contemporary Ibn Mujāhid; At the appropriate places in the verses of the Koran, he refers to the reading variants used at the time and explains them according to both phonetic and content-related aspects.
- Sura 3, verse 19 in the Uthmanic copy and therefore also in the printed edition of the Koran reads:
"Islam is considered by God to be the (only true) religion"
In the Koran copy of ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd , which was still in circulation in the 10th century, the passage read: “The (only true) religion is the Hanīfiyya with God." (For the expression of al-Hanīfīya see Art. Hanif ). Arthur Jeffery has put together the phonetic and content variants traced back to Ibn Masʿūd on 90 pages. It was the above-mentioned Koran scholar Ibn Mujāhid who prohibited the reading of Ibn Masʿūd and other non-canonical readings used in teaching in Baghdad. His contemporary, the Koran reader Ibn Shanabūdh (d. November – December 939), who recited Ibn Masʿūd's copy during public prayer (in Arabic: fī ʾl-miḥrāb : on the mihrāb ), followed this prohibition only after he went to court in 936 and was then flogged. In the court record, which he had to sign, some passages from the Koran were compiled from which he had to distance himself - under duress - from reading. In the Marifat al-qurrāʾ al-kibār ʿalā at-tabaqāt wa-l-aʿsār معرفة القراء الكبار على طبقات وأعصار"Knowledge of the great Koran readers, classified according to classes and epochs" of adh-Dhahabī , this protocol has been preserved.
- In sura 2, verse 158 it says:
“As-Safā and al-Marwa are among the cult symbols of God. If one goes on the (great) pilgrimage to the house (the Kaʿba) or the visiting tour (ʿUmra), it is not a sin for him to socialize with them. "
The Qatāda ibn Diʿāma (d. 735-736) commentator of the early days of the Koran reports in his book of pilgrimage ceremonies (Kitāb al-manāsik), in the tradition of his student Saʿīd ibn Abī ʿArūba (d. 773) that in some copies of the Koran the following variant as negation read: "[...] there is no blame on him, dealing with them not to do." This reading version of the Koran text documented by Qatāda suggests the controversial design of pilgrimage ceremonies in the early days, because the places mentioned in the above Koranic verse were already considered places of contact (tawāf) during the pilgrimage rites in the Koran in the pre-Islamic period (tawāf), which are then sanctioned as Islamic in the Koran were.
- In sura 9, verse 128 it says:
"Now a messenger from your own ranks has come to you [...]"
The exegetes, like Az-Zamachschari in his predominantly philological commentary, give the following reading (qirāʾa): “Now a messenger has come to you from among your most distinguished ones.” In Arabic with the same rasm: min anf u sikumمن أنفسكم(Koran) compared to: min anf a sikumمن أنفسكم(Reading variant), which is traced back to the Prophet, also to his daughter Fatima and his wife A'isha .
- Even the opening sura , Al-Fātiha , in the codex of the aforementioned Ibn Masʿūd, the use of which was forbidden in the 4th century as a punishment, has a reading variant in verse 6 that does not refer to the identical spelling of the consonants, but to a different choice of words goes back to the corresponding point. The passage: “Lead us the straight way” had not the verb ihdinā in Ibn Masʿūd , but aršidnā.
It is not clear whether the text variants, both additions and omissions in the Koran text, original textual remedies or exegetical glosses are to be evaluated - with regard to the text stock available today in old codices. Sura 2, verse 238
"Keep the prayers, (especially) the middle one [...]"
is controversial in Islamic literature because of the assignment of the "middle prayer" (aṣ-ṣalāt al-wusṭā). Commentators assume that the term “prayers” (ṣalawāt) means the five canonically established prayers of the day; one of them is the so-called “middle” prayer. In the Koran copy of A'ischa, Hafsa bint ʿUmar and Ubayy ibn Kaʿb (died 656 at the latest), however, was: "[...] the prayers and the middle prayer, this is the afternoon prayer". "So we" - A'isha is confirmed - "according to the original reading ( fī l-ḥarf al-awwal ) recited the verse during the lifetime of the Prophet."
Some text variants that were observed in the recitation of the Koran were evidently already regarded as negligence on the part of the copyists, the makers of the codices, even in the early days; in sura 4, verse 162, “al-muqimīna” is incorrectly associated with “al-muqimūna”, which A'ishah is said to have answered as follows to the question from ʿUrwa ibn az-Zubair : “Dear sister son, this is a clerk's matter ; they have the fault on their conscience. "
The historical occasions of the Revelation
The discussion of the historical occasions that led to the revelation of certain verses ( asbāb an-nuzūl /أسباب النزول), is already detailed in Ibn Ishāq's biography of the prophets . After describing the battle of Badr , Ibn Ishāq devotes a chapter on this historical background for the revelation of sura 8 ( al-Anfāl ): “After the (battle) of Badr was over, God revealed the entire sura about the Qur'an Booty (al-anfāl). ”In this style, Ibn Ishāq adds a paragraph to each significant event from the time of prophecy in which he fully quotes those verses of the Koran that are related to the historical case in question.
“The works going by the name of Asbāb al-nuzūl differ from the Commentaries in that they only contain material relating to the instigation of the revelations. However, since this constitutes the most important part of the commentaries in terms of both religious and literary history [...] it is easy to understand how great the value of these books is for research. "
At-Tabarī describes the historical reasons for the origin of the Quranic verses in his comprehensive Quran commentary based on older sources. Probably the first monographic treatise with the title Asbāb nuzūl al-Qurʾān , Reasons for the Revelation of the Koran , was written by the Koran exegete al-Wāhidī, ʿAlī ibn Aḥmad (d. 1075) from Nishapur . Ignaz Goldziher describes the work as the classic form of this scientific discipline in the context of the Koran interpretation. Ibn an-Nadīm and other bibliographers from the Middle Ages cite other works of this genre that have not survived today. The author quotes the beginning of the Qur'anic verses to be discussed and describes their origin by describing the historical occasions, whereby he traces his sources back to the prophet Mohammed himself or to his contemporaries in the uninterrupted continuity of the chains of tradition.
The versatile scholar as-Suyūtī (d. 1505) wrote his "Lubāb an-nuqūl fī asbāb an-nuzūl" ( The essentials of the transmission of the reasons for revelation ), which enjoyed great popularity even during the author's lifetime. As-Suyūtī's book was based on the work of al-Wāhidī, which he supplemented with other sources, especially the six canonical collections of hadiths and their commentaries from the 10th and 11th centuries. It is reprinted in the margin of Tafsīr al-Jalālain and published several times. been.
Ismāʿīl ibn Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī (d. 895), Qāḍī in Baghdad and influential representative of the Malikites of his time, narrates in his Aḥkām al-Qurʾān (legal provisions of the Koran) according to older sources an episode that led to the revelation of sura 4, verse 43 should have led.
“You believers! Don't come to prayer drunk without first (having come to you again and) knowing what you are saying! "
“ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. ʿ Auf had food and drinks prepared and invited a group of companions of the Messenger of God. They ate and drank until they got drunk. Then they put ʿAlī (as prayer leader ) at their head, so that he might perform evening prayers with them. He then recited: Say: You unbelievers! I adore what you adore and you adore what I adore. And I adore what you have (always) adored and you adore what I adore. You have your religion and I mean it. Then God sent down this verse: Do not come to prayer drunk without first (having come to you again and) knowing what you are saying! "
Both as-Sidschistani and at-Tirmidhi describe this incident in their traditional collections; ʿAlī, the later caliph, tried to recite sura 109 al-Kāfirūn (The Unbelievers) in the prayer ritual according to this description . But since he, like the others, was apparently no longer sober, he recited the verses of this old sura, probably already revealed in Mecca, incorrectly.
For further examples with references to the biography of the prophets, Koran exegesis and jurisprudence see:
- From the early days of prophecy
- Muhammad's campaigns
- Muhammad's opposition
- Muhammad's personal life
- Legal aspects
The abrogation of verses from the Koran
The question of the abrogation of one or more verses of the Koran with other versesالناسخ والمنسوخ / an-nāsiḫ wal-mansūḫ is another branch of the Koranic studies. The first works with the title "The Abrogate ( an-nāsiḫ ) and the Abrogate ( al-mansūḫ )" were only created in the 8th century and are only preserved in fragments in later Koran exegetical writings - especially in aṭ-Ṭabarī. Such a work title appears for the first time among the writings of Qatāda ibn Dilichenāma on the Koran . The bibliographer and bookseller Ibn an-Nadīm in the 10th century was already familiar with eleven such works and recorded them in his Kitāb al-Fihrist. Abū ʿUbaid al-Qāsim ibn Sallām (d. 839 in Mecca) from Herat wrote one of the most important works in this field ; it was published in the edition of the British orientalist John Burton with a comprehensive commentary.
In the Koran exegetical literature the abrogation of those Koran verses, which have the topic of the consumption of wine, is ascribed to the caliph ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (d. 720). The aforementioned Ismāʿīl ibn Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī narrates a letter from the caliph in his Aḥkām al-Qurʾān with the following wording:
“God sent down three verses about wine. He says: They'll ask you about the wine and the lottery. Say: There is a grave sin in them. And in doing so, they are (sometimes) useful to people. But the sin that lies in them is greater than their benefit. The wine was drunk as its usefulness was mentioned. And so that one obeys God's book.
Then God sent down in a second verse: Do not come to prayer drunk without first (having come to you again and) knowing what you are saying! One drank wine when one was not at prayer; however, he was avoided during prayer.
Then God sent down the third verse, which says the prohibition of wine. It said: Wine, the lottery, sacrificial stones and lottery arrows are (a true) abomination and the work of Satan. Avoid it! Perhaps you will fare well (then). Up to his words: [...] that our ambassador only has to convey the message clearly. In this verse, the prohibition of wine has been legally decided. "
The oldest Koran exegetes, some of whose writings have survived or have been handed down by aṭ-Ṭabarī, briefly emphasize the abrogation of sura 4, verse 43 and only with reference to the general prohibition in sura 5, verse 90: Mujāhid ibn Jabr (d. 722 ), who was working at the time of ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, merely says: “They have been forbidden to pray while drunk. Then this verse has been abrogated by the prohibition of wine. ”Similarly, Qatāda ibn Di genannteāma also interprets the verse above:“ They avoided drunkenness during prayer times. Then it was abrogated by the wine ban. "
Abū ʿUbaid al-Qāsim ibn Sallām describes the well-known and often quoted Koranic verse Sura 2, Verse 256: " In religion there is no compulsion (ie one cannot force anyone to believe)" in his above-mentioned work with reference to older ones Sources: "The verse has been abrogated by: 'Wage war against the unbelievers and the hypocrites'" (Sura 9, verse 73). After a brief description of the historical reasons for the revelation of sura 2, verse 256, the author concludes the section with the following statement: “This is the meaning of this Quranic verse, if God wills it: it refers to the wards so that they may pay the jizya or they are slaves. (The verse) does not refer to the ahl al-ḥarb . "
Legal interpretation of the Koran
In special collections, only the legally relevant verses of the Koran have been discussed from the point of view of Fiqh . These Koran exegetical books mostly have the title ahkām al-Koran /أحكام القرآن / aḥkāmu ʾl-qurʾān / ' Laws of the Koran'. The first to write such a work is al-Shafiī (d. 820); however, it has not been preserved in the original, but in a late arrangement from the 11th century. The oldest original work under this title dates from the 9th century; its author is the kadi of the Malikites of Baghdad Ismāʿīl b. Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī (d. 895), who discussed the Koranic regulations from the point of view of his school of law. This old, but only fragmentarily preserved work has been accessible in print since 2005.
The work of the same name by the Andalusian scholar Ibn al-ʿArabī al-Maʿāfirī (d. 1148), who discusses the ritual and legal regulations of the Koran, which are generally valid in Islamic jurisprudence of Maliki, is also of Maliki character.
Al-Qurtubī , Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad ibn Abī Bakr (d. 1273 in Upper Egypt ) wrote the most extensive Koran commentary according to the legal teachings of the Malikites, which was used as a source in the following generations outside of the Maliki school of law. The author combines legal discussions of the Revelation with the philological explanation of Quranic terms that are relevant in jurisprudence.
In the tradition of the Hanafi school of law , the Koran interpretation of al-Jassās (917-952) is under the above title: Aḥkām al-Qurʾān: legal provisions of the Koran . The Hanafi jurist interprets the Koran in the order of the suras exclusively according to legal aspects: he divides the suras of the Koran into chapters of jurisprudence and restricts himself only to the interpretation of certain Koran verses, especially those with legal relevance and only partially with ritual law or dogmatic content.
The dogmatic-political struggles in Islamic history have also left their mark on exegesis, which Ignaz Goldziher systematically presented for the first time in Oriental Studies in his groundbreaking work The Directions of the Islamic Interpretation of the Koran (Leiden 1920).
“Men are above women because God has distinguished them (by nature before them) and because of the expenses they have made of their fortune (as a morning gift for women?). And righteous women are humbly devoted to (God) and pay attention to what is hidden (from outside) [...] And if you fear that (any) women will rebel, then admonish them, avoid them in the marriage bed and beat them ! If they obey you (then again), then do (further) nothing against them! "
The interpretation by tradition ( maʾṯūr ) leads at-Tabari with complete isnads back to the generation of the late 7th and early 8th centuries. The core sentence: The men are above women is interpreted in four variants: a) the men have authority (literally: they are commanders: umarāʾ) over the women so that they obey them. Their obedience consists in being benevolent with their families and in protecting their property; b) if he refuses to obey, he is entitled to hit her - not too hard; c) It is up to men to educate and chastise women; d) because God has distinguished them , d. H. because God has distinguished men over women.
The steep: The righteous women is explained by eight variants of tradition, which are identical in content: it is the women who their husband / Var. Obey God and their husbands . Commentators agree that the blows must not be strong and leave no trace. If the woman injured by blows, it has, according to the legal interpretation of the verse in Ismā'īl ibn Ishaq, no right to retaliation (qawad) but on wergild ('aql).
According to the Kadi of Málaga, al-Muhallab ibn Ahmad (d. 1041-1042), whom the Andalusian Koran exegete al-Qurtubī cites several times in his legal commentary on the Koran, beating the woman is permitted if she refuses to cohabit; as a conclusion by analogy ( qiyas ), corporal punishment is legally permissible even if the husband fails to perform domestic duties ( al-ḫidma al-wāǧiba ).
The Sunni proponents of traditional Koranic exegesis agree that corporal punishment should not be carried out by hard, painful blows ( ġair mubarriḥ ). In an often quoted tradition, which is traced back to Ibn ʿAbbās - thus to the first generation of Koranic exegesis - a Siwak or something similar should be used for the blows .
The “inimitability” of the Koran
A branch of science that is largely independent of the above disciplines of Koranic studies and which deals with the Koran is the doctrine of the miraculous character of the holy text: iʿdschaz al-Qur'an /إعجاز القرآن / iʿǧāzu 'l-Qurʾān /' Inimitability of the Koran '. Several passages in the Koran indicate that the theory about the miraculous character of the Koran was already founded by the Prophet Mohammed:
"Say: Assuming the case that people and the jinn (all) get together to teach something that is equal (of value) to this Koran, they will not be able to do that. Even (not) if they would help each other (with). "
The doctrine of the inimitability of the Qur'an was taught by the Mu'tazilites , especially al-Jahiz in his work Hujaj an-nubuwwa /حجج النبوة / ḥuǧaǧu ʾn-nubuwwa / 'Proofs of Prophecy' and al-Baqillani (d. 1013), one of the most important students of al-Ash'ari in his The inimitability of the Koran scientifically founded and developed.
The contemporary reading of the Koran
The well-known print edition of the Koran from 1924 only takes one reading into account and therefore cannot be regarded as a textus receptus of the Koran. It is worth noting that the reading on which the print edition is based has not been preserved in the manuscripts of old copies of the Koran; Rather, it is the result of the evaluation and reconstruction of traditional materials from the field of "science of readings." Traditional scholarship has pushed the non-canonical readings into the background and "thus left open the question of the original reading."
State of research
The summary of Tafsir research in Islamic studies can be read in a detailed presentation by Angelika Neuwirth.
The American orientalist Herbert Berg ( University of North Carolina at Wilmington ) has presented the current state of research in the field of Koranic exegesis, taking into account today's fundamental studies, including the controversial views in Islamic scientific circles, and subjected it to judgmental criticism.
- Thomas Bauer : The culture of ambiguity. Another story of Islam. Verlag der Weltreligionen, Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-458-71033-2 .
- Herbert Berg: The Development of Exegesis in Early Islam: The Authenticity of Muslim Literature from the Formative Period. Cruzon Press, Richmond 2000, ISBN 0-7007-1224-0 , chapters 3-5. P. 65ff.
- Harris Birkeland : Old muslim opposition against the interpretation of the Koran (= Avhandlinger utgitt av Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo. Volume II / Historisch-Filosophische Klasse, 1955. No. 1). Oslo 1955, pp. 5-43.
- Norman Calder: Tafsir from Tabari to Ibn Kathir, Problems in the description of a genre, illustrated with reference to the story of Abraham. in: GR Hawting, Abdul-Kader A. Shareed (Ed.): Approaches to the Qur'an. London 1993, pp. 101-140.
- Claude Gilliot : The Koranic Commentary of the Ibāḍite Hūd b. Muḥkim / Muḥakkam . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society. (ZDMG) Supplementary Volume XI: XXVI, 1995, pp. 243-249.
- Helmut Gätje: Koran and Koran exegesis . Zurich 1971.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Olaus Petri lectures given at Uppsala University . Publications of the “DE GEOJE Foundation”. No. VI. Brill, Leiden 1920 digitized at archive.org .
- Arthur Jeffery : The foreign vocabulary of the Qur ʾ ān . Baroda 1938.
- Arthur Jeffery: Materials for the history of the text of the Qurʾān. The old codices. Cairo 1936 / Leiden 1937.
- Michael Lecker: Biographical notes on Abū ʿUbayda Maʿmar b.al-Muthannā . In: Studia Islamica. (SI) Volume 81, 1995, pp. 71-100.
- ʿAbd Allāh ibn Wahb, Miklos Muranyi (ed.): Al-Muwaṭṭaʼ. Kitāb al-Muḥāraba. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1992, ISBN 3-447-03284-7 .
- Angelika Neuwirth : Koran . In: Helmut Gätje (Ed.): Outline of Arabic Philology. Volume II: Literary Studies. Wiesbaden 1987. pp. 96-135.
- Angelika Neuwirth: The Masāʾil Nāfiʿ b. al-Azraq - element of the «Portrait mythique d'Ibn ʿAbbās» or a piece of real literature ?. Conclusions from a previously neglected manuscript. In: Journal of Arabic Linguistics. Volume 25, 1993, pp. 233-250.
- Gotthelf Bergstrasse , Otto Pretzl : The history of the Koran text . In: Theodor Nöldeke (ed.): History of the Qorans . tape 3 . Leipzig 1938 (3 volumes).
- Theodor Nöldeke: New Contributions to Semitic Linguistics. About the language of the Koran . Strasbourg 1910, p. 1-30 .
- Rudi Paret : The Koran. Translation . Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1962.
- Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance . Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1980.
- Andrew Rippin: The exegetical genre asbāb al-nuzūl: a bibliographical and terminological survey . In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS) . tape XLVIII , 1985, pp. 3-15 (English).
- Fuat Sezgin : History of Arabic Literature . Volume I: Quranic studies, Ḥadīṯ, history, fiqh, dogmatics, mysticism up to approx. 430 h . Brill, Leiden 1967, p. 3-49 .
- John Wansbrough : Quranic studies. Sources and methods of scriptural interpretation . Oxford University Press, Oxford 1977, ISBN 0-19-713588-9 .
- ʿAbd Allaah b. Wahb al-Qurašī : Tafseer al-Qur ' ān . tape I. . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1993, ISBN 3-447-03291-X (edited and commented by Miklos Muranyi ).
- ʿAbd Allaah b. Wahb al-Qurašī : Tafseer al-Qur ' ān . tape II. . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1995, ISBN 3-447-03688-5 (edited and commented by Miklos Muranyi).
- ʿAbd Allaah b. Wahb al-Qurašī: The Koranic Studies . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1992, ISBN 3-447-03283-9 (edited by Miklos Muranyi).
- Kitāb at-Taʿrīfāt. Edition Gustav Flügel, Leipzig 1845, p. 65, lines 17-19 (  )
- An English translation of this work: Muhammad Abdul Haq Ansari: An Introduction to the Principles of Tafseer. Al-Hidaayah Publishing, Birmingham 1993, ISBN 1-898649-00-6 .
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 83-84; here: p. 84.
- I. Poonawala: Ta'wil. In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 10, 2nd edition, Brill, Leiden 2000, pp. 390-392; here 390.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 36-37.
- Cornelis HM Versteegh : Arabic Grammar & Qurānic Exegesis in Early Islam (= Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics. Volume XIX) Brill, Leiden 1993, p. 64.
- Ibn Saad: The class register . Volume II, No. 2, Brill, Leiden 1912 (Ed .: Friedrich Schwally ), pp. 119-120; adh-Dhahabī: Siyar aʿlām an-nubalāʾ. Volume 3, 7th edition, Beirut 1990, p. 337. See: Harris Birkeland: Old muslim opposition against the interpretation of the Koran. Oslo 1955, pp. 25 and 41.
- CHM Versteegh: Arabic Grammar & Qurānic Exegesis in Early Islam. Leiden 1993, p. 63.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 604-606.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 114. Note 2.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 178-179.
- [[Angelika Hartmann ( Islamic scholar ) | Angelika Hartmann]]: Al-Suhrawardi. In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 9, 2nd edition, Brill, Leiden 1997, pp. 778-782, here 778.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 186. Note 1.
- Kitab al-Umm. Volume 5, Dār al-maʿrifa, Beirut 1993, p. 109.
- Kitab al-Umm . Volume 7, p. 195; 264; this also relates to the hadith : Volume 7, p. 220.
- Josef van Ess: Theology and Society in the 2nd and 3rd Century Hijra. A History of Religious Thought in Early Islam. Volume 4, de Gruyter, Berlin 1992, p. 647.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 123.
- What was meant at the time: The story of the Qorān. Goettingen 1860.
- D. h. God knows best . Róbert Simon (Ed.): Ignác Goldziher: His life and scholarship as reflected in his works and correspondence . Brill, Budapest 1986, pp. 289-290; 293.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 19-27; ʿAbd Allāh ibn Wahb, Miklos Muranyi (ed.): Al-Muwaṭṭaʼ. Kitāb al-Muḥāraba. Wiesbaden 1992, p. 2ff.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 55-57; Ignaz Goldziher: Muhammadan Studies. Volume 2, Halle an der Saale 1890, p. 206 and note 4.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 61.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 62.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 61-62.
- Gilliot, Clause: Exegesis of the Qurʾān: Classical and Medieval in Jane Dammen McAuliffe (ed.): Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān. Volume 2: E-I. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2002, pp. 101-102 ( digitized version ).
- The information from Fuat Sezgin: History of the Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, p. 39 must be corrected.
- Joseph Schacht: On some manuscripts in the libraries of Kairouan and Tunis. In: Arabica. Volume 14, 1967, p. 233.
- Hind Schalabī (Ed.): K. at-Taṣārīf . Tunis 1979; See Angelika Neuwirth: Koran. Wiesbaden 1987, p. 122.
- Belhāǧǧ Saʿīd Šarīfī (ed.): Tafsīr Kitāb Allāh al-ʿAzīz . (“The Exegesis of God's Honorable Book”) Beirut 1990.
- Fuat Sezgin (1964), p. 41. No. 17; Claude Gilliot : The Koranic Commentary of the Ibāḍite Hūd b. Muḥkim / Muḥakkam. 1995, pp. 243-249.
- See the editor's introduction. Volume 1, pp. 32-38.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 87-98.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 18-24; Angelika Neuwirth (1987), p. 122.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 93.
- Heribert Horst: On the tradition in the Koran commentary aṭ-Ṭabarīs. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 103 (1953), p. 291; Herbert Berg: The Development of Exegesis in Early Islam. The Authenticity of Muslim Literature from the Formative Period. Cruzon Press 2000. pp. 124-125
- Edited by ʿAbd Allāh ibn ʿAbd al-Muḥsin at-Turkī et alii in 26 volumes
- Carl Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. First supplement volume. Brill, Leiden 1937. pp. 330-331
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 63-64.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, p. 38.
- Fatḥ al-bārī. Volume 8, Cairo 1960, pp. 155-744.
- at-Tirmidhi: K. al-Sunan. Volume 5, Cairo 1965, pp. 155-455.
- an-Nasāʾī: Kitāb as-Sunan al-kubrā. 2 volumes, Cairo 1990.
- an-Nasāʾī: Kitāb as-Sunan al-kubrā. Volume 3, Maktabat ar-rušd, Riyadh 2006, pp. 1718-1865.
- Wim Raven, Jan Just Witkam (ed.). Brill, Leiden 1988, pp. 342–421 (Register of Koran suras and Koran verses)
- R. Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. Stuttgart 1980, p. 64.
- at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 3, pp. 228-229.
- al-Qurṭubī: al-Ǧāmiʿ li-aḥkām al-Qurʾān. Volume 4, Al-Resalah Publishers, Beirut 2005-2006, p. 87.
- Charles C. Adams: Islam and Modernism in Egypt . New York 1933 and 1968; Pp. 198–202: The "Manār" Commentary
- A good overview is provided by: Rotraud Wieland: Revelation and History in the Thinking of Modern Muslims , Wiesbaden 1971
- See Gholam Hosein Yousofi: Art. "Kā sh ifī" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Volume IV, pp. 704a-705b. Here p. 704b.
- See Sufia M. Uddin: Constructing Bangladesh. Religion, Ethnicity, and Language in an Islamic Nation. Chapel Hill 2006. pp. 82-116.
- Angelika Neuwirth (1987), pp. 121–123
- Angelika Neuwirth (1987), pp. 123-124; A. Rippin: Ibn ʿAbbās's Al-lughāt fī ʾl-Qurʾān . In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. (BSOAS), Vol. XLIV, 1981, pp. 15-25; ders. Gharīb al-Qurʾān . In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. (BSOAS), Vol. XLVI, 1983, pp. 332-333; Fuat Sezgin (1967), pp. 35-36 and 48-49 names work titles in this genre such as: Ġarīb al-Qurʾān (unusual / strange (words) of the Koran), Maʿānī ʾl-Qurʾān ((word) meanings of the Koran) and Muškil al-Qurʾān (linguistically difficult, problematic passages of the Koran).
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 70; Wansbrough (1977), p. 217.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 69. Note 4; Wansbrough (1977), p. 217.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 27-28.
- A. Neuwirth (1987), p. 125.
- Angelika Neuwirth (1993), p. 23; Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 70-71.
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 1, p. 158.
- Ed. Fuat Sezgin. Cairo 1954; on the meaning of Maǧāz see: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 5, p. 1025; Ella Almagor: The Early Meaning of Majāz and the Nature of Abū ʿUbayda's Exegesis. In: Studia Orientalia memoriae DH Baneth dedicata. Jerusalem 1979. pp. 307-326.
- Angelika Neuwirth (1993), pp. 235-236.
- Stefan Wild (Ed.): The Qurʾan as Text .Brill. Leiden 1996. pp. 244-245; 248-251
- See in detail: Joshua Blau : The role of the beduins as arbiters in linguistic questions. In: Journal of Semitic Studies (JSS), 8 (1963), p. 42ff.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, p. 37. No. 2; Angelika Neuwirth (1987), p. 124. The work was published in 1975 in Cairo under the title K. al-aschbāh wa-ʾn-naẓāʾir fī ʾl-Qurʾān al-karīm .
- Stefan Wild (Ed. 1996), p. 249
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature . Volume 2: Poetry. Brill, Leiden 1975, pp. 284-285.
- Theodor Nöldeke (1910), p. 4
- There with note 5: Lit. “in the waking; usually taken as meaning a wide open place "
- Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. Stuttgart 1980, p. 500.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume 2, Leiden 1975, pp. 298-300.
- Stefan Wild (Ed. 1996), p. 250
- See: The noble Qurʾān and the translation of its meanings into German , translation: Sheikh ichAbdullāh aṣ-Ṣāmit, Frank Bubenheim and Dr. Nadeem Elyas . Fahd-König-Complex for the printing of the Qurʾān , 2001
- at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 30, pp. 37-38.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume 2, Leiden 1975, pp. 297-298.
- at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 9, pp. 100-101.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, p. 8.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, p. 14.
- Anton Spitaler (Ed.): A chapter from the Faḍāʾil al-Qurʾān by Abū ʿUbaid al-Qāsim ibn Sallām. In: Documenta islamica inedita. Berlin 1952. pp. 1-24
- Publications of the Ministry of Waqf and Religious Affairs. Rabat / al-Muḥammadiya. 1995
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 8 and 14.
- Angelika Neuwirth (1987), pp. 108-110
- Arthur Jeffery: Materials for the history of the text of the Qurʾān. Leiden 1937. p. 32; W. Montgomery Watt: Bell's Introduction to the Qurʾān . Edinburgh 1970. p. 16 (Islamic Surveys 8)
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. B. 3, p. 395
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 47; The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 5, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 127 and B. 3, p. 395.
- (Ed.) ʿĀmir Ḥasan Ṣabrī. Beirut 2000. pp. 77-78. No. 34; see also: Arthur Jeffery: Materials for the history of the text of the Qurʾān . The old codices. Brill. Leiden 1937. p. 28: based on the copy of the Koran by ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd
- Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. Stuttgart 1980. p. 36.
- Julius Wellhausen : Remains of Arab paganism. Berlin 1897. p. 77
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Bannd 8, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 756.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 35 also based on Az-Zamachschari.
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 34; Arthur Jeffery (1937), p. 25
- IIgnaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 11.
- Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. Stuttgart 1980, pp. 50-51.
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 10, p. 764
- Arthur Jeffery (1937), p. 232: "[...] also the middle (prayer) and the afternoon prayer" instead of: " this is the afternoon prayer"
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, pp. 14-15.
- Rudi Paret: The Koran. Commentary and Concordance. Stuttgart 1980, p. 111
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 32 with further examples.
- History of the Qorān. Volume 2: The Collection of the Qorān. Leipzig 1919, p. 182.
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 11, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 48.
- Printed several times in the Orient. The critical edition of the work was published in Cairo in 1969 (Ed .: Aḥmad Ṣaqr)
- Ignaz Goldziher: The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation. Leiden 1920, p. 305.
- A. Rippin: The exegetical genre Asbāb an-Nuzūl: a bibliographical and terminological survey. In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. (BSOAS), Vol. XLVIII, No. 1, 1985, pp. 2-11.
- A. Rippin: The exegetical genre Asbāb an-Nuzūl: a bibliographical and terminological survey. In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. (BSOAS), Volume XLVIII, No. 1, 1985, p. 9, No. 15.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume 1, Leriden 1967, pp. 475-476.
- A well-known companion of Mohammed, one of the wealthiest men of Mecca: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 1, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 84.
- ʾĀmir Ḥasan Ṣabrī (ed.): Ismāʿīl ibn Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī: Aḥkām al-Qurʾān. Dār Ibn Ḥazm, Beirut 2005, pp. 121–122, no. 127.
- Theodor Nöldeke: History of the Qorāns . P. 108
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume 1, Leiden 1967, p. 20.
- EJW Gibb Memorial Series . New Series XXX. 1st Edition 1987. ISBN 0-906094-17-8
- Sura 2, verse 219
- Sura 4, verse 43.
- Sura 5, verse 90
- Sura 5, verse 92
- ʾĀmir Ḥasan Ṣabrī (ed.): Ismāʿīl ibn Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī: Aḥkām al-Qurʾān. Dār Ibn Ḥazm, Beirut 2005, p. 125. No. 135.
- aṭ-Ṭabarī: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 5. p. 96.
- Abū ʿUbaid al-Qāsim ibn Sallām's K. al-nāsikh wa-l-mansūkh. Edited with a Commentary by John Burton. University of St Andrews. EJW Gibb Memorial Trust, 1st Edition 1987, pp. 96-97; Pp. 163-164 Commentary .
- Published by Dār Ibn Ḥazm. Beirut 2005
- Carl Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. Volume 1, p. 529. Brill, Leiden 1943
- Printed several times in the Orient. Most recently: ʿAbd Allāh ibn ʿAbd al-Muḥsin at-Turkī (ed.) Et alii with indices in 23 volumes. Al-Resalah. Beirut 2006.
- Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume I, Leiden 1967, pp. 444-445. Number 1.; The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 2, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 486.
- at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 5, pp. 57-59; 67-69; Ibn Kaṯīr: Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-ʿaẓīm. Volume 1, p. 491. Cairo. (ʿĪsā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī)
- ʾĀmir Ḥasan Ṣabrī (ed.): Ismāʿīl ibn Isḥāq al-Ǧahḍamī: Aḥkām al-Qurʾān. Dār Ibn Ḥazm, Beirut 2005, pp. 105–106.
- Joseph Schacht: An Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford 1971, p. 161.
- The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, Leiden, Volume 1, p. 337 (ʿĀqila).
- al-Qurṭubī: al-Ǧāmiʿ li-aḥkām al-Qurʾān. Volume 6, Al-Resalah Publishers, Beirut 2005-2006, p. 288.
- at-Tabari: Ǧāmiʿ al-bayān…. Volume 5, p. 68.
- Gotthelf Bergsträsser: Koran reading in Cairo. In: Islam. Volume 20, 1932, pp. 1-42; here p. 5ff; Volume 21, 1933, pp. 110-140; The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Volume 5, New Edition, Brill, Leiden, p. 127.
- Angelika Neuwirth (1987), p. 110.
- Koran . In: Helmut Gätje (Ed.): Outline of Arabic Philology. Volume II: Literary Studies. Wiesbaden 1987, pp. 120-126.
- Herbert Berg (2000), Chapter 3: Exegetical Ḥadīths and the Origins of Tafsīr . Pp. 65-105.
- Page no longer available , search in web archives: Article Exegesis of the Qurʾān: Classical and Medieval in the Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān ) (
- Tafsir according to Ibn Kathir (English website with search function)