Māriya al-Qibtīya

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The site of the house of Maria al-Qebtia in Medina, present-day Saudi Arabia

Māriya al-Qibtīya ( Arabic مارية القبطية, DMG Māriya al-Qibṭīya  ' Maria the Koptin '; † 16 February 637 in Medina ) was a Coptic - Christian slave .

Life

ancestry

Mary was a Christian . Her father, called Shamʿūn, belonged to the Coptic community of Hafn (Arabicحفن / Ḥafn ) in the Ansina region (أنصنا / Anṣinā ) on the eastern bank of the Nile in Upper Egypt .

After Mohammed al-Muqauqis , whose identity the Arab sources describe only vaguely - he is said to be identical with the Patriarch of the Melkites of Alexandria, Cyrus - asked in writing to accept Islam , the latter gave a negative answer. But along with his answer he sent gifts, including Maria and Shirin (variant: Sirin), who were "highly regarded" among the Copts, as in the writing of al-Muqauqis. Both Muhammad's letter and the patriarch's answer are passed down in two partly controversial versions in the Islamic sources. The exact dating of these contacts is not known. The alleged writing of Muhammad to al-Muqauqis on parchment has been considered a paleographic forgery since its discovery in Upper Egypt in 1852 .

Mohammed left Sirin to the famous poet Hassān ibn Thābit († around 661). According to other, isolated reports, he gave them to Diḥya al-Kalbī, his envoy to Heraclius, as a "gift". Maria lived as Mohammed's concubine in the upper town (ʿĀliya; see below ) of Medina . After Hafsa , one of Muhammad's wives, surprised the Prophet and Mary during sexual intercourse in her own house, she, Aisha and all of his other wives turned against him. Mohammed spent the following 29 days on the orchard, the "Maschrabat Umm Ibrāhīm" (i.e. Maria - see below ); Only then were the verses of Sura 66, according to the Koran exegesis, revealed.

The Quranic dispute

The first verses of Sura 66 connect traditional literature as well as Koran exegesis and historiography to this incident. Even the earliest exegetes, whose traditions on this case at-Tabarī refer to four pages, report that Mohammed offered his wife Hafsa to declare Mary haram ( taboo ) for herself in order to satisfy her, Hafsa. He also asked Hafsa not to tell anyone about this incident, especially Aisha. Out to God the prophet reprimanded ('ātaba) have, since he Allowed - to have a slave intercourse - was explained by his oath to Hafsa for prohibited. That is why this sura is called “The Ban”, the beginning of which arose in the situation described above. Other sura names are: "The Prophet", because of his personal role in the entire sura, "The forbidden / inviolable (al-mutaharrim)" and the first words of the first verse:

1 Prophet! Why do you endeavor to please your wives and declare that what God has allowed you to be forbidden? (You have done wrong with your abstinence.) But God is merciful and willing to forgive. 2 God has ordered you to annul your (thoughtless?) Oaths (through an atonement?). God is your protector. He is the one who knows and has wisdom. 3 And (then) when the prophet confided something under the seal of secrecy to one of his wives. When she announced it (anyway to someone else) and God informed him about it, he partly announced it, partly he let it go. And when he then told her (himself), she said: 'Who made this known to you?' He said: 'He who knows and is well informed (of everything)'… 5 If he dismisses you (women), his master may give him wives in exchange who are better than you: women who have accepted Islam who are believers, humbly devoted to (God), repentant, pious, ascetic, those who were already married or are still virgins. "

- Koran : Sura 66.1-3.5 (translation: Rudi Paret )

In his text analysis of the Koran, Theodor Nöldeke writes in this context: “This tradition bears the guarantee of its historicity in itself. An episode that shows the character of Muhammad in such an unfavorable light, the Muslims can neither have invented nor taken from the gossip of the unbelievers . ”This representation contradicts various traditions of al-Buchari in his work Ṣaḥīḥ al-Buchari . There another scenario of Revelation for Sura 66 is set out, which deals with a honey incident between his wives:

"I heard Aisha say," The Prophet stayed with Zainab bint Jahsch for a long time and drank honey in her house. Then I and Hafsa decided that if the Prophet came to either of us, she would tell him (ie Mohammed) the following: "I. notice an (unpleasant) Maghafir smell, did you eat any? "When the Prophet visited one of the two, the (discussed) was said, whereupon the Prophet replied:" I took some honey in Zainab bint Jasch's house, from now on I should never again drink (that) honey. "So it was revealed:" Prophet! Why did you declare [...] forbidden what God has allowed you? ""

- Ṣaḥīḥ al-Buchārī, Volume 7, Book 63, No. 192 : reproduced from 'Ubaid bin' Umar

Ibrāhīm, the son of Muhammad

The son whom Mary gave birth in March 630, was named Ibrāhīm. According to Islamic tradition, Muhammad was initially reluctant to recognize the child as his son. It was the angel Gabriel ( Jibril ) who is said to have greeted the Prophet, according to Ibn Saʿd in his class book, with the Kunya Abū Ibrāhīm (father of Ibrāhīm). Ibrāhīm fell ill in childhood and died on January 27, 632, shortly before Muhammad's death.

In the middle of the sheet from the Schauq name of a Persian traveler in 1559 the grave of: "sayyid Ibrāhīm waladu ʾn-nabiy" = "Lord Ibrāhīm, the son of the Prophet" is drawn

This date seems to be certain, because shortly after his death a solar eclipse took place in the region around Medina. Since one wanted to see a connection to the death of the child in this natural event, Mohammed is supposed to have said - handed down in a well-known hadith :

“The sun and moon are two signs of God. They darken on death / var .: not on death and on the birth of a person. If you see them (the solar or lunar eclipse), you should intercede / Var .: seek refuge in the mosque. "

Ibrāhīm was buried in the al-Baqīʿ cemetery, in front of the southeast gate of Medina.

As the son of the prophet, he left no traces in the Islamic literature. On the occasion of his death, Mohammed is said to have made some statements about him that have been received from some traditionalists and from Ibn ʿAsākir in a chapter devoted to the sons of Mohammed. “Had he lived,” it says in an alleged statement by Muhammad, “he would have been a righteous man, a prophet. Had he lived, he would have released his Coptic uncles (on his mother's side) from slavery. "The German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke wrote in a private letter of July 6, 1906 to Ignaz Goldziher :" What mercy for Muh's Umma lay in the fact that his son Ibrāhīm died early. Just imagine: after Moo's death a four-year-old child as heir of the empire. And the son of a slave, which would have been a huge stumbling block for the real Arabs of that time! "

The status of Maria al-Qibtiyya

Mary is consistently referred to in Islamic literature either as "Maria the Koptin" or as Umm Ibrāhīm "Ibrāhīm's mother". Whether she accepted Islam is controversial in Islamic literature. In an isolated report by al-Wāqidī - without Isnad - in the annalistic world history of at-Tabarī, she and her sister are said to have adopted Islam on the way to Medina. According to another report in the history of the city of Ibn ʿAsākir, also traced back to al-Wāqidī, Mary and her sister are said to have embraced Islam again in Medina in the presence of the Prophet.

In contrast to the other women of the prophets, Mary is nowhere in the relevant Islamic literature "mother of believers" ( umm al-muʾminīn  /أم المؤمنين / ummu ʾl-muʾminīn ). Because, according to Islamic legal opinion, two groups of women do not belong to the “mothers of believers”: 1) women with whom the prophet concluded a marriage contract but had no sexual intercourse with them; 2) women with whom the Prophet had sexual intercourse without a marriage contract, "as was the case with Maria al-Qibtiyya."

  • Traditional literature does not record a single saying of Muhammad that Mary passed on after him; consequently it does not appear in the biographies of the hadith narrators (ruwāt al-hadīth) either. Ibn Hanbal , the jurist Ibn Qayyim al-Jschauziya , the historian al-Wāqidī, his disciple Muhammad ibn Saʿd (d. 845 in Baghdad), who report contradictingly about Mary's conversion , furthermore at-Tabarī and Ibn ʿAsākir always name Mary in the List of concubines, as concubines (سراري, سرية / surrīya, pl. sarārīyu  / ' female slave, concubine') of the Prophet, but not among his wives. The Andalusian legal scholar Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr († 1071 in Játiva ) calls them in his biography of the contemporaries of Mohammed as "protected persons (مولاة / maulāt ) the Messenger of God ”.
  • That she retained her previous status as a concubine is evidenced by a unanimous and repeated saying of Muhammad on the occasion of the birth of Ibrāhīm: "Her son (i.e. Ibrāhīm) has released her": aʿtaqa-hā waladu-hā. Islamic legal literature as a legal norm regards this saying, which can be traced back to Mohammed, as questionable in several respects. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr quotes this saying in his extensive study to discuss the directions of the legal scholars ... with the remark that the traditional , "ahl al-hadīth", do not confirm the authenticity of the prophet's saying .
  • In one of the earliest traditional collections of Islamic literature, in the Musannaf of ʿAbd ar-Razzāq († 826), the alleged prophet 's saying appears in the chapter about the concubines' waiting time after their possible release without any reference to Maria al-Qibtiyya.
  • Al-Baihaqī († 1066), one of the most famous hadith scholars of his time, compiles seven variants of the prophetic saying in question, including a statement by Umar ibn al-Chattab , in his fundamental work for the hadith studies , and supplements them with his hadith-critical remarks . However, he does not rule out the fact that Maria was only released after the death of Muhammad, but not by himself, as the legal norm that has probably been in force since Umar provided for.
  • In this sense, Abū ʾl-Walīd Ibn Ruschd († 1198) also expresses himself in his legal compendium and continues the view of Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr. Because the problem of the release of a slave who gave birth to her master (umm al-walad = "mother of the son") was probably only discussed in more detail under the second caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab. In this direction, a statement traced back to the caliph Umar in identical wording - i.e. not a prophet's saying - points: "Her son released her (an umm walad) (aʿtaqa-hā waladu-hā) - even if she had a miscarriage," which u . a. the Iraqi scholar Ibn Abī Schaiba († 849) handed down in his large-scale hadith collection. From a legal point of view , this concerns the question, which was probably only raised under the Caliph Umar, as to whether a female slave should be released or sold after the birth of her son.
  • Mary is neither in Ibn Ishāq's biography of the prophets - there Ibn Hishām describes her in a supplement to the text after Ibn Ishāq according to an Egyptian tradition according to ʿAbdallāh ibn Wahb († 812) also only as "surrīya" - nor in the general historiography as the wife of Called prophets. Rather, she has entered Islamic history as "Maria the Koptin", with her Kunya as Umm Ibrāhīm and as one of the concubines (sarārīyu) of Muhammad. In legal doctrine it is recognized that women who Mohammed only took in as companions (at-tasarri) without a marriage contract are not referred to as the “mother of believers” - like Maria al-Qibtiyya. This norm is derived from sura 33, verse 6:
The prophet is closer to the believers than they themselves (to one another), and his wives are (as it were) their mothers.
  • Neither the legal literature nor the Arab biographers report about an alleged release of Maria al-Qibtiyya by Mohammed - as in the case of Raihana - or about her lawful marriage (nikah) to him. The historian Muhammad ibn Saʿd names "Māriya Umm Ibrāhīm ibn Rasūli ʾllāh" (Mary, mother of Ibrāhīms, the son of the Messenger of God) in a chapter of his class book dedicated to her. In the next chapter of the mentioned work, the wives of Muhammad are listed in chronological order. At the same time, the Iraqi philologist Abū ʿUbaiyda, Maʿmar ibn al-Muthannā († 824) wrote his monograph on the wives of Muhammad and his children; Maria al-Qibtiyya is not mentioned there either. The chapter distribution observed in Ibn Saʿd also follows Ibn ʿAsākir in his above-mentioned Chronicle of Damascus: after the chapter on the sons, daughters and wives of Muhammad, the section on the concubines follows: Mary and Raihana.
  • In his genealogical work, Kitāb al-maʿārif , Ibn Qutaiba († 889) devotes a separate section to the "wives of the Prophet" and his children. He writes about Khadijah : “She is the mother of all sons of the Prophet, except Ibrāhīm, because he is of Mary the Coptic.” When mentioning the son Ibrāhīm in the chapter “The Sons of the Prophet”, Ibn Qutaiba writes: “His mother was Māriya, a gift from al-Muqauqis, King of Alexandria, to the Prophet. "

Mary the Coptic is not counted among the spouses in Islamic literature (in the Koran: “azwāǧ”) and consequently not among the “mothers of believers”. She died in Medina on February 16, 637. The caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab is said to have presided over her funeral.

The status of Mariya al-Qibtiya is commonly accepted in Western Islamic studies. Sources that describe their status in other ways found no support in Islamic studies, and there was no dissent either. For an objective presentation of the causa, there are now isolated sources that portray Mariya al-Qibtiya's status differently. There is isolated evidence that suggests that Mohammed may have married Mariya al-Qibtiya.

The Persian hadith scholar Al-Hakim Nishapuri (d. 1033) reports in his work Mustadrak al-Hakim that Mohammed married Maria al-Qibtiyya after she was sent by the Patriarch of Alexandria. Among other things, the following hadith is important for this: “Mus'ab b. 'Abdullah al-Zubairi told us: Thereupon the Messenger of God married Mary bt. Sham'un. It was given to the Messenger of God of Maquqas, the Patriarch of Alexandria. "

Maria al-Qibtiyya is also mentioned by at-Tabari (d. 923), an Islamic scholar and historian who wrote historical annals with biographical connotations, among other things. In his biography of the prophets Tarih-Tabari: The Last Years of the Prophet , Mariya al-Qibtiya, after listing all of Muhammad's wives, is added to the list of wives: “[...] God granted Rayanah to practice. Zayd the envoy. Mary the Coptic was presented to the envoy and given by Muqaqis, the Patriarch of Alexandria, and she gave birth to him. Mohammed] Ibrahim, the son of the Messenger of God. These were the wives of the Messenger of God, six of them were from the Quraish clan. "

Ibn Kathir (d. 1373), an Islamic scholar from Damascus, also identifies Muhammad's life in his biographical work : The wives of the prophet Mohammed Maria al-Qibtiyya as the wife of Muhammad. After Mariya's death, she received the title of "Mother of the Believers" (Umm al-Mu'minun). “It was said that Mariya al Qibtiya married the Prophet. Certainly she then received the same title as the other wives of the Prophet, mother of believers, Ummu 'l-Mu'minin. "

In one hadith, Muhammad advised caution when treating the Coptic-Egyptian population, as there was a consanguinity or brotherhood with the Egyptians: “God's Messenger then said; you will soon conquer Egypt. If you have conquered the country, always treat the inhabitants well, because you are now related by blood / sisterhood with them (or) because you are now related by blood / related by marriage to them ". Similar exclamations by Muhammad referring to the marriage to Maria al- There are Qibtiya references in various other hadiths.

In addition to these sources, there are reports of ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās , a cousin of Muhammad and one of the first Koran exegetes. Thereafter, Mariya al-Qibtiya was first released by Mohammed, after which he married her.

In modern times there have been isolated attempts to count Maria al-Qibtiyya among the wives of Muhammad.

Residence of Maria al-Qibtiyya

Maria was not an integral part of Mohammed's family; she lived in the south of Medina (ʿĀliya), in the fertile region of al-Quff, in an orchard of the Banu Qainuqa , which Mohammed had given as booty after the subjugation of this Jewish tribe. The area was called, even after the death of Maria: "maschrabat Umm Ibrāhīm"مشربة أم إبراهيم / mašrabat umm Ibrāhīm , "orchard / orchard of Umm Ibrāhīm". After the birth of her son Ibrāhīm (March 630), she stayed on this orchard, where she and her son were provided daily with fresh sheep and camel milk from Muhammad's livestock grazing at al-Quff. The place was also called Mahrūz, which was known as the Prophet's Market.

Mary's place of residence enjoyed special veneration in the following years, as the prophet is said to have prayed at this place, according to a short report by the historian ʿUmar ibn Shabba (* 789; † 877). The Umayyad caliph Sulaiman ibn Abd al-Malik traveled as a pilgrim to Medina in 701 and visited other places where the Prophet Mohammed had worked and prayed - the so-called maschāhidمشاهد / mašāhid  / 'memorial sites' - this place too.

In Córdoba acting Ibn Masarra († 931), a supporter of Mu'tazila and mystic , was contemporary lore has it in his home town of Mary appeared to replicate with the aim in al-Andalus a "holy place", a place of remembrance, as in To create medina.

Individual evidence

  1. Yāqūt: Geographical Dictionary . Kitāb muʿǧam al-buldān. Ed. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld . Volume 1 (sn Ansina and Hafn). Leipzig 1866-1870. Beirut 1955 edition. Volume 1, pp. 265-266; Volume 2, p. 276, where Yāqūt also briefly mentions the episode with Maria. The place name Anṣināانصنىalso appears in a papyrus from 841; see: Raif Georges Khoury: Chrestomathie de papyrologie arabe. Brill, Leiden 1993. pp. 53-54 and note 3
  2. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 7, p. 511; Enno Littmann: Mukaukis in the painting by Kuṣair ʿAmra . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), Volume 105, 1955, pp. 287–289; Rofail Farag: The Technique of Presentation of a Tenth-Century Christian Arab Writer: Severus Ibn Muqaffaʿ . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), Volume 127, 1977, pp. 287ff, here: pp. 299-300 and the notes with further sources
  3. Muhammad Hamidullah: Maǧmūʿat al-waṯāʾiq as-siyāsiyya. Pp. 105-108
  4. ^ Theodor Nöldeke: History of the Qorāns. Volume 1, p. 218. Note 1
  5. Theodor Nöldeke, op. Cit. 190, note 3. Published in: Journal Asiatique. 1854, pp. 482-518; The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 7, p. 511. Photo of it by Muhammad Hamidullah : Maǧmūʿat al-waṯāʾiq as-siyāsiyya, p. 107
  6. ^ Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Volume 2 (poetry). Brill, Leiden 1975. pp. 289-292
  7. Sulaiman Bashear: The mission of Dihya al-Kalbi and the situation in Syria. In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. Volume 14, 1991, pp. 84ff.
  8. Lamya Kandil: The surenames in the official Cairin Koran edition and their variants . In: Islam. Volume 69, 1992, p. 52
  9. ^ Theodor Nöldeke: History of the Qorāns. Volume 1, p. 217
  10. al-Bukhari: Saheeh al-Bukhari . In: Book 63 . tape 7 , no. 192 .
  11. ^ Al Bukhari: Saheeh al Bukhari . In: Book 86 . tape 9 , no. 102 .
  12. al-Bukhari: Saheeh al Bukhari . In: Book 60 . tape 6 , no. 434 .
  13. The authenticity of this tradition is confirmed by the hadith criticism, e.g. B. doubted by adh-Dhahabī . Mohammed's Kunya is named after his son Abū ʾl-Qāsim and not Abū Ibrāhīm; al-mausūʿa al-fiqhiyya . 1st edition (Kuwait 1995), volume 35, p. 170 and ibid. Note 3
  14. http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEsearch/SEsearchmap.php?Ecl=06320127
  15. In the above-mentioned traditional collections, the saying has several variants in the wording, but they make the same sense.
  16. Rachel Milstein: Kitāb Shawq-Nāma - an illustrated tour of Holy Arabia . In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. Volume 25, 2001, p. 275ff., Here: p. 313
  17. Ibn ʿAsākir: Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq. Volume 3, p. 144, Beirut 1995; MJ Kister: The Sons of Khadīja . In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (JSAI), Volume 16 (1993), p. 91
  18. ^ Róbert Simon (Ed.): Ignác Goldziher: His life and scholarship as reflected in his works and correspondence . Brill, Budapest 1986, p. 292
  19. Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wal-mulūk (ed. De Goeje), Volume 1, pp. 1591–1592
  20. a b Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq, Volume 3, p. 236, line 4
  21. The statement to the contrary - without citing the source - is wrong: Muslim sources are unanimous in saying that she was accorded the same honor and respect given Muhammad's wives, pointing out that she was given the same title as Muhammad's wives - "Mother of the Believers." Maria al-Qibtiyya and also مارية القبطية without citing the source. al-mausūʿa al-fiqhiyya (3rd edition. Kuwait 2004), Volume 6. pp. 264–270 (list of the mothers of believers: ummahāt al-muʾminīn ) does not name them either . The related information in Wikipedia in Arabic is also wrong: مارية القبطية
  22. al-mausūʿa al-fiqhiyya (3rd edition. Kuwait 2004), volume 6. p. 265 with reference to sura 33 , verse 6: "... and his wives are (as it were) their mothers."
  23. Taʾrīḫ ar-rusul wal-mulūk (ed. De Goeje), volume p. 1, 1778
  24. al-muʿǧam al-wasīṭ. Academy of the Arabic Language. Cairo. P. 427: as-surrīya: the slave in possession: al-ǧārīya al-mamlūka
  25. Volume 4, p. 1912. No. 4091
  26. Sunan Ibn Māǧa, Volume II. K.al-ʿitq, No. 2515; Ibn ʿAsākir, Volume III. P. 237
  27. al-Istiḏkār ... Volume 23, p. 154
  28. Harald Motzki: The Muṣannaf of ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī as a source of authentic aḥādīth of the first century AH . In: Journal of Near Eastern Studies Volume 50, 1991, pp. 1-21; Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic Literature . Brill, Leiden 1967. Volume 1, p. 99
  29. Volume 7, p. 233. No. 12937 (Beirut 1972): “The Prophet said of an umm al-walad: her son released her. Your waiting time is as much as the waiting time of a free woman. "
  30. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, Leiden, Volume 1, p. 1130
  31. As-sunan al-kubrā. Volume 10, pp. 346-347. No. 21571-21577 (Mecca 1994)
  32. Bidāyat al-mudschtahid, Volume 2, p. 295, Beirut, undated
  33. J. Schacht: An Introduction. P. 129 and Index, p. 303; Uri Rubin: al-walad li-l-firāsh. On the islamic campaign against "zinā". In: Studia Islamica (SI), Volume 78, 1993, pp. 5-6
  34. ^ Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature . Brill, Leiden 1967. Volume 1, pp. 108-109
  35. al-Musannaf. Volume 11, p. 184. No. 21894 (Beirut 2006). On the question see: JE Brockopp (2000), pp. 192–203
  36. ^ A. Guillaume: The Life of Muhammad. P. 83: "She (di Khadidscha ) was the mother of all the apostle's children except Ibrāhīm ..." with the addition of Ibn Hisham after Ibn Wahb: Umm Ibrāhīm: Māriya the concubine of the Prophet, who gave him al-Muqauqis from Hafn, in the Esna area , gave.
  37. See: M. Watt, op.cit. Pp. 396-397
  38. al-mausūʿa al-fiqhiyya. Encyclopedia of Islamic Law. Kuwait 2004. Volume 6, p. 265 (ummahāt al-muʾminīn)
  39. See: M. Watt, op.cit. Pp. 294-295: “Muḥammad's concubine Māriyah, a Christian, was apparently not set free; and, to judge from Ibn Sa'd's accounts of the Badr fighters, the same was true of many of their concubines "
  40. Ibn Saʿd, Volume 8. pp. 153–156
  41. ibid. Pp. 156–159
  42. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 1, p. 158; Carl Brockelmann: History of Arabic Literature . Brill, Leiden 1943. Volume 1, pp. 102-103
  43. Edited by Nihad Musa in: Revue de l'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes (Cairo), Volume 13, 1967, pp. 244-279
  44. MJ Kister: Sons of Khadīja. In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. Volume 16, 1993, pp. 73-74
  45. Volume 3, pp. 125-234
  46. Volume 3, pp. 234-242. Linguistically one makes a distinction: the verb tazawwaǧa: (.. Ie Muhammad) he married appears not related to Maria al-Qibtiyya and Raihana, but the verb istasarra: (.. Ie Muhammad), he took it to the concubine is used
  47. Kitāb al-maʿārif . (Ed.): Saroit Okacha (Tharwat ʿUkāša). Cairo 1960. p. 132
  48. Kitāb al-maʿārif . P. 143
  49. ^ Khaled Abou El Fadl: The Search for Beauty in Islam: A Conference of the Books. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006, pp. 383-384: “Ibn Abbas reported that the Prophet freed her [ins. Maria] and then married her ".
  50. Abu 'Abdullah al-Hakim: Al-Mustadrak . Beirut 1990, p. No. 6819 : "Mus'ab b. 'Abdullah al-Zubairi told us: Thereupon the Messenger of Allah (ﷺ) married Maria bt. Sham'un. It was given to the Messenger of Allah (ﷺ) of Maquqas, the Patriarch of Alexandria. "
  51. Hakim al-Nishapuri: Sahih al-Mustadarak Hakim . tape 4 . Hyderabad Deccan, S. 36 : "It is reported from 'Abdullah al-Zubairi who said: that after this the Noble Prophet married Mariah daughter of Sham'un. This is the same Mariyah who was sent by Maqauqis, the ruler of Alexandria to the Prophet as a gift. "
  52. ^ At-Tabari: History of al-Tabari: The Last Years of the Prophet . tape 9 , p. 137 : “[...] God granted Rayhanah bt. Zayd of the Banu Qurayzah to his Messenger. Mariyah the Copt was presented to the Messenger of God, given to him by al-Muqawqis, the ruler of Alexandria, and she gave birth to the Messenger of God's son Ibrahim. THESE WERE THE MESSENGER OF GOD'S WIVES, six of them were from the Quraysh. "
  53. Ibn Kathir: Mohammads Life: The Wifes of the Prophet Muhammad . Ed .: transl. by Mohammad Gemeiah & al-Azhar. S. Section: Maria al-Qibtiyya : "Maria al-Qibtiyya (may Allah be pleased with her) is said to have married the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) and certainly everyone gave her the same title of respect as the Prophet's wives, 'Umm al Muminin' 'Mother of the Believers'
  54. Al-Muslim: Hadith Muslim b. Hajjaj, al-Sahih, Hadith 2543-227 / 6494; . "Narrated Abu Dharr: Allah's Messenger said:" You would soon conquer Egypt and that is a land in which currency is Qirat. When you conquer it, treat its inhabitants well for they have responsibility of blood-tie (upon you). " Or he said, "responsibility by the way of relationship of marriage."
  55. Ibn Shabbah, Abu Zaid, Tarikh al-Madina, Vol. 3, 117 ;: Ibn Shabbah, Abu Zaid, Tarik al-Madina, vol 3, 117 .
  56. al-Tahawi, Sharh Mushkil al-Athar, Hadith 1256, 2363 .
  57. al-Isfarayini, Abu 'Awana, al-Mustakhraj, (Madina: al-Jami'a al-Islamiya, 2014) Hadith 11087 .
  58. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Abu al-Qasim, Futuh Misr wa al-Maghrib, Vol.1, 20; .
  59. al-Busti, Ibn Hibban, al-Sahih, (Beirut: Al-Resala Publishers, 1988) Hadith 6676; al-Tabarani, Mu'jam al-Awsat, Hadith 8701; al-Baihaqi, al-Sunan al-Kubra, Hadith 18739; al-Baihaqi, Abu Bakr, Dala'il al-Nabuwwah, (Beirut: DKI, 1988) Vol. 6, 321; .
  60. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam: Futuh Misr wa al-Maghrib . tape 1 , p. 20, 167 : "It was related [...] on the authority of 'Umar b. al-Khattab that the Messenger of Allah (ﷺ) said: After my death Allah will make you conquer Egypt, therefore, I advise you to be kind to the Copts, for you have with them marriage-tie and responsibility "
  61. ^ Khaled Abou El Fadl: The Search for Beauty in Islam: A Conference of the Books. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006, p. 384: “Ibn Abbas reported that the Prophet freed her [ins. Maria] and then married her " .
  62. Shawqi Abu Khalil: Atlas on the Prophet's Biography (Al-Sirah al Nabawiyah) . Darussalam 2004, p. 191 .
  63. Allama Shibli Noumani: Sirat un-Nabi . tape 2 , 2009, p. 153 .
  64. ^ RH Charles: "Vitae Adae et Evae," The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha . tape 2 . Oxford, S. 294 : "Muhammad must have come in contact with many of these copts and listened to their stories. Muhammad's friendship to Christians of Coptic Faith is reflected in many aspects of his life. He is known to have had cordial relations with the Negus of Abyssinia, as indicated by the fact that he advised his followers at a time of persecution to flee there. He married a Coptic wife named Mariya, and he is reported to have advised his followers to be especially kind to the Copts of Egypt, considering them his in-laws. "
  65. Michael Lecker: Muslims, Jews & Pagans. In: Studies on Early Islamic Medina. Brill, Leiden 1995. p. 9; Michael Lecker: Muḥammad at Medina. A geographical approach. In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. Volume 6, 1985, p. 33.
  66. For the meaning of the term mašraba see: Michael Lecker (1995), p. 8. Note 24; R. Dozy: Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes . Peris and Leiden 1967. Volume 1. P. 741 with reference to Richard Francis Burton , who in his travelogue A personal narrative of a pilgrimage to El Medina and Meccah. 2nd Edition. London 1857. Volume 2, p. 46 mentions a mosque Maschrabat Umm Ibrāhīm
  67. Michael Lecker (1995), p. 9
  68. Michael Lecker (1985), pp. 52-53
  69. Fuat Sezgin (1967), p. 345; the title of a handwritten work on poetry mentioned there (No. 1), the authorship of which Sezgin himself doubts, must be deleted. See: ʿUmar ibn Shabba: Taʾrīḫ al-Madīna . (Ed. Fahīm Muḥammad Šaltūt. 1979. Volume 1. [Introduction]. S. ي)
  70. ʿUmar ibn Shabba, op. Cit . 69
  71. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill. Suffer. Volume 6, p. 713 and Maher Jarrar: The biography of the prophets in Islamic Spain. A contribution to the tradition and editorial history. Publishing house Peter Lang. Frankfurt 1989. pp. 30-32
  72. Maher Jarrar, op. Cit . P. 15. Ignaz Goldziher has already listed some memorial sites : Muhammadan studies . Volume 2, pp. 306–308 (Halle a. P. 1890)
  73. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill. Suffer. Volume 3, p. 868
  74. Maribel Fierro: Una refutación contra Ibn Masarra. In: al-Qantara. Volume 19, 1989, pp. 273-275

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