Ignaz Goldziher

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Ignaz Goldziher (1911/1912)

Ignaz Goldziher , born as Isaak (Yitzhaq) Yehuda Goldziher (born June 22, 1850 in Stuhlweissenburg , Austrian Empire ; died November 13, 1921 in Budapest ) was a Hungarian orientalist . He published some of his works in Hungarian , but the main part in German , his first language , since his homeland belonged to Austria-Hungary until the First World War . Together with Theodor Nöldeke and Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje , he is considered the founder of modern Islamic studies .


Early years, career start

Goldziher's Sephardic ancestors came to Hamburg in the 17th century, later moved to Berlin, Vienna and finally to Hungary, where the family settled first in Kittsee , which at that time belonged to the Burgenland seven municipalities , and in 1842 in Stuhlweissenburg. His father Adolf, a student of Rabbi Chatam Sofer , was a wealthy leather goods dealer who, however, became impoverished when Ignaz was a child. For economic reasons, the whole family had to move to Pest in 1865 , where Goldziher lived from that date until his death. In Stuhlweissenburg he attended a Cistercian grammar school and, after moving to Budapest, a Protestant grammar school, which he and Max Nordau graduated with the Matura in 1868 .

His first private teacher was the then famous representative of Hebrew and Jewish studies Moses Wolf Freudenberg, whose influence on his career Goldziher praises in his diary . As early as 1865 he had enrolled as a student at the University of Budapest , where he heard Persian, Arabic, Syriac and Turkish with the internationally known orientalist Hermann Vámbéry and, because of his talent, received the pro diligentia award twice . Besides Goldziher, Vámbéry only had one other student at the time. At the same time Goldziher learned from Rabbi Samuel Löb Brill Talmud (in Aramaic ) and taught the same age Wilhelm Bacher in Persian. In 1869 Goldziher first went to the University of Berlin , where he studied Arabic and Semitic philology with Emil Rödiger , Johann Gottfried Wetzstein and Friedrich Dieterici and learned the science of Judaism from Abraham Geiger and Moritz Steinschneider . He then moved to Leipzig to study with the then most famous Arabist Heinrich Leberecht Fleischer , a student of Silvestre de Sacys , whose academic legacy he was called to take on. There he received his doctorate in 1870 with his thesis on the Jewish-Arab Bible commentator Tanchum Jeruschalmi (1220–1291). During his studies in Leipzig he began to add marginalia to the four-volume Lexicon arabico-latinum (Halle 1830–1837) by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Freytag and to write certain phrases and complete sentences for the individual words.

In the following years he conducted Arabic manuscript studies at the University of Leiden and the University of Vienna (1871). In February 1872 Goldziher returned to Hungary. In the same year he was appointed private lecturer  - without salary - at the University of Budapest. From 1873 to 1874 he made a trip to the Orient to Istanbul , Beirut , Damascus , Jerusalem and Cairo . In 1875 he was appointed director of the Khedivial Library from Cairo . But his goal was a professorship in Budapest.

The year 1876 represents a deep break in the steep career of the young researcher. In March of this year, Brockhaus published Goldziher's book The Myth of the Hebrews and Its Development in Leipzig . Research on mythology and religious studies. The book must be understood as a pamphlet, because it was directed against Ernest Renan's thesis - his life of Jesus was then in every bourgeois house - that the Semites had no mythology. In the same year Goldziher accepted a secretarial position at the Israelite religious community in Pest after his hopes of getting a full professorship in Arabic philology in Budapest after his habilitation had not been fulfilled - despite previous promises, a Catholic was preferred.

On December 29, 1877 Goldziher met Laura Mittler (1855-1925), the daughter of a family doctor in Aradszentmárton (today Sânmartin in the Romanian Arad district ) know; they married on May 21, 1878 in Arad . From this marriage two sons emerged: Miksa (born 1880; died 1900 by suicide) and Károly (1881–1955).

Summing up his early years, up to his fortieth birthday when he began his diary, Goldziher writes with reference to his family:

“They (that is, the children) will only experience the struggles of my life from these pages. You may know that I would not have been able to survive these battles victoriously without the consolation and strengthening given to me by her clever, well-behaved mother, whose respect outweighed the contempt of the whole world, whose love abundantly replaced me I had to suffer from hatred and misunderstanding from the Jewish world immediately surrounding me (...) If you read all of this, then may you hand the wreath of recognition to your mother and if you are faithful to the memory of your father, you may always remember it that my name would never have been worthy of the honor without the help of her mother, her faithful, honest help in my life. "

- Diary , pp. 91-92

On the fringes of the 6th Orientalist Congress in Leiden in 1883, in which Goldziher took part as a delegate of the Hungarian Minister of Education, private visits to colleagues from my studies from 1871–1872 took place accompanied by his wife: “The longing, the place of my youthful diligence in To see my wife's company again […] we, my Laura and I, made the trip to Holland from Norderney […]. ”In the same year Goldziher and his wife met al-Afghani (see below) in Paris.

Academic career and professional life

After studying abroad, Goldziher aspired to become a private lecturer at the University of Budapest, which he received after initial difficulties in 1871. In September 1871 he was invited to a trial lecture, the subject of which was the development of historical literature among the Arabs . The lecture appeared as a habilitation thesis in the Protestant Rundschau in the same year. Goldziher also later dealt with the currents of historiography among the Arabs and processed his habilitation thesis in a comprehensive presentation A történetírás az arab irodalomban (The historiography in Arabic literature), read out at the meeting of the academy on November 4, 1895.

Goldziher initially had an important advocate in the liberal minister of education, Baron József Eötvös . The minister had planned to offer Goldziher a chair in Semitic studies at the University of Budapest after his habilitation with a subsequent research trip. But Eötvös died in February 1871, and Goldziher lost an important advocate in the government and the Hungarian Academy. He was still able to undertake the planned trip to the Orient, but after his return in 1874 the chair he had promised before his departure went to a Catholic theologian. In order to be able to keep himself and his family afloat financially, Goldziher accepted the position of community secretary in the Israelite religious community of Pest in 1876, which he held for thirty years. He expressed his disappointment in his diary with the following words:

"Consummatum est! so I could call on January 1st, 1876. The minister frivolously cheated on me. His promise turned out to be a premeditated lie. He used to mock me and sarcasm when I urged him to fulfill the words: 'Consider this matter done; You will receive your appointment decree in no time. ' The same tone came to me from the office, where a few years ago Eötvös' officials had the sympathy of their master reflected with all loving courtesy. In the late summer of 1875, I went on a trip to Tyrol and Carinthia with my cousin Wilhelm. For the last time in my life I should see the mountains as a free man. It was decided that I would become a slave. The Jews wanted to have mercy on me. This is the misfortune of my life. "

- Diary, pp. 79–80

Goldziher's diary shows how bitter he was - and how this bitterness turned into hatred for the Budapest Jews, especially his colleague David Kaufmann , for whom he nevertheless gave the funeral oration on July 11, 1899 in Budapest.

In 1876 he became a corresponding member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences . In his inaugural lecture "The position of the Spanish Arabs in the development of Islamic history in comparison with the Eastern Arabs", he compared Islam in Spain with the Islamic East , a topic that was little discussed in Oriental Studies at the time. In the same committee he gave the address on October 29, 1888 on the occasion of the commemoration of the death of his mentor and teacher H. L. Fleischer († February 10, 1888), with a scientific appreciation of his position in European oriental studies. The 44-page commemorative speech written in Hungarian, which Goldziher provided with the title Fleischer Leberecht Henrik emlékezete (In memory of H. L. F.), is also a comprehensive account of the history of Islamic studies, beginning with the work of the French orientalist Silvestre de Sacy († 21. February 1838), whose pupil was a butcher.

On September 2, 1889, Goldziher received the gold medal from King Oskar II (Sweden) in Stockholm as the highest award of the International Congress of Orientalists.

"1889 compensated me for 15 years of shame and humiliation and should be called to give my spirit new impetus."

- Diary , p. 117

Goldziher reported on this award in a letter to his family with the words:

“Before the session was over, the king called me to the presidential chair and said to me, 'Dr. Goldziher, I will hand over the words that I addressed to you when you presented the medal in my own handwriting. ' Then he handed me a piece of paper on which the following words were written in his own hand: 'Goldziher's knowledge and work is of a higher carat than that of this medal. But I am glad to present this to you today as the prize for your spirited endeavors in science. ' [...] You see, the God of my fathers does not keep his eye closed. "

- Goldziher to his family on September 2, 1889 : József Schweitzer: Letters on the biography of I. Goldziher . In: Robert Dán (Ed.): Occident and Orient: a tribute to the memory of Alexander Scheiber . Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest and E. J. Brill, Leiden 1988. pp. 354-355

It was during this period that his highly regarded Muhammadan Studies were published and, from June 1890, the beginning of his irregular entries in his diary .

On May 6, 1892, Goldziher was elected a full member of the Academy and noted the following the following day:

“The Hungarian Academy elected me as a full member yesterday with very flattering demonstrations. With this, Judaism has broken through the ranks of the academy, which is badly criticized for its anti-Semitism. It is this moment alone that interests my fellow believers in the whole thing. That's why you disturb me with congratulations in person, by letter and by telegram ... "

- Diary, p. 138

In his inaugural lecture on October 24, 1892, he presented the tradition of the poetry of the pagan Arabs ( A pogány arabok költészetének hagyománya ) with consistent consideration of the ideas of God of the Arabs on the eve of Islam, a topic that was taken up again and again in his other writings . The study is in the tradition of Theodor Nöldeke's contributions to the knowledge of the poetry of the old Arabs (Hanover 1864), in its content extension based on sources that have not been used until then, also in Julius Wellhausen's sketches and preparatory work , volume 3: Remnants of Arab paganism (Berlin 1887) and in its discussion by Nöldeke. With reference to his publication Der Diwān des Ǧarwal b. From al-Ḥuṭejʿa (see publications) he confirmed the view already expressed by Nöldeke that the pre-Islamic god names mentioned in ancient poetry had been deleted from Islamic literature. Goldziher already drew attention to these tendencies in the way Muslim scholars deal with ancient Arabic poetry in his Muhammadan Studies .

In August 1900, Goldziher stayed in Paris with his wife, where he was elected vice-president of the Congrès d'Histoire des Religions . “In front of a large, learned audience in the amphitheater of the Sorbonne” he gave his lecture Islamisme et Parsisme on this occasion .

Goldziher has been close to the Islamic renewal movements since his youth and sympathized with the independence ideas of Muslim thinkers of his time. In his notes on his trip to the Orient (1873 to 1874) there are several critical remarks about the European invasion of the Orient. During his stay in Cairo, he was the first European to be admitted to al-Azhar University . On the fringes of his studies he made friends a. a. with Jamal al-Din al-Afghani , who at that time was developing his political activities in Egypt.

“One of the most original characters among my friends was a man who has made a lot of talk since then, as an anti-English agitator, exile, journalist and polemicist against Renan. It was the Afghan Abd al-Jakal. We met him one evening in a coffee house on Abdīnstrasse, where our Afghan presided over a society of young Azhar students every evening and showed them all sorts of free-thinking stuff. Sipping a Nargileh at a table in the coffee house, I was invited to the company and felt so at ease there that I went among these heretics for an hour every evening. "

- Diary, p. 68

Another meeting took place in Paris in 1883: "Under the strangest of circumstances, I was able to meet my friend again in Paris in 1883, where he had philosophical discussions with my wife and let her teach him about European culture."

Famous universities in the West and East offered Goldziher professorships and chairs : Vienna , Prague , Halle , Cambridge (here as successor to William Robertson Smith ), Königsberg , Heidelberg , Strasbourg (here as successor to Theodor Nöldeke), Leipzig , Breslau and Cairo . Goldziher, however, refused any call; because science - so Goldziher several times to his students - has no home, but the scientist does. Goldziher only confides his self-inflicted martyrdom in his diary .

Like most Jews in Hungary , who had received full civil rights shortly after the Compromise of 1867 through the Law on Jewish Emancipation , Goldziher identified himself with Hungarian nationalism and therefore distanced himself from Zionism . He saw Judaism as a religious, not an ethnographic term and accordingly described his nationality as Trans-Danubian and his religion as Jewish. When he was asked by his Budapest school colleague Max Nordau in 1920 to join the planned university in Jerusalem, later the Hebrew University , he turned down the offer for "patriotic" reasons.

Ignaz Goldziher approx. 1903, etching, Vernis mou by Hermann Struck

His attempt to get a professorship at the Rabbinical Seminary (Budapest) founded in 1877 failed. In the autumn of 1902 - as he noted in his diary - "a little gate opened" for him; Both the President and the Secretary General of the Hungarian Academy have offered him the post of Senior Librarian of the Academy. His choice was considered safe, but the first congratulations turned out to be premature. Goldziher's candidacy was unexpectedly dropped in May 1903. The reason for this emerged from statements made by the President of the Academy to F. Riedl (1856–1921), the literary historian at the University of Budapest: “The Jews don't want it”.

Only in 1905 was he the first Jew to be appointed full professor for life at the University of Budapest. Between 1917 and 1918 he was Dean of the Philosophical Faculty, then Vice Dean and Senate Member. From October 1918 he gave lectures on religious studies at the rabbinical seminary. His relationship with the Rabbinical Seminary in Budapest was always tense, his position on its representatives rejected; on May 10, 1917, he made the following comments in his diary :

“In the morning I had to attend a conference with the 'theologians' of the Rabbi Seminary to discuss the current situation (February 8th). Then the hollow-headed Rabbi Hevesi developed the theory: that science is superfluous, even dangerous, for a rabbi. Something like that. He just has to be able to preach in Hungarian. The flatter, the more beneficial for him and the world. "

- Diary, p. 298

As part of the extensive program of events of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition , Goldziher stayed in 1904 accompanied by 40 European scientists at the invitation of St. Louis University ; another invitation from the American Committee for Lectures of the History of Religions in 1908, he declined for health reasons. The lectures prepared for this invitation were published in 1910 as lectures on Islam (Heidelberg 1910).

The magazine for Assyriology and related areas, a specialist publication of the German Oriental Society, honored Goldziher with a commemorative publication at the end of the fortieth year of his academic activity . In his preface to this, Theodor Nöldeke wrote in December 1911:

“As a true philologist, you have carefully and methodically observed even the smallest details in all your work, but always focused on the bigger picture and historically established the development of intellectual movements with the greatest success. […] I emphasize that you were the first to bring the essence of the Muslim normative tradition into a true light. It is particularly obvious to me to emphasize this because, as you know, I followed you hesitantly at first, but in the end I was completely convinced of the correctness of your view. In many cases you have made new contributions to recognizing the influence that the three great religions from the Near East have exerted on one another. As a comprehensive expert on Arabic theology and philosophy, you have no rival. "

- Theodor Nöldeke : Journal for Assyriology and related areas. Volume 26 (1912), pp. V.-VI.

On this solemn occasion, on December 20, 1911, colleagues from home and abroad visited Goldziher; his friend, the Dutch orientalist Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, and the editor of the anniversary edition, Carl Bezold , personally presented him with the Goldziher Festschrift.

Ignaz Goldziher died in Budapest on November 13, 1921. About a month after Goldziher's death, his body was laid out in the portico of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on December 15, 1921. On his tombstone is the saying he chose from Psalm 23 : “And although I have already wandered in the dark valley, I fear no misfortune; because you are with me [...] "

Publications on Judaism

Memorial plaque at Goldziher's birthplace in Stuhlweissenburg

Goldziher's life was a life between the Torah and the Koran.

At the age of 12, he published a work on Jewish prayer and its components under the title Sichat Jizchak ('Conversation of Isaac') . The foreword is dated May 16, 1862. Goldziher calls this writing in his diary "Sichath Jizchak, Treatise on Prayer" and adds:

“This opus is the first cornerstone of my evil reputation as a 'free spirit'. The Weissenburg Jews were indignant and called me a ' Spinozist '; my F. received the opus with lively curiosity and said to me the next day: 'In ten years' time you will blush at the sight of this fruit of your ambition, but do not forget to celebrate your twenty-fifth anniversary as a writer in 1887; until then you will still achieve great things in Israel with God's will. '"

- Diary , p. 22

At first he wrote about problems of the science of Judaism , later especially about the relationship between Islam and Judaism, the Islamic polemics against the Talmud and against the Pentateuch, as well as about Jewish customs and traditions in Islamic scriptures. Goldziher's dissertation mentioned at the beginning was dedicated to the Arab-Jewish lexicographer Tanchum Jeruschalmi (1220–1291). In his monograph The myth among the Hebrews and its historical development (Leipzig 1876) he refutes the view of the "terrible simplicity of the Semitic spirit" coined by the French orientalist Ernest Renan (1823-1892) and emphasizes that mythology as an introduction to religion to be found in all peoples. Neither Arabic-Islamic history nor Arabic national grammar, jurisprudence and dogma are - so Goldziher - products of the "le génie arabe" coined by Renan, but the result of a development process influenced by various tendencies. Goldziher's attempt to refute Renan's thesis that there were no myths among the Hebrews met with fierce criticism, especially from Hungarian-Jewish scholars, and failed miserably. However, the book made a great impression on Micha Josef Berdyczewski , who sent the author the first volume of his Legends of the Jews in 1913 , with a letter of thanks for his work of myths . He carried out these basic ideas in his monumental lecture on the history of linguistics among the Arabs at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on April 16, 1877. He also discussed the Arabic original by Maimonides Sefer ha-Mitzvot (Vienna Journal for the Kunde des Morgenlandes III, pp. 77ff.) And wrote comments on New Hebrew poetry (Jewish Quarterly Review XIV).

In his series of lectures on "The Nature and Development of Judaism" (1887–1888) he followed the tradition of Abraham Geiger , with whom he studied in Berlin in 1868. In these lectures, which have only appeared in Hungarian, he takes the view that Judaism is universal and perfectly compatible with scientific thinking. However, since the doctrine of the Jewish Enlightenment was no longer relevant at that time, the negative response was inevitable; one saw in him “a danger to Judaism”, his remarks were viewed as “heresy”. "They denied my competence and did a great deal to make my degradation to the scribe and" Schammes "appear as the most natural thing there could be." Between 1881 and 1893 he published some works on comparative religious studies and predominantly on Judaism in Hungarian.

In a short article Abulvalid Goldziher pays tribute to the six important works published by Wilhelm Bacher in the years 1884–1885 on the Jewish linguist Abū l-Walīd Marwān ibn Ǧanāḥ (* 990; † around 1040) from Saragossa and emphatically points to the influences of the Arab sciences on the formation and development of Jewish scholarship in that epoch.

In August 1896, Goldziher firmly rejects the anti-Semitic attacks on Judaism by his Berlin colleague Martin Hartmann , which speak of Jewish “racial arrogance” and “religious arrogance” and also defends Islam against Hartmann. He reproaches Hartmann: “Don't make our Islam too bad” and urgently warns him not to fall in love with the Aryans: “Every race has its part inhumanity. The race doesn't do it. "

In the celebratory publication Studies in Jewish Literature issued in Honor of Professor Kaufmann Kohler (1913), Goldziher deals with the motive of reprimanding or encouraging the soul in New Hebrew poetry and its “literary connection” to the moralizing poetry of the Arabs of the 8th century.

Goldziher's scientific work is often shaped by his interest in the Islamic influences on theological writings of Judaism. This is supported by his extremely detailed discussion of the text published by Avraham Shalom Yahuda (1877-1951) by Bachja ibn Jōsēf ibn Paqūda from Andalusia (11th century), in which the interaction between the two intellectual currents of the Middle Ages in their historical and literary context with reference to Biblical text variants based on previously unused manuscripts are shown.

In 1914, the Madrid orientalist Miguel Asín asked Palacios Goldziher to recommend a suitable teacher for rabbinic literature with a series of lectures on Jewish literature at the University of Madrid . Goldziher suggested the above-mentioned young Sephardic scholar A. S. Yahuda for this post ; his entry in his diary:

"The crime of 1492 is to be atoned for in 1914 through science."

- Diary, p. 276

This meant the Alhambra Edict , issued in 1492 by the Catholic Queen Isabella of Castile and her husband, King Ferdinand II of Aragon .

Goldziher was a member of the editorial board and author of the Jewish Encyclopedia, and also worked on Hungarian and foreign Jewish magazines. Under the pseudonym Keleti I and with a certain reluctance he wrote - so Goldziher - "for a Jewish paper A jövő " (The future) a necrology about the deceased Talmud scholar Samuel Löb Brill (1814-1897), whose pupil he, with the one above named Wilhelm Bacher, was:

“I had to bring myself to promise a necrology about Blessed Brill for a Jewish paper 'A jövő'. Since I do not want to prostitute my name in this literature, and on the other hand could not permanently withstand the moral pressure opposed to me, I have promised to fill a few columns under the pseudonym Keleti I. The reproach is sacred, the milieu disgusts me. I haven't touched these sheets for years, and now I'm writing on one of them again. "

- Diary, 215

Wilhelm Bacher , who Goldziher had been close to since 1865 when they were studying together, founded “a Hungarian-Jewish weekly magazine” whose employees “allowed themselves to be caught by contravening better decisions.” “The Szemle” - so Goldziher - “grew very quickly into the principle Disregardlessness and represented those defective principles, the fight against which is only rewarded with ridicule and defamation. ”The final break with Bacher was the result.

In his study, The Islamic and Jewish Philosophy of the Middle Ages , first published in 1909 , Goldziher shows himself to be an intimate connoisseur of both Jewish and Islamic philosophy of the Middle Ages. The script is written without annotations, masterfully formulated and contains a new thesis of its time: the dominant role of Neoplatonism in Islamic and Jewish philosophy. The presentation of Islamic philosophy does not end with Averroes (1126–1198), as usual , but with Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838–1897), whom Goldziher met in Cairo in 1874.

Islamic studies

Goldziher is one of the most important orientalists. He was the first to critically present the history of Islamic traditions in a comprehensive manner, carefully researched the sectarian nature of Islam and published many studies of lasting value on the pre-Islamic and Islamic cultural, legal and religious history of the Arabs. His studies also extended to the field of ancient and modern Arabic poetry. He was one of the founders of the German-language Encyclopedia of Islam and published several articles there: "Since Ignaz Goldziher, Islamic studies have become increasingly aware that Islam was not only a bearer of Hellenistic culture, but also Greek-Hellenistic elements within the framework of the Islamic religion adapted and independently developed. ”These basic ideas are already expressed in Goldziher's - now classic - early work Die Ẓāhiriten (1884).

In the summary of the early years, in the first part of his diary, Goldziher describes the most important priorities and objectives of his research work:

“The short time I had left for scientific work 'because of brevity of mind and hard work', I threw myself completely on my Arabic philology and history as well as on Islam ... The picture of the history of the development of Islam rose from these studies in me new outlines emerged and also the life of the Muslim peoples and their relationship to teaching was shown to me in a sharper light. "

- Diary , p. 110

In his early writings on Islam, the influence of the liberal ideas of the Haskala and Abraham Geiger, who examined the influence of Judaism on the founder of Islam in his award-winning dissertation “What did Mohammed take over from Judaism?” (Bonn 1833), is palpable . Even among Goldziher's older contemporaries, such as Julius Wellhausen , Reinhart Dozy and Theodor Nöldeke, the academic engagement with the Islamic religion and culture was closely linked to biblical criticism . Goldziher, in his work "The National Question among the Arabs", which was published before his trip to the Orient and presented at the meeting of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on January 7, 1873, understood the Arab prophet Mohammed as the bearer of a universal, monotheistic religion, through which the until then prevailing ethnic pluralism is surmountable. In the appendix (pp. 49-64) of this lecture, four excerpts from previously unused Arabic manuscripts are attached as a text edition, which deal with the polemic against the egalitarian movements in Islam - asch-Shuʿūbīya . Apart from a short treatise on this movement in the 8th and 9th centuries by the Austrian orientalist Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall († 1856), Goldziher's lecture was the first to point out the social significance of this doctrine and its opponents. A topic that he would deal with several times in his later work.

After his trip to the Orient (1873–1874), Goldziher supplemented his three-part articles on the history of language learning among the Arabs (Vienna 1872–1874) with another study in Hungarian, read on April 16, 1877 at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, added: A nyelvtudomány történetéről az araboknál. Irodalomtörténeti kisérlet. (On the history of linguistics among the Arabs. An attempt at literary history), which has also been available in an English translation since 1994 (see: Literature ). The subject of this work is the representation of different language levels in the Islamic scientific disciplines, the analysis of the differences between the classical language schools, the role of poetry and dialects among grammarians. About the differences between the language schools, he also published an excerpt from a previously unused manuscript by the grammarist al-Anbārī († 1181) in Petersburg . Based on his criticism of Renan's Histoire générale et systéme comparé des langues sémitiques , Goldziher points, among other things, to the influences of the Aramaic vowel system in the constitution of the written Arabic language, to the predominance of the Meccan dialect of Quraish and to the effect of philologists on language and terminology the legal literature and Hadith -Gelehrsamkeit out.

“With an objective assessment one can say that the works which I published in this period from 1876-83 must give favorable testimony to my scientific work in this difficult time for me. I was busy collecting and busy working out. "

- Diary , p. 92

With his work The Ẓāhiriten (1884) Goldziher broke new ground in Islamic studies. In it he presents the legal-theological school of the Andalusian Ibn Hazm for the first time according to original sources of this no longer existing direction of Islamic scholarship. In addition to the work of Eduard Sachau : On the oldest history of Muslim law as the first fundamental work in this field. Goldziher presented the draft of these studies in his lecture at the 6th International Orientalist Congress in Leiden (1883). The first foundations of the work appeared almost at the same time in Hungarian: A mohammedán jogtudomány eredetéről (On the origin of Muslim jurisprudence). This work emphasizes the special position of law ( Fiqh ) in the totality of Islamic scholarship and was groundbreaking for further work - e.g. B. by Joseph Schacht  - in this area. “I proceeded from the conviction”, writes Goldziher in the foreword (p. IX) of the book, “that an examination of the so-called Fiqh, especially if one has the knowledge of the historical development of it in mind, is an indispensable part of our studies must form Islam. "

In addition to his study Materials for Knowledge of the Almohad Movement in North Africa (1887), presented at the 7th International Orientalist Congress in Vienna in 1886, Goldziher published his pioneering work in the years 1889–1890: Muhammedanische Studien . The first volume is primarily devoted to pre-Islamic aspects and the transition from Jahiliyya to Islam. In the introductory chapter (pp. 1-44) he juxtaposes two basic terms: Muruwwa / Murūʾa , that means virtue, male valor, virtue of the Arabs and Din , understood as the religion of Mohammed, as the new message to the Arabs. Although the principle applies in Islam: "without virtus (muruwwa) there is no religion (din) ", the differences and contradictions between the two attitudes in Islamic literature, including poetry, are tangible. In two further chapters, the relationship between the tribal politics of the Arabs and the institution of Islam, as well as - at a later historical stage of the development of Islamic society - the social differences between Arabism and non-Arabs ( ʿAdscham ) and the tension between them are presented (p. 40– 146).

This topic is regarded as a transition to a topic that Goldziher examined in detail for the first time in research: to the so-called Schuʿūbiyya movement in the 8th and 9th centuries in the Islamic East, whose predominantly Persian followers questioned the supremacy of the Arabs and for them There was equality between Arabs and non-Arabs (pp. 147–198). The presentation of this social phenomenon in the Islamic society by Goldziher is still considered groundbreaking, which he in his treatise on the Šu'ūbijja among the Muslims in Spain by analyzing locally specific developments in the Islamic West, where Arab, Berber , also converted to Islam Christians and Saqāliba met each other, added. The basis of this study is a letter of the 11th century poet Abū ʿĀmir ibn Ġarsiya (Ibn Garcia), a Muwallad of Christian origin, in which the author emphasizes the primacy of non-Arabs over Arabs in the form of poetry and rhyming prose . Goldziher presented the treatise to the XII. International Congress of Orientalists in Rome (October 1899).

Goldziher also discussed other aspects that were only briefly addressed in the first volume of this work; In his article Die Ǧinnen der Dichter (on this: Muhammedanische Studien , Volume 1, p. 44) he examines the role of Djinns in early Arabic poetry, who, according to Arabic ideas, can whisper the wording of their poetry to poets. According to examples from ancient poetry, the idea that poets were under the influence of the Djinn was still prevalent in Islamic times. As an example, Goldziher adds his partial edition from a work by the poet Abū l-ʿAlāʾ al-Maʿarrī and refers to corresponding statements by al-Jāhiz .

The second volume of the Muhammadan Studies consists of two parts: On the Development of the Hadith (pp. 1–274) and The Adoration of Saints in Islam (pp. 275–378). The latter part is based on the treatise Le culte des saints chez les Musulmans , published in the Revue de l'histoire des religions, II. Pp. 25–351. The presentation of one of the central scientific disciplines of Islam, Hadith and Sunna, has lost none of its importance after more than a hundred years of publication. For the first time in research, Goldziher evaluates extensive materials from Islamic literature that were only accessible in handwriting at the time, thus enabling further work in subsequent generations. The adīth, according to Goldziher, “offers us invaluable evidence of the course of development that Islam went through during the period in which it was systematically rounded off from conflicting forces and powerful opposites. And in this meaning of the adīth lies the importance of proper appreciation and knowledge of it for the comprehension of Islam, whose strangest phases of development are accompanied by the successive emergence of the adīth. ”The final elaboration of the second volume took barely five months.

Both volumes of the Mohammedan Studies are supplemented with additional content in the form of independent studies on the aspects addressed in the book.

The first volume (pp. 219–272) contains seven excursions and notes:

  • What is meant by "Al-Ǧāhilijja"?
  • About veneration of the dead in paganism and Islam
  • Pagan and Muslim usage
  • The use of the kunja as a designation of honor
  • Black and white
  • Traditions about Turks
  • Arabized Persians as Arab poets

The second volume (pp. 381–409) contains five excursions and notes:

  • The Umejjads as religious fighters
  • Ḥadīth and New Testament
  • Imitations of the Koran
  • Women in the literature of īadīth
  • Divine judgments in holy places

The reprint of both volumes in one volume was published by Georg Olms Verlag Hildesheim in 2004. The English-language version has been updated by the orientalists and translators of the work Samuel Miklos Stern and CR Barber .

This two-volume work should be supplemented by further studies; for the treatises on Arabic philology “originally had the purpose of serving as a continuation of my“ Mohammedan studies ”. But the predominantly literary-historical character of the content, as well as the type of elaboration that differs from that work, have prompted me to start a new series with them. " Part I of the first volume (pp. 1–105) contains a study, which is still unsurpassed today, of abusive poems (hiǧāʾ) in early Islamic literary history and their socio-historical significance, supplemented by digressions and addenda (pp. 106–121). The foundations of this work were laid in the inaugural lecture for a full member of the Hungarian Academy (October 24, 1892): A pogány arabok költészetének hagyománya (The tradition of poetry of the pagan Arabs). In this work Goldziher describes the stages of development of the forms of ancient Arabic poetry, which are still largely valid in research today. In the second part of this volume the old and new poetry is treated in the judgment of the Arab critics (pp. 122-174). In the III. Part of the first volume examines the expression Sakīna and the work La notion de la Sakīna chez les Mohamétans , published in Revue de l'Histoire des religions 28 (1893, pp. 1–13), completely revised and expanded (p. 177 -204). The second volume is dedicated to the critical edition of the Kitāb al-muʿammarīn wal-waṣāyā by Abū Ḥātim as-Siǧistānī († 869), a collection of old age poems from the pen of very old people, "who describe the complaints of old age in such poems, show the image of their physical and mental helplessness and throw a longing look back on their vanished manhood and the heroic deeds that they were once able to perform with the men of their tribe. ”(Introduction, p. IX.). The edition is provided with a detailed introduction to the subject that is unsurpassed to this day. It has 92 pages; the critical apparatus of the edition has 70 pages.

During Goldziher's creative period, the six-volume work, al-Musnad , by Ahmad ibn Hanbal was first published in 1895 in the then famous Bulaq printer. He presents this several thousand pages of hadith collection, its content structure, tradition and cultural-historical significance in his study New Materials on the Literature of the Tradition of the Muslims . In the second volume of the "Mohammedan Studies" (p. 228) Goldziher refers to some Manuscripts of this work in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin and the research library of Gotha and initially follows the statement of the orientalist Wilhelm Pertsch († 1899), who - like Aloys Sprenger  - understands Ibn Ḥanbals Musnad as a "traditional collection organized to support his religious teaching". After reading the Musnad more closely , however, he states: “A certain tendency has the A. b. H. not guided in the selection and reception of the Ḥadīṯe. It would be quite wrong to assume that the main purpose of this collection was to allow those Ḥadīṯe to emerge which could be useful to support his particular measure. Rather, we encounter completely contradicting sayings with regard to the same matter. "

Goldziher's edition of the poems of the wandering poet Ǧarwal ibn Aus al-Ḥutaiʾa ('the dwarf') († around 661), from the 7th century, who converted to Islam, represents another highlight in the philological presentation of poetry of the pre-Islamic period In 632 he fell away from religion in Ridda , whose poetic quality was still highly regarded in circles of the following generations of Arab philologists. This comprehensive work was first published in the magazine of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, then as a separate print in Leipzig in 1893: Der Dīwān des Ǧarwal b. Ḥuṭejʿa .

The publication of his relatively brief, but content-wise and very informative article “ The Religion of Islam ” in the series by P. Hinneberg (ed.): “The culture of the present” was the basis of his lectures on Islam, which took place in 1908 was originally conceived as a lecture series at the invitation of the American Committee for Lectures on History. The “lectures” are divided into six separate chapters: Mohammed and Islam; The Development of Islamic Law; Development of Islamic Dogma. One chapter is devoted to the basics of Islamic asceticism , the Sufi movements and the Mahdi movements. On more than 60 pages, Goldziher describes the emergence of the Islamic sects. It concludes with a treatise on late developments up to modern times. In 1907 the work was finished:

"On June 22nd, I was able to finish my American Lectures to the last point: six content-rich chapters in which I dealt exhaustively with the history of the development of Islam."

- Diary , p. 257

Goldziher did not take the trip for health reasons; After an English translation of the book, which he found unacceptable, he insisted in 1909 on publishing the "Lectures" in the original language and with subsequent corrections at the Winter publishing house in Heidelberg. The new knowledge that Goldziher gained from reading the class register of Muhammad ibn Saʿd , which was published from 1905 , should be taken into account in the "lectures". A second English translation by Kate Chambers Seelye was published by Yale University Press in 1917 under the title Mohammed and Islam , but the editor withdrew it at Goldziher's request.

The work is considered to be the outline of the history of Islamic dogma and analysis of legal developments under the influence of the Koran. After considerable corrections and critical comments by Franz Babinger , a second edition was published in 1925, which cannot be compared with the original from 1910. The orientalist Carl Heinrich Becker pays tribute to this edition with the words: "that here the founder of a new discipline systematically summarized the work of a long life". The English translation, which is recognized today in the professional world, is based on the original edition with Goldziher's comments and additions from 1910 and was published under the title Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law .

In 1908, after the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina , the k. u. k. Ministry of Finance asked Goldziher to write a textbook on the history of Arabic literature for the two upper classes of grammar schools in Bosnia. Since Goldziher was of the opinion that both provinces originally belonged to Hungary for centuries , he did not write the book - as usual - in German, but in Hungarian: "Az arab irodalom rövid története" (Brief History of Arabic Literature).

“I keep the motion that I received on behalf of Minister v. Burian (my childhood friend) was asked to be very honorable and I accepted him. "

- Diary, p. 258

The book was then published in Sarajevo in 1909 under the title “Kratka povijest arabske književnosti” . The original Hungarian manuscript is in the archives of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. The English translation of the book was then done by Joseph DeSomogyi, one of Goldziher's last students, who in 1945 sent the manuscript to A. S Yahuda, then at Yale University , for publication in America. It was not until 1955 that DeSomogyi received the message from the Islamic Cultural Board in Hyderabad that the translation, through Yahuda's mediation, would now be published in the journal Islamic Culture , born in 1957.

J. DeSomogyi writes in the introduction to the book edition of the English translation: “The first English edition of the work was a fine example of international, intellectual cooperation: the book by a Jewish author, translated and expanded by a Christian, is by a Muslim as a Editor has been published. "

The archaeologist Aurel Stein was of the opinion that the book should also be used as teaching material in Muslim high schools in India . This book, which has only 172 pages in the English translation, is still a good introduction to the study of Arabic literature, which covers not only Arabic literature , i.e. Adab , poetry and prose, but all areas of Islamic learning from the Koran to the natural sciences , their most important representatives and their works. The literature of the Islamic West is presented in a dedicated section (pp. 139–158).

Goldziher's last work is devoted to the history of Koran exegesis : “The directions of the Islamic interpretation of the Koran” contain his lectures given in September 1913 at Uppsala University in their extended revision. The presentation of the theological development of the Koran interpretation from the beginnings to the time of Islamic modernism in the early 20th century is still considered to be “masterful.” In addition to the traditional and dogmatic interpretation of the Koran, the interpretations of the Koran text are based on both Islamic mysticism and sectarianism Explanation of the Koran examined in detail. Goldziher emphasized the immense importance of the extensive commentary by at-Tabarī , which was first published in a complete edition in 1911, and has consistently used it in the historical presentation of this scientific discipline.

Some of the above-mentioned, still pioneering works by Goldziher were initially published in Hungarian in the form of thematically related preparatory work. The studies on nationality issues among the Arabs (1873 ) were evaluated and expanded in the Mohammedan Studies (1889–1890) and Lectures on Islam (1910). Works on the poets and poetry in the pre-Islamic period (1892) received their perfection in the Treatises on Arabic Philology (1896–1899). In his last work, Goldziher elaborated and substantially supplemented his lecture at the Körösi-Csoma Society on currents in Koran exegesis (1912) in the directions of the Islamic interpretation of the Koran .

His commemorative address on November 27, 1893 at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on the occasion of the death of the aforementioned French orientalist Ernest Renan has attracted the attention of experts to the present day: Renan mint orientalista (Renan as orientalist). In this roughly one hundred-page study, Goldziher presents his deceased colleague in the context of the scientific history of European Oriental Studies, but only marginally and cautiously addresses the difference between the Aryan and Semitic races, which was shaped by Renan and which was of central importance in Renan's thinking . He began writing the study in May 1893:

“I started to write my essay on 'Renan as an Orientalist'. The subject has a powerful appeal to me. In two days I drafted two chapters: a) Renan as a professor, b) R. as a Bible critic. Much remains under my pen. The man has the healthiest views about Israel today. He is the most dangerous anti-Semite because he is right. Only he who is in the right is dangerous. You can't get over it. The puffy phrase is for the moment and for the mob. Honest people don't use phrases and you never refute truths with phrases. "

- Diary, p. 159

On November 28, 1893, after lecture part of this work at the Academy, Goldziher wrote:

“As the newspapers say, I received enthusiastic applause. The study is, in fact, one of my best works in a general field and was cherished with great love and inner interest while it was being carried out. "

- Diary, pp. 165–166

Goldziher's position towards Renan and his understanding of Islamic culture and religion, which is already echoed in his work The Myth of the Hebrews ...  - partly under the influence of Geiger - is clearly expressed in this study, which was originally intended as a commemorative speech.

To the language question

Goldziher wrote his works, which are still indispensable for Islamic studies today, mainly in German. His contributions were always welcome in the European journals of oriental studies. A few weeks before his death, Hellmut Ritter , then co-editor of the magazine “Der Islam”, encouraged him with the following words:

“Do I have room for a few pages for you in 'Islam'? May I explain to you once and for all that in 'Islam' I have any amount of space for you at any time, even if other Mss are deferred? You never need to ask; Just send me your Mss, they will always be sent to the printer immediately and appear as soon as it is technically feasible. With best regards, your very devoted H. Ritter "

- Letter to Ignaz Goldziher on September 27, 1921
Historiography in Arabic literature. Lecture held at the Ung. Ak. the scientist on November 4, 1895. Handwritten dedication: “To my dear friend, Dr. Stone Aurél in memory. 27. 4. Goldziher "

Many of his essays have only appeared in Hungarian and have only been partially translated into German, which his contemporaries deeply regretted during his lifetime. In December 1885 the most important Islamic scholar and Semitist Theodor Nöldeke addressed the following lines to his young colleague:

“I very much wish you went to Prague on any acceptable terms. That you can then no longer work in Magyar is all the better. You are not made to be a folk teacher, and why else write in a language that no one except Hungary understands and will understand, don't I see? "

Shortly after Goldziher's death, the British orientalist Anthony Ashley Bevan made a similar statement in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 122, p. 144:

"Most of Goldziher's writing were published in German, but unfortunately some of them remain shrouded in the impenentrable obscurity of the Hungarian language. It is most earnestly to be wished that all his contributions to learning should, as soon as possible, be rendered generally accessible to Orientalists, for even his briefest articles have a permanent value. "

In a review of the Bibliography des œuvres de Ignace Goldziher by Bernard Heller, Hans Heinrich Schaeder writes in the Orientalist literary newspaper:

“While reading through the bibliography of an Imām al-ʿaṣr, such as Goldziher, one usually finds well-known titles and only notes here and there a previously overlooked article, one takes from this book the depressing fact that a very large and A significant part of Goldziher's life's work in international research had to remain completely unknown to the present day because it only came to light in the Hungarian language. (...) In addition, it is to be hoped that his works on Arabic Islam, insofar as they have only appeared in Hungarian, will be translated as completely as possible into a more generally understandable language. "

Goldziher directed scientifically sound studies to a broad readership, which appeared in non-Islamic scientific journals and are only accessible in Hungarian - "Magyar" (Nöldeke): Az iszlám az omajjádok bukásáig (Islam up to the fall of the Umayyads) or Az arabok (The Arabs) discuss the history of early Islam on the one hand, but on the other hand they also offer a precise overview of both the Koran and the Islamic scholarship of the first Muslim centuries after the death of the Prophet Mohammed. In his Az egyiptomi iszlám (Islam in Egypt) he describes the customs and habits of Egyptian Muslims, some of which are rooted in the ancient Egyptian tradition, and depicts their veneration of local saints, which Sunni Islam does not accept, and thus goes far beyond depictions of everyday life in Egypt at the end of the 19th century at Edward William Lane .

The description of the oriental manuscripts in the library of the Hungarian National Museum - today: the Széchényi National Library  - which Goldziher was commissioned to write after his trip to the Orient, was also published in Hungarian in 1880. The holdings examined by Goldziher contain 23 Arabic, 6 Persian, 10 Turkish and 17 collective manuscripts. The sometimes very detailed investigations of some Unica are still extremely informative today: A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeumi Könyvtár keleti kéziratai. (The Oriental Manuscripts of the Library of the Hungarian National Museum).

The account of the then little-known Egyptian press under the title A muhammedán közvéleményről (On Public Opinion of Muslims) was published in Budapesti Szemle 30 (1882), pp. 234-265 and translated into English in 1993.

Ten years after his journey to the Orient, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences published a 72-page report by Goldziher on the history of archaeological work in Palestine in the 19th century in Hungarian: Palesztina ismeretének haladása az utolsó három évtizedben (The development of knowledge about Palestine over the past three decades ). As a corresponding member of the Academy, he presented his lecture on November 3, 1885, which appeared in the Academy's publications in 1886. This work on a field that was in itself foreign to him was not written in the "scholarly language" of oriental studies at the time, but in Hungarian in order to inform a broad audience about the research work in Palestine at that time. It informs the reader about the beginnings of the scientific exploration of Palestine on the basis of the work of Adrianus Reland (1676-1718), through the presentation of the activities of the Palestine Exploration Fund and the Jerusalem Literary Society founded in 1849 by the British consul James Finn († 1872) . The archaeological research results of Charles Clermont-Ganneau, the discoverer of Gezer (1871), especially his publication Les fraudes archéologiques en Palestine (Paris 1885), had a major influence on this extensive article by Goldziher.

Also in the journal Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review), the article Mekkai utazások (Journeys to Mecca ) appeared in 1887 , in which Goldziher first reported on European travelers from the 16th century, followed by the journey (1884–1885) and the report written about it of his colleague and friend, the Dutch orientalist Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje.

Prompted by the publication of the autobiography of Slatin Pascha († 1932), which was also published in Hungarian translation at the same time, Goldziher published an article about Islam in 19th century Sudan, also intended for the general public: A Mahdi országából (From the land of the Mahdi ) and depicts - always with references to reports from Slatin Pasha - the Mahdi uprising (1881–1899) but also other contemporary movements such as the Sanussiya .

His contributions to the Brockhaus Encyclopedia were also intended for the general public . There is an entry for this in the diary in 1890:

“Still busy with the printing of this second volume , I received the most honorable request from the editors of Brockhaus'schen Conversationslexikon to take over all Mohammedan and Arabic articles for the 14th edition of this company. Within a year I also fulfilled this task and worked out 400 articles as a literary hors d'oeuvre. "

- Diary , p. 123

Goldziher's friendship with the Scottish theologian and Arabist William Robertson Smith in Cambridge at the 6th International Orientalist Congress in Leiden in 1883 and after his death in 1894 was an obligation for him to add to his friend's unfinished work and to have it published as an extended edition . He writes about this in his diary:

“The Black Company in London is pushing me more and more to get the Robertson Smith 'Kinship edition. I will probably understand, as I must seize every opportunity to keep myself connected with decent matters. Then I am pleased to pay tribute of piety to the name of Saint Robertson Smith. "

- Ignaz Goldziher : Diary , p. 217 (June 15, 1897)

The expanded edition of Robertson Smith's Kinship and marriage in early Arabia , annotated with Goldziher's notes, appeared in 1903.

His library and correspondence

Goldziher's private library, comprising around 6,000 volumes, was bought by the Jerusalem University Library three years after his death thanks to the intensive efforts of Chaim Weizmann , then President of the World Zionist Organization , while his extensive correspondence came into the possession of the library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Budapest got. Goldziher attached great importance to maintaining his correspondence and contacts in the scientific life of his time, as his student József Somogyi (Joseph Desomogyi) reports:

"Two things I enjoin on you if you want to prosper in life. Answer every letter and card you receive, even if your answer will be negative; and take part in Orientalists' congresses with lectures. This is as important as literary work. "

- Joseph Desomogyi (1961), p. 9; Róbert Simon (1986), p. 159
Goldziher's personal seal in Arabic script

With a few exceptions, only the letters addressed to Goldziher have survived. The roughly 13,700 letters he received from both scientists and private individuals of his time are cataloged in the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Goldziher registered the receipt of these letters and postcards with his private seal with the Arabic inscription:فصبر جميل والله المستعان / fa-ṣabrun ǧamīlun wa-Llāhu ʾl-mustaʿān  / 'Perseverance is good: and God is the one to whom one must look for help' ( Sura 12 , verse 18), which is also on the first page of his along with a biblical quote Noted in the diary . See photo.

His correspondence with almost all important representatives of the Islamic studies in Europe is an invaluable document both for research into his life and work and for the presentation of the history of oriental studies at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Well-known personalities from the Orient, whose letters are preserved in Goldziher's collection, were in contact with him, among them the representative of Arab nationalism Ǧurǧī Zaydān (born December 14, 1861 in Beirut; † July 21, 1914 in Cairo), the founder and Publisher of the magazine al-Hilāl (A Fortnightly Illustrated Arabic Periodical), also known in the West . After the publication of his work on the history of Islamic civilization in five volumes (1901–1906: Taʾrīḫ at-tamaddun al-islāmīy), of which the British orientalist David Samuel Margoliouth translated Volume IV into English, Zaydān attached great importance to Goldziher's opinion to learn about this work. In other letters he asked Goldziher to express his opinion on his other publications: on the history of the Arabs before Islam (1907–1908: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿarab qabla ʾl-islām), and on the history of literature in the Arabic language ( 1910–1913: Taʾrīḫ ādāb al-luġa al-ʿarabiyya) - each with the confirmation of Goldziher's answers, which are probably no longer preserved.

Goldziher's correspondence documents the maintenance of his contacts with personalities, including those from his student days; for the former State Secretary Ṣāliḥ Bey al-Maǧdī, an important representative of the Arab national movement, in whose circle he spoke out against European influence on the Orient.

“Seyyid Ṣāliḥ Bey al-Magdī formerly Secretary of State in the Ministry of Education belonged to that current of the Egyptian mohammed. Intelligentsia that did not recognize intellectual and state life as in need of reform, but strived to reform conditions on a national-Arab and Muslim basis and frowned upon the Europeanization of thick and thin. "

- Diary , p. 67

Goldziher then summarized his political position on the Arab independence movement under Ahmed Urabi Pascha in a Hungarian article A mohammedán közvéleményről (On Muslim public opinion), which is now also available in an English translation.

His contacts with Ḥasanen (Ḥasanayn) Efendi, an official of the Khedive library important to him , were also permanent. Goldziher also met him outside of academic education:

“Hasanein Efendi, who has had bad repute since then, became my totum factum; I also engaged him for vulgar conversation lessons, through him I collected those 'Kairin street and youth songs' which I published in the ZDMG. "

- Diary, p. 66
Envelope, addressed to Goldziher von Hasaneyn Efendi, above in Arabic script, with Goldziher's lettering “Hasanejn Efendi” and a personal seal

In six letters, some of them long, he informs Goldziher about the holdings of the library's manuscript collection and writes out passages that are likely to be of importance to his “teacher”. Goldziher published his information on new publications by the then renowned Būlāq printing company in the original in the magazine of the German Oriental Society . In his short communication he particularly emphasizes the new print of the Lisān al-ʿarab by Ibn Manzūr and notes: “What good news for the Arabists! This is the work that served as a main source for Lane . ”The comment by an-Nawawī on the hadith collection by Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj mentioned in the letter was also considered a novelty at the time .

Ḥasanein also addressed some envelopes in Arabic and dubbed Goldziher as the “Hungarian Azharites of Budapest” (see photo). Goldziher made this title his own and, as contemporaries report, used to have his books signed with this designation in the personal dedications to oriental friends.

In connection with this work, the then director of the Vice-Royal Library of Cairo , Wilhelm Spitta (1853-1883), Goldziher was helpful - as can also be seen from the first footnote of the above article in the ZDMG. Your scientific exchange of ideas is recorded in a number of letters to Goldziher: “I copied the nursery rhyme for you on the sheet around, since you overlooked various characteristic details when you quickly recorded it; The passages that you have complained about are mostly based on incorrect reading. "- After the explanation of the colloquial terms of the Cairin dialect , two personal remarks by the library director about mutual acquaintances follow:" Suleimān-efendy is still on duty, has even been raised: he is stupid , but mechanically he knows the books and their locations, and I need such living machines. ”And as an addendum:“ Ḥasanen has still not learned French; I advise him to learn English now; You understand why. "

In the correspondence, in addition to the aspects of personal everyday life, the scientific exchange of ideas is expressed several times, the importance of which in research should not be underestimated. After the publication of the first volume of the Muhammedanische Studien , Ludolf Krehl († 1901 in Leipzig) wrote the following remarks to his friend Goldziher:

“I was extremely pleased with the first part of your Mohammedan Studies, which I read with the greatest and most lively interest. However, I do not agree with your understanding of the name and term Ǧāhilīya. In my opinion, the opposite of ǧhl is notحلم rather علم, ie the knowledge of God, the one God. The nameجاهليةis first Muslim (which Sujūṭī itself alludes in Muzhir) and the Muslim represents d. ʿIlm over the ḥilm. I actually intended to mention it in the reports of our K. Gesellschaft d. Writing sciences. Maybe I'll still do it. "

- L. Krehl on March 5, 1889 : letters

The diaries

Goldziher left two autobiographical records as historically valuable documents: the so-called Oriental Diary with the Hungarian title: Keleti naplóm (My Oriental Diary) from the years 1873 and 1874 and the Diary (Napló), which he began to write on his fortieth birthday . Both books are characterized by loose and not daily entered records. Right at the beginning of the diary, Goldziher mentions certain "older records" that serve him as a source, and in the Oriental Diary he refers to an "Arabic notebook" that has apparently been lost. Because it contains precise information, for example about his admission to study at al-Azhar, which is missing in the Oriental Diary at the corresponding point. The wording of the letter of approval from January 1874 - as a quote - is documented in the diary that was created later . Further details, which Goldziher later processed in other places, can also be traced back to this notebook.

The oriental diary

In his younger years, from September 15, 1873 to April 14, 1874, Goldziher traveled to the Orient to Istanbul, Beirut, Damascus, Jerusalem and Cairo, about which he kept a diary that after the death of his son Károly (1955) - how also the diary started in 1890 (see below) - passed into the possession of the Hungarian rabbi and Jewish scholar Sándor Scheiber (1913–1985). Scheiber gave the diary, which was written in German, to his friend, the anthropologist and orientalist Raphael (Ervin György) Patai (1910–1996), who published it in English in 1987 under the title Oriental Diary . The original, which Goldziher called "Keleti Naplóm" ('My Oriental Diary'), is now in the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York City . The entries end on January 14, 1874, although Goldziher stayed in Cairo until mid-April of the same year. The records of the last three months were apparently lost in the chaos of war in Budapest in 1944, because Goldziher reports on this time in the summary of his early years in his diary 1873/4:

“It is my oriental, my Mohammedan year. The wickedness of those who had to dispose of my future did not succeed in tearing it from my memory, nor did the Pest Jews manage to bring me down to that level of spiritual misery that this year I will be full of honor, full of shine, full of light could forget. I have put down details in my special diary, which can serve to supplement this sketch. "

- Diary, p. 55

Only after more than twenty years did Goldziher have another opportunity to visit Cairo; he stayed there in February 1896 as leader and interpreter of a delegation of high school teachers. He describes his visit to al-Azhar in the following words:

“As a younger man I was subjectively involved in all the scientific beings that went on in the Azhar. But it will do me infinitely good for the rest of my life that I was once again able to sit in the sacred rooms and reproduce a beautiful part of my youthful life in my soul. "

- Diary, p. 198

During this stay he collected materials for an article on Islam in Egypt, which appeared in an anthology, together with the contributions of other delegation members, in Hungarian: "Az egyiptomi iszlám" ('The Egyptian Islam').

The oriental diary, which has been available since 1987, has only seventy pages in the English translation (pp. 83–153). R. Patai calls the first part: Introduction. "The Great Goldziher," A Psychological Portrait. (Pp. 13-79). This introduction not only met with criticism but also with sharp rejection in the professional world. The psychological portrait and “many of his comments are to be viewed with extreme caution.” Raphael Patai is probably the only one who “in the chorus of Goldziher's admirers has unflattering things to say in his psychological portrait…” Both the translation of the original text and the Annotations in this so far only edition "obscure the meaning and significance of the events and topics presented"; The comparison of the Oriental Diary presented by R. Patai with the original has revealed serious deficiencies, misinterpretations and misunderstandings in a total of fifty-two places of the facts described by Goldziher, often in Arabic language and script.

The orientalist Hamid Dabashi ( Columbia University ) subjected the introduction to Patais, which he regards as an “unprecedented act of systematic defamation of a famous scholar whose political views (Patai) are blatantly and rigorously opposed” and as the “unscrupulous falsification of his (Goldziher) Character and his dignity ”condemned a sharp criticism. At the same time, Dabashi regrets that the diary , which forms the basis for Patai's remarks “of an almost slanderous nature” about Goldziher's life and character, is not available in English translation. It is also "a rather dubious scholarly practice" to withhold the original of the Oriental Diary and only provide an English translation of it.

Already on the crossing from Varna to Istanbul Goldziher made the acquaintance of Turkish Muslims from Rumelia , with whom he had lively conversations about Islam, where he had to experience not only recognition but also the rejection of one of the “self-appointed scholars”: “I will never with you because talking to the unbeliever about religious matters is inadmissible and talking to him about non-religious matters is useless. ”Goldziher then experienced the opposite of this attitude in Damascus, which he learned after a short and disappointing stay in Beirut on October 14th 1873, where he soon got to know the already prominent representative of the Nahda movement, Tāhir al-Jazā'irī (1851–1920) , who was of the same age . Already on the crossing on the Juno to Beirut Goldziher made the acquaintance of Muṣṭafā Sibāʿī, the wealthy and bibliophile merchant from Damascus, whose book collection he, in addition to his regular visits to the madrasa aẓ-Ẓāhirīya, when it was founded as a public library al-Ǧazāʾirī at that time participated, could use.

“I started my exits in the morning with a visit from a learned free spirit, Mustapha Beg Sbāʿī, who was a very influential person in Syria ... His extensive library, books and manuscripts were at my disposal and in some publications I was able to refer to copies, which I owe to his library. "

- Diary, p. 58

The contacts to Damascus continued into the 20th century: because the well-known scholar Muhammad Kurd Ali (1876-1953), editor of the magazine al-Muqtabas in Damascus, arranged in his letters, in addition to reminders, to pay outstanding subscriptions, always the best regards from Ṭāhir al-Ǧazāʾirī to Goldziher. Kurd ʿAlī summarized his positive and emotional memories of Goldziher in his scholarly biography "Al-Muʿāṣirūn" (The Contemporaries).

In the private library of as-Sibāʿī Goldziher had access to Arabic manuscripts which no European had seen before him; Shortly after his return to Budapest, he processed the results of these manuscript studies in his essay Contributions to the literary history of the Sīʿa and Sunni polemics . In a letter from Damascus dated November 18, 1873, he reported in detail to his teacher, Professor Fleischer in Leipzig, about his new finds in the above-mentioned private library with precise quotations from the original manuscripts.

On November 24th, 1873 Goldziher left Damascus to spend a few days traveling via Beirut and Jaffa in Jerusalem , in the "city of swindle and deception of the people ..." and its surroundings. He describes his visit to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in a small section of his oriental diary from December 1st in Arabic:

"O Church of the Resurrection, what is it that has rendered you so remote from being a place frequented by the adherents of monotheism, and brought you so close to being a place frequented by the worshipers of idols? Your people kiss stones and prostrate themselves before them and before the places which they allege mark where human feet passed. May you be kept from them and from their actions, for God has nothing to do with what they, in their ignorance, do. "

- The Oriental Diary, p. 131 - translated by LI Conrad

On December 10th, Goldziher  arrived in the Egyptian capital via Jaffa, Port Said and Ismailia . Looking back, summarizing these months in his diary , the then 23-year-old researcher wrote enthusiastically about his direct experience of Islam:

“My way of thinking was turned towards Islam through and through; his sympathy also drew me subjectively. I called my monotheism Islam, and I was not lying when I said I believed in the prophecies of Muhammad. My copy of the Koran can bear testimony to how I turned to Islam internally. My teachers earnestly awaited the moment of my open declaration. "

- Diary, p. 71

In his surroundings, however, he was advised to refrain from further mosque visits after his successful "daring", as he calls his participation in the prayer and sermon on Ashura Day. “The compulsion to avoid the mosque robbed all of the charm of the stay. I had nothing else to look for than Mohammedan science. "

Goldziher sums up his views on Islam in the retrospective of his trip to the Orient at the beginning of his diary as follows:

“During these weeks I became so absorbed in the Muslim spirit that at last I was convinced internally that I was a Muslim myself and wisely found out that this was the only religion which itself was philosophical in its doctrinal-official design and formulation Could satisfy minds. It was my ideal to raise Judaism to a similarly rational level. Islam, as my experience taught me, is the only religion in which superstition and pagan rudiments are frowned upon not by rationalism, but by orthodox teaching. "

- Diary , p. 59

In a commentary on this passage, Sander Gilman writes : The Islam that he discovered became the model for a new spirit of Judaism at the end of the 19th century.

Contrary to Patai's controversial Psychological Portrait , Goldziher was critical of Islam and the religious customs of everyday Islamic life in which he lived during his trip to the Orient. In Damascus he describes the Tarāwīh prayers in the fasting month of Ramadan as "swindle". In his anger, he criticizes Muslims as “mob”, “disgusting” and the like. Islam also is Egypt's revival, his résumé , can not achieve.

With a letter of recommendation from the Egyptian minister of culture Riyāḍ Pāschā, whom he was allowed to meet on January 4, 1874, to Muḥammad al-ʿAbbāsī (1827-1897), the rector of al-Azhar, Goldziher's access to teaching Islamic scientific disciplines at the university was secured. His entries in the oriental diary become rarer in the last months of his stay in Cairo; the last note is dated January 14, 1874, although he did not return to Budapest until about three months later. At the meeting of the academy on April 20, 1874, he read his report on the books he had bought on behalf of the Academy in Cairo, as well as on the publishing situation in the Orient.

He reported on his studies in Cairo in a private letter on February 7, 1874 to the editors of Berliner's Magazine for Jewish History and Literature ; Excerpts from this were published in the first volume (1874):

“--- Here I became a student again, only now I am not sitting at the feet of any European professor, but with those of the sheikhs of the Azhar mosque, this most famous academy of Islam. I had the permission to do so (a European one seldom got so far) from Riaz Basche, from the great Sheikh ul Islam and chief mufti of Egypt, whose salon I frequented ... Otherwise I still work in the library of the Vice-Royal, which is rich in valuable ones Manuscripts and fill the rest of the day with a thorough understanding of the Egyptian dialect of Arabic ... "

- Collected writings . Volume 1, p. 347: From a letter from Dr. I. Goldziher of Cairo, February 7th

The diary

On his fortieth birthday, on June 22, 1890, Goldziher began to write his diary ; the entries are mainly in German, some also in Hebrew, Arabic or Hungarian. His notes, written on loose sheets of paper, remained in the family until the death of his son Károly (November 1955). The latter bequeathed the diary in his will to the well-known Budapest rabbi and director of the Budapest rabbinical seminary Sándor Scheiber, who published it in cooperation with the Brill publishing house, Leiden, 1978.

The editor of the diaries, Sándor Scheiber, also emphasizes the importance of Goldziher's notes in his foreword: “Goldziher's biography has not yet been written. The most important source for this is the diary. ”Goldziher's correspondence with contemporary scientists is another source for the presentation of the life of the scholar, although it has only been partially evaluated to this day.

The diary was originally intended only for his wife, children and for “the very closest members of my close circle of friends. This sketch must remain inaccessible to all others as long as I live. ”It contains hardly any scientific remarks, but rather presents Goldziher's scientific career as an orientalist, as well as his personal experiences with the Israelite community of Pest . His disappointments and disadvantages are documented in his diary . It also contains numerous references to his extensive correspondence with professional colleagues and friends. The British orientalist William Montgomery Watt describes it as an important historical document in his review in the Times Literary Supplement (1978).

Goldziher's position on Zionism in Hungary was always tense in the context of the ideological conflict between Jewish and Hungarian nationalism. In the Zionist magazine A Múlt és Jövő (The Past and Future), founded by József Patai (1882–1953), he published an article Tradició és dogma (Tradition and Dogma), although he reviled the publication as an "illustrated and denominational journal" . Its demarcation from scientific greats of the Jewish studies of his time such. B. Wilhelm Bacher, Immanuel Löw and David Kaufmann emerge from several entries in the diary .

In his diary, he explains why Goldziher refrained from leaving Budapest and teaching Islamic studies, with which he felt closely connected, abroad:

“I had to stay here in this hideous place to protect the children of my deceased siblings, these poor orphans, and to do my duty to them. How unhappy, a thousand times more unhappy than I am anyway, would I have been if I had sat on famous catheters in distant lands with the agonizing awareness that I had left the poor abandoned orphans defenseless to rough hands? And what excuse could I have made before God and the souls of my departed parents? The satisfaction of vain ambition, the achievement of the opportunity to devote myself to science unhindered? Blind, unscrupulous science to which one can only devote oneself if one violates and pushes away the most sacred duties towards the living and the dead! "
“I thank you, great, incomprehensible God! that you led my life as it should be led alone. I will never rebel against your advice. Your judgment is wise, gracious and just. (March 22, 1892). "

One day later, on March 23, 1892, the following entry is continued:

“Where are the Jews whom their eulogies say are merciful children of merciful? I have suffered the cruel, the dehumanized. The scholars with their bottomless vanity, the rich with their criminal heartlessness, the poor with their cheeky immodesty, all like priests like the people. And I shudder at the thought of maybe being like one of their own. "

Sándor Scheiber published a selection of the diary in a Hungarian translation in 1984 (translated by Lívia Bernáth, his wife), in which Goldziher's extremely sharp criticism of the Hungarian Judaism of his time was not mentioned.

Entry on December 14, 1891:

“Nobody is surprised when people, for whom nothing is further than pomposity and paranoia, are sometimes driven by circumstances to immodesty and inward rebellion against their circumstances. Haman visited me at noon today. I had to show him minutes that I had drafted and written down myself. The most mean grimaces and the most outrageous reprimands about my bad handwriting and about the fact that the paper I was using was quart size. "We want to have an office now, not such old negligence". Woe to him who falls into the hands of Jewish moneyers! I warn you, my children, against such people. They are not only the misfortune of their fellow believers, but also the misfortune of humanity in general, the bacilli of society. Gilded bugs, dung beetles. These people tortured your father, more than killed them. "

He wrote about the audience of his lecture (entry on March 10, 1892):

“The Jewish women do not attend the Jew's lecture; they could get the reputation of being Jew. Only the baptismal water could lead them to forgive the lecturer's Jewish ancestry. But I allow myself my ugh! to shout about these lofty, rich daughters of Zion and their lordly husbands, casts of human society and eyesores of the lofty faith, whose naming they lead to their annoyance. "

On the occasion of his appointment as a full member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, he wrote (registered on May 7, 1892):

“The Christians forgive me for being a Jew, the Jews do not forgive me for being… a decent person. - They cannot forgive me for this and that is why they oppress and humiliate me for 17 years now. But the God of my fathers is my helper, so I am not shamed. And the more they weigh me down, the more I seem to thrive inside. The recognition is not lacking. I am sure it will also become whole and full for me and against my oppressors God will water my head with oil and my cup with satisfaction. And I will stay in the house of the Lord for the length of the days. "

How Goldziher saw himself and wanted to show himself in public emerges from an episode he entered in his diary on May 28, 1918:

"On the 30.d. M. I should accompany the 'happy corpse procession' in gala clothes. I would surely have died from that. Participate in the celebration of God incarnate as a monotheistic purist, as a staunch, serious Jew? I averted this misfortune from myself. My vice dean will represent my position in this function: he is a staunch Catholic and can humbly surround the 'corpse' of his god-man 'glad' in a great Hungarian gala costume with a clear conscience. "

Goldziher was deeply affected by the sudden death of his daughter-in-law Maria Freudenberg (1890–1918), a trained Egyptologist. After the complaint about her early death on December 4, 1918 from the Spanish flu , which was written in Hungarian, only a few entries follow in 1919. The manuscript of his work The directions of the Islamic interpretation of the Koran is, according to the entry on September 1, 1919, attached in April 1919 Brill arrived in Leiden ; the corrections were read by the orientalists Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje and Arent Jan Wensinck . Goldziher dedicated the book to his deceased daughter-in-law: “The dear memory of my daughter-in-law Marie Goldziher, née. Freudenberg (dated December 4, 1918) wistfully consecrated. "


German-language publications (selection)

  • Sichat-Jiczchak (שיחת יצחק). Treatise on the Origin, Division and Time of Prayer. By Ignaz Goldziher, high school student in Stuhlweissenburg. Pest, Johann Herz 1862.
  • Contributions to the history of language learning among the Arabs. Meeting reports of the phil.hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume LXVII. Pp. 207-251; Volume LXXII. Pp. 587-631; Volume LXXIII. Pp. 511–552, Vienna 1871–1873.
  • On the characteristics of Gelāl Ud-Dīn Us-Sujūtī and his literary activity. Meeting reports of the phil.hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume LXIX, pp. 7-28. Vienna 1871; Volume LXXII. Pp. 587-631. Vienna 1872. III. Volume LXXIII. Pp. 511–552, Vienna 1873.
  • Contributions to the literary history of Shi'a and Sunni polemics. Meeting reports of the phil.hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume LXXVIII. Pp. 439-524. Vienna 1874.
  • The Hebrew Myth and Its Historical Development. Research on mythology and religious studies. Brockhaus, Leipzig 1876.
  • On Muslim polemics against Ahl al-kitāb. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 32 (1878), p. 341ff.
  • Youth and street poetry in Cairo. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 33 (1879), p. 608ff. Digitized
  • Le culte des saints chez les Musulmans. In: Revue de l'Histoire des Religions (RHR), Volume II (1880), pp. 257–351.
  • About Jewish customs and traditions from Muslim writings. In: Monthly for the history and science of Judaism (MGWJ) 29 (1880), pp. 302-315; 335-365.
  • Le culte des ancêtres et le culte des morts chez les Arabes. In: Revue de l'Histoire des Religions (RHR), 10 (1884), pp. 332–359 (= Collected Writings, Vol. 6, pp. 62–184; the study, which was originally written in German, has been translated by the journal's editors and approved by the author).
  • The âhirites. Their Teaching System and History - A Contribution to the History of Muslim Theology. Leipzig 1884; Reprographic reprint, with a foreword by Joseph Desomogyi: Hildesheim, Georg Olms 1967. The Ẓāhiris. Their Doctrine and their History. A Contribution to the History of Islamic Theology. Translated and edited by Wolfgang Behn. With an Introduction by Camilla Adang. Brill, Leiden 2008, ISBN 978-90-04-16241-9 .
  • Materials for the knowledge of the Almohad movement in North Africa. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 41 (1887), pp. 30–140. Digitized
  • Arabic contributions to folk etymology. In: Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft 18, 1888, pp. 69–82.
  • Muhammadan Studies. Volume I. Halle, 1889; Volume II. Hall 1890. Muslim Studies . Edited by Samuel Miklos Stern. Translated by CR Barber and S. M. Stern. With a major new introduction by Hamid Dabashi. Transaction Publishers. New Brunswick. New Jersey. 2nd edition 2008, ISBN 978-0-202-30778-7 .
  • The Diwān of walarwal b. From al-Ḥuṭejʿa . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), Vol. 46 (1892), pp. 1–53; 173-225; 471-527; and Vol. 47 (1893), pp. 43-85; 163-201; Leipzig 1893; See also: Collected Writings. Volume 3, pp. 50-294. Digitized
  • Hyperbolic types in Arabic . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), 7 (1892), pp. 288–304 and (continued), 17 (1903), pp. 53–59 digitized
  • About a ritual formula of the Muslims . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), 48 (1894), pp. 95-100
  • The literary activity of Ṭabarī according to Ibn ʿAsākir. In: Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (WZKM), 9 (1895), 359–371
  • Legal Regulations on Kunja Names in Islam . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 51 (1897), p. 256ff digitized
  • Treatises on Arabic Philology . Volume I. Leiden 1896. Volume II. Leiden 1899. Reprinted by Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim / New York 1982, ISBN 3-487-07218-1 .
  • New materials on the literature of tradition among the Mohammedans. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 50 (1896), pp. 465–506
  • Mélanges judéo-arabes . In: Revue des Études Juives (REJ), Volume XLIII. (1901), pp. 1-14; Volume XLV (1902), pp. 1-12; Volume XLVII (1903), pp. 179-186; Volume XLIX (1904), pp. 219-230; Volume L (1905), pp. 182-190; Volume LII (1906), pp. 187-192; Vol. LV (1908), pp. 54-59; Volume LX (1910), pp. 32-38
  • The Šuʿūbijja among the Muhammadans in Spain. In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), 53 (1899), pp. 601–620 digitized
  • Magic elements in Islamic prayer. In: Oriental Studies Dedicated to Theodor Nöldeke on his seventieth birthday (March 2, 1906)… Giessen 1906. Vol. 1, pp. 303–329
  • Fight for the position of Ḥadīṯ in Islam. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 61 (1907), p. 860ff.
  • Book of the essence of the soul . From an unnamed. Treatises of the Royal Society of Sciences in Göttingen. Philological-historical class. New episode. Volume IX, Nro. 1. Berlin 1907 digitized
  • On the history of the ḥanbali movements. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), Vol. 62 (1908), pp. 1–28
  • Neoplatonic and Gnostic elements in hadit . In: Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 22 (1908), pp. 317-344 digitized
  • Lectures on Islam , 1910 ( Religious Studies Library 1); 2nd, revised edition by Franz Babinger , 1925 (also in Hungarian, French, English and Hebrew)
  • Death and remembrance of the Caliph Yazid I . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 66 (1912), p. 139ff.
  • The Islamic and Jewish Philosophy of the Middle Ages . Leipzig and Berlin 1909, second increased and improved edition 1913
  • Muslim law and its position in the present . Budapest 1916
  • From the theology of Fachr ad-Dīn al-Rāzī . In: Der Islam 3 (1912), pp. 213–247
  • Tradition and Dogma : Lecture given in the synagogue in Stockholm on the second day of New Years, October 3, 1913. Berlin 1914
  • Polemic pamphlet of the Ġazzālī against the Bāṭinijja sect . Brill, Leiden 1916.
  • Love of God in Islamic Theology , in: Der Islam 9 (1919), pp. 144–158 see also Love of God in Islamic Theology: Document 1.pdf (761 kB) ( Memento from January 6, 2013 in the web archive archive.today )
  • On the Islamic ban on images. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 74 (1920), p. 288ff.
  • The directions of the Islamic Koran interpretation . Olaus Petri lectures given at Uppsala University. Brill, Leiden 1920.
  • Between the eyes . In: Der Islam 11 (1921), pp. 175–180
  • Joseph Desomogyi (ed.): Collected writings . 6 volumes, Olms, Hildesheim 1967–1973 (excluding the studies published in Hungarian)
  • Diary , edited by Alexander Scheiber. Leiden: EJ Brill 1978; ISBN 90-04-05449-9 ( limited preview in Google Book Search).

Hungarian publications (selection)

  • A nemzetiségi kérdés az araboknál. (The question of nationality among the Arabs). Budapest 1873. The Question of Nationality among the Arabs. (Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Papers in Linguistics and Moral Sciences. Vol. III. No. 8. See István Ormos (1995). Vol. IS 1-64
  • A spanyolországi arabok helye az iszlám fejlődése történetében összehasonlítva a keleti arabokéval (The position of the Spanish Arabs in the development of Islamic history in comparison with the Eastern Arabs). Lecture on November 13, 1876 at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences). Meeting reports, Vol. 6, No. 4. pp. 3–80. Joseph DeSomogyi (translator): The Spanish Arabs and Islam. In: The Muslim Word 53 (1963), 54 (1964). Also in: Gesammelte Schriften . Volume 1, pp. 370-423 (Hildesheim 1967)
  • A nyelvtudomány történetéről az araboknál . In: Nyelvtudományi Közlemények. 14 (1878), pp. 309-375. On the history of grammar among the Arabs : an essay in literary history. Translated and edited by Kinga Dévényi and Tamás Iványi. Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series III, Studies in the history of the language sciences. Vol. 73. Amsterdam 1994
  • Az iszlám . Tanulmányok a muhammedán vallás története köréből. Budapest 1881 (studies in the field of Muslim religion)
  • A zsidóság lényege és fejlődése . (Nature and development of Judaism). In: Magyar-Zsidó Szemle 5 (1888), pp. 1–14; 65-80; 138-155, 261-279; 389-406. Also in: Népszerü Zsidó Könyvtár. Budapest. Volume 1 (1923). Volume 2 (1924). Eds. József Bánóczi and Ignác Gábor. New edition: Ed. Kőbányai János / Zsengellér József. Múlt és Jövő Kiadó. Budapest 2000, ISBN 963-9171-50-6 . (Collection of articles)
  • A pogány arabok költészetének hagyománya . (The tradition of poetry of the pagan Arabs). - Inaugural lecture. Session reports of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Budapest 1892. Vol. 16, No. 2. pp. 3-69. See István Ormos (1995), vol. 2. pp. 529-598
  • A történetirás az arab irodalomban ( Historiography in Arabic Literature ), Budapest 1895. See István Ormos (1995), vol. 2. pp. 635–681
  • A buddhism hatása az iszlámra . Budapest 1902 ( The Influence of Buddhism upon Islam . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1904). See: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2. pp. 861-904
  • Az arab irodalom rövid története . A Short History of Classical Arabic Literature. Translated, revised, and enlarged by Joseph Desomogyi. Georg Olms. Hildesheim 1966.



  • Bernard Heller: Bibliography of the œuvres de Ignace Goldziher ; with an introduction biographique de M. Louis Massignon . (Publications de l'École Nationale des Langues Orientales Vivantes). Impr. Nationale (Paris) 1927. online
  • Additions by Alexander Scheiber in: Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume . IS 419-429. Budapest 1948. Volume II. Pp. 209-214. Jerusalem 1958; Diary , pp. 331–334: Supplements to the bibliography I. Goldzihers; Goldziher Ignác: Az iszlám kultúrája. Volume 2, pp. 1083-1095. Budapest 1981
  • JD Pearson & Julia F. Ashton: Index Islamicus 1906–1955 . P. 850 (Index of authors). Cambridge 1958
  • István Ormos (ed.): Az arabok és az iszlám , Válogatott tanulmányok. The Arabs and Islam. Selected Studies . Budapest Oriental Reprints. Series A 7. Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára, Vols. I – II, Budapest 1995, ISBN 963-7302-92-1 . - See the review in: Zeitschrift der Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), Volume 146 (1996), pp. 533-535
  • Ignaz Goldziher's biography (1850–1921). In: J. DeSomogyi (ed.): Collected writings. Hildesheim 1967. Volume 1, pp. XI-XXXI.

Secondary literature

  • Lawrence I. Conrad: The Pilgrim from Pest. Goldziher's Study Trip to the Near East (1873-74). In: Richard Netton (Ed.): Golden Roads. Migration, Pilgrimage and Travel in the Mediaeval and Modern Islam. Richmond 1993, ISBN 0-7007-0242-3 , pp. 110-159.
  • id. The Near East Study Tour Diary of Ignaz Goldziher. In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS). New Series. 1 (1990), pp. 105-126
  • ders. Review Article zu: Peter Haber: Between Jewish Tradition and Science. The Hungarian orientalist Ignác Goldziher (1850–1921): Böhlau Verlag, Cologne 2006. In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS), 17 (2007), pp. 325–328
  • ders. Goldziher on archeology and exploration in nineteenth-century Palestine. In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (JSAI), 33 (2007), pp. 309–342
  • Johann Fück : The Arabic Studies in Europe until the beginning of the 20th century . Leipzig 1955. pp. 226-231
  • JH Gottheil: Ignaz Goldziher . In: Journal of the American Oriental Society (JAOS), 42 (1922), pp. 189-193; alternatively in: Muslim World (MW) 13 (1923), pp. 176-180
  • Dabashi, Hamid : Post-Orientalism. Knowledge and Power in Time of Terror. Chapter 2. Ignaz Goldziher and the Question Concerning Orientalism. Pp. 17-122. Transaction Publishers. New Brunswick. New Jersey 2009, ISBN 978-1-4128-0872-9 . See also: Introduction to the AldineTransaction Edition: Muslim Studies . Edited by Samuel Miklos Stern. Translated by C. R. Barber and S. M. Stern. With a major new introduction by Hamid Dabashi. Transaction Publishers. New Brunswick. New Jersey. 2nd edition 2008. pp. IX-XCII
  • Peter Haber : The Hungarian orientalist . In: kafka. Journal for Central Europe. 2002, 5, pp. 70-74. (PDF; 288 kB)
  • Peter Haber: Networked and yet alone. The Hungarian orientalist Ignác Goldziher (1850–1921). In: Helga Mitterbauer (Ed.): Networks. Innsbruck u. a. 2006 (= Moderne. Kulturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch; 1), pp. 71–80, ISBN 3-7065-4061-4 .
  • Peter Haber: Between Jewish Tradition and Science . The Hungarian orientalist Ignác Goldziher (1850–1921): Böhlau Verlag, Cologne 2006, ISBN 3-412-32505-8 .
  • Ludmila Hanisch (Ed.), 2000, “Don't make our Islam too bad” - the correspondence between the Islamic scholars Ignaz Goldziher and Martin Hartmann 1894–1914: Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden; ISBN 3-447-04289-3 (with biographical information and literature references on Goldziher)
  • Richard Hartmann : Ignaz Goldziher. Obituary. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 76 (1922), pp. 285–290.
  • Peter Heine: Rediscovered commonalities  - review of the volume "The Jewish Discovery of Islam" published by Martin Kramers, in: Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
  • Bernard Heller: Bibliography des oeuvres de Ignace Goldziher , Geuthner, Paris 1927.
  • P. Sj. Koningsveld (Ed.): Scholarship and Friendship in Early Islamic Studies. The Letters of C. Snouck Hurgronje to I. Goldziher. From the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy od Sciences, Budapest. Leiden 1985
  • Wolfgang Günter Lerch: Islam in the modern age: Aspects of a world religion . Munich 2004. pp. 116–125
  • Bernard Lewis: Introduction to: Ignaz Goldziher: Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law . Princeton University Press 1981. pp. VII-XIII
  • Manuela Marín: Dos calas en la visión sobre al-Ándalus del orientalismo europeo . A propósito de I. Goldziher y AR Nykl. In: Manuela Marín (ed.): Al-Andalus / España; Historiografías en contraste siglos XVII-XXI. Madrid 2009. pp. 193-203
  • Louis Massignon : Ignace Goldziher. In: Revue de l'Histoire des Religions. 86: 61-74 (1922)
  • Németh, Julius: Goldziher's youth. In: Acta Orientalia. Vol. 1 (1950-1951), pp. 7-25
  • Friedrich Niewöhner : The Prisoner of Budapest: Ignaz Goldziher (1850-1921) between Torah and Koran . In: Dirk Hartwig, Walter Homolka, Michael J. Marx, Angelika Neuwirth (eds.): “In the full light of history”. The science of Judaism and the beginnings of Koran research. ERGON Verlag, 2008. pp. 131-146. ISBN 978-3-89913-478-0 , also in: Archiwum Historii Filozofii i Myśli Społecznej ( ISSN  006-6874 (?!?!) ) 47 (2002), 117-131, digitized .
  • Raphael Patai: Ignaz Goldziher and His Oriental Diary. A Translation and Psychological Portrait. Detroit 1987
  • Holger Preißler : Ignaz Goldziher in Leipzig  - A Hungarian Jew is studying Oriental Studies, in: Leipzig Contributions to Jewish History and Culture 3, 2005, Leipzig 2005, 293–315.
  • Sándor Scheiber (Ed.): Goldziher, Ignác: Napló . (Diary). (Selection). Magvető Könyvkiadó. Budapest 1984
  • ders. (Ed.): Max Nordau's Letters to Ignace Goldziher. In: Jewish Social Studies 18 (1956), pp. 199–207
  • ders. (Ed.): Letters of Solomon Schechter to William Bacher and Ignace Goldziher . In: Hebrew Union College Annual 33 (1962), pp. 255-275
  • Róbert Simon (Ed.): Ignác Goldziher: His life and scholarship as reflected in his works and correspondence. Brill, Budapest 1986. (On this see: Ewald Wagner in: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 138 (1988), pp. 188–189)

Web links

Commons : Ignaz Goldziher  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. See: István Ormos: Goldziher's mother tongue: a contribution to the study of the language situation in Hungary in the nineteenth century. In: Éva Apor & István Ormos (eds.): Goldziher memorial conference. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest 2005, pp. 203-243.
  2. Das Tagebuch, pp. 15–17; LI Conrad (1993), p. 121.
  3. (Meir) Martin Plessner (transl.): Jizchak Jehuda Goldziher, his biography and his scientific work. In: Ignaz Goldziher: Hartsaot 'al ha-Islam. ("Lectures on Islam"). P. 15. Bialik Institute. Israel 1951.
  4. Das Tagebuch , p. 21; LI Conrad (1993), p. 121.
  5. Róbert Simon (1986), pp. 22-23.
  6. ^ Arminius Vámbéry: The Life and Adventures of Armenius Vambery (1832-1913). (London 1883), p. 352; LI Conrad (1990), p. 259; on Vámbéry and his character see the well-documented study by LI Conrad (1990), chap. The dervish's disciple , pp. 243-266.
  7. This is the assessment of Johann Fück : The Arab Studies in Europe from the 12th to the beginning of the 19th Century . In: Richard Hartmann and Helmuth Scheel (eds.): Contributions to Arabic, Semitic and Islamic studies. Leipzig 1944. p. 214.
  8. studies on Tanhum Yerushalmi , List and Franke. Leipzig 1870.
  9. Manfred Ullmann : Dictionary of the Classical Arabic Language . Volume II. 40. Delivery. Wiesbaden 2009. p. 2470
  10. ^ Róbert Simon (1986), p. 54.
  11. ^ Diary , pp. 89-90; During the crossing to Istanbul (September 1873) the young Goldziher dedicated passionate lines to a young woman L. ( The Oriental Diary, p. 88), the LI Conrad (1999), p. 109–110; 113 mistakenly identified with Laura Mittler.
  12. In the diary , pp. 228–229, the date of death 31 May 1899 is erroneously stated. For more information, see Peter Haber (2006), pp. 198–199.
  13. Diary , p. 94.
  14. Diary , pp. 50–51; Róbert Simon (1986), pp. 39-40.
  15. See: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 636-681.
  16. Róbert Simon (1986), pp. 51-53; Peter Haber: The Hungarian Orientalist (PDF; 295 kB), pp. 70–71.
  17. D. i. Ágoston Trefort, the successor to Eötvös in office.
  18. Goldziher himself describes his workplace (September 1891): “This month the exodus from my old, dull, ghetto-presenting offices, in which I suffered the worst that can be done to a person of my temperament, into the newly built Central Office building for 15 years, also falls the jew. Congregation, 'the high gate of Israel'. ”- See also the description of Goldziher's occupation in Róbert Simon (1986), pp. 52–55 with quotations from the diary .
  19. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . Pp. 132-134.
  20. ^ Róbert Simon (1986), p. 107.
  21. A spanyolországi arabok helye az iszlám fejlődése történetében összehasonlítva a keleti arabokéval
  22. See: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 1, pp. 141–220; presented on November 13, 1876 at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences). Meeting reports, Vol. 6, No. 4. pp. 3–80. See also: Joseph DeSomogyi (translator): The Spanish Arabs and Islam. In: The Muslim Word 53 (1963), 54 (1964). Also in: Gesammelte Schriften . Volume 1, pp. 370-423 (Hildesheim 1967).
  23. István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 415-458.
  24. ^ LI Conrad (1990), p. 230.
  25. ^ Róbert Simon (1986), p. 105ff. on the prehistory of Hiǧāʾ poetry in the treatises on Arabic philology . Vol. I. 1896, in which Goldziher refers to this inaugural lecture. The lecture is reprinted in István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 531–597: Papers in Linguistics and Moral Sciences. Vol. 16, No. 2. Budapest 1893.
  26. ^ In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 41 (1887), (advertisements), p. 707ff.
  27. Volume 1, p. 2 and there note 1.
  28. ^ Diary , p. 230.
  29. The French orientalist Ernest Renan is meant .
  30. Here there is obviously a prescription of the name.
  31. Diary , p. 68.
  32. Both in the German-language edition of the Encyclopedia of Islam and in the Concise Dictionary of Islam (eds. AJ Wensinck and J. H. Kramers ), pp. 107–110. Brill, Leiden 1941 Goldziher is the author of the article on al-Afghani.
  33. Joseph Desomogyi: My reminiscences of Ignace Goldziher . In: The Muslim World (MW) 51 (1961), pp. 15-16; LI Conrad (1990), pp. 236-237: “The reason was certainly not the scholar's psychological distress and insecurity, as Patai sees it.” And ibid. Note 44. - For this view see: Patai (1987), p. 50-54.
  34. ^ LI Conrad (1993), p. 128 after J. Somogyi: My Reminiscences of Ignace Goldziher . In: The Muslim World. LI (1961), pp. 5-17; here: p. 15.
  35. ^ Martin Kramer: The Jewish Discovery of Islam .
  36. Diary , p. 233; Goldziher wrote the President's statement as a quote in Hungarian: “A zsidók nem akarják”. The editor's translation is in the notes on p. 323. Goldziher's comment on the case: “I have no idea what interpretation to give the subject of this sentence; I don't even think about the intrigues, the summary of which is contained in that sentence. "
  37. ^ R. Patai (1987), p. 76.
  38. ^ Diary, pp. 301 and 310.
  39. Diary, p. 311: “How those guys stare at me! The indifference dances out of their eyes. "
  40. Alexander Scheiber: Max Nordau's letters to Ignace Goldziher. In: Jewish Social Studies. Vol. 18 (1956) p. 199.
  41. Raphael Patai (1987), p. 56 erroneously states: “In 1912 an issue of the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie was dedicated to the fiftieth anniversary of his work, counted from 1862, when the Hebrew booklet by the twelve-year-old Goldziher , entitled Sichat Yiczhak , was published. “In the professional world, however, Goldziher's academic activity took off with his appointment as a private lecturer (see note 8) and the publication of contributions on the history of language learning among the Arabs . Meeting reports of the phil.hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume 68, 1871, pp. 207-251; Volume 72, 1872, pp. 587-631; Volume 73, 1873, pp. 511-552 their beginning (see bibliography).
  42. Volume 26 (1912).
  43. ^ Entry in the diary on December 31, 1911; online .
  44. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . P. 131.
  45. This refers to his above-mentioned private teacher Moses Wolf Freudenberg.
  46. ^ LI Conrad (1993), p. 122; R. Patai (1987), p. 15; H. Dabashi (2009), p. 83.
  47. ^ English translation: Mythology among the Hebrews and its historical development . Transl. R. Martineau. London. Longmans Green 1877.
  48. Heymann Steinthal : About Myths-Stratification, with consideration for Ignaz Goldziher, The myth of the Hebrews and its historical development. Studies on mythology and religious studies, Leipzig 1876. In: Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft 8, 1877, pp. 272–303.
  49. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . P. 136.
  50. The myth among the Hebrews . Pp. 4-13; 263-267 and passim.
  51. A nyelvtudomány történetéről az araboknál. Irodalomtörténeti kísérlet. (On the history of linguistics among the Arabs. An attempt at literary history). See: István Ormos (1995), vol. 1, p. 221ff; LI Conrad (1993), pp. 144-145. The English translation was provided by Kinga Dévényi and Tamás Iványi: On the History of Grammar among the Arabs. An Essay in Literary History. Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science III, 73. Amsterdam – Philadelphia 1994.
  52. ^ Diary , p. 111; LI Conrad (1990, 2), pp. 237-238.
  53. ^ LI Conrad (1990, 2), p. 239. Note 53.
  54. Magyar Zsidó Szemle (Hungarian Jewish Review), Volume 3 (1886), pp. 1-8; István Ormos (1995), Volume 1, pp. 407-414.
  55. They are mentioned in footnote 1 with their title and place of publication.
  56. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 3, p. 750.
  57. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . P. 138.
  58. The Correction of the Soul Reprint Arno Press 1980. pp. 128-133; Collected Writings, Volume 5, pp. 279-284.
  59. The oriental manuscript collection in the National Library of Israel , to which he bequeathed his collection as a foundation, bears his name
  60. Al-Hidāya ʾilā Farāʿiḍ al-Qulūb of Bachja ibn Jōsēf ibn Paqūda from Andalusia . In the Arabic original for the first time after the Oxford and Parisian manuscripts and the Petersburg fragments, edited by Dr. A. S. Yahuda. Leiden, Brill 1912. Advertisement in: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 67 (1913), pp. 529-538. See also: Journal of Assyriology and Related Fields, Volume 28 (1914), pp. 396–400 by Immanuel Löw
  61. This is the Zionist magazine A múlt és jövő (The past and future).
  62. Raphael Patai (1987), p. 45.
  63. Meant is: Magyar Zsidó Szemle (Hungarian Jewish Review): Diary , p. 318. Note 148 by Alexander Scheiber
  64. ^ The Diary , pp. 107-108
  65. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . P. 141.
  66. A. Socin: The project of a Muslim encyclopedia. In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), 51 (1897), pp. 677–678.
  67. ^ Hans Daiber : Semitic languages ​​as cultural mediators between antiquity and the Middle Ages. In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 136 (1986), p. 292.
  68. For the appraisal and significance, see Camilla Adang (2007), Introduction , pp. XXI – XXV.
  69. Preface , pp. VI – VII.
  70. Ex 6.9  EU
  71. LI Conrad, 1993, p. 145. - For an appreciation of Abraham Geiger's work, see the review by Theodor Nöldeke on: Jüdische Zeitschrift für Wissenschaft und Leben. Edited by Dr. Abraham Geiger. Years 1–2. Breslau 1862–1865. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 20 (1866), pp. 457-460. See also: Rudi Paret : The Study of Arabic and Islam at German Universities . German Orientalists since Theodor Nöldeke. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1968. p. 9 with reference to Geiger's dissertation.
  72. A nemzetiségi kérdés az araboknál
  73. A nemzetiségi kérdés az araboknál. (The Question of Nationality among the Arabs). Presented at the meeting of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on January 7, 1873. Printed in István Ormos (1995), pp. 3–64. See LI Conrad (1993), p. 125.
  74. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Vol. 9, p. 513.
  75. About the class of people, which the Arabs call 'Schoubije' . In: Session reports of the Royal Academy of Sciences. Phil. Hist. Class. Vol. 1 (1848), pp. 330ff.
  76. Muhammadan Studies . Volume I. See also his article in: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), 53 (1899), pp. 601–620. In modern research see: Göran Larsson: Ignaz Goldziher on the Shuʿūbiyya . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG), Volume 155 (2005), pp. 365–372.
  77. In: Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 14 (1978), pp. 309-375; István Ormos (1995), vol. 1. pp. 221-290.
  78. Abū ʾl-Barakāt al-Anbārī (also Ibn al-Anbārī): The Encyclopaedia of Islam . New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 1, p. 485.
  79. Girgas Roses: Arabska Chrestomathi. 1876. pp. 435-455.
  80. Volume 1, pp. 377-380. Paris 1863 (3rd edition).
  81. ^ Vienna 1870 (meeting reports of the phil. Hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume LXV).
  82. ^ Treatises of the Philological Class. Vol. XI. No. 9. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Budapest 1884. Presented on January 7, 1884. See also István Ormos (1995), Vol. 1. pp. 383-406.
  83. The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence . S. V-VII; Pp. 2-3 and passim . Oxford 1967.
  84. In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 41 (1887), p. 30ff.
  85. Volume 1, pp. 14-15. Note 4.
  86. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 9, p. 513.
  87. See Göran Larsson: Ignaz Goldziher on the Shuʿūbiyya . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 155 (2005), pp. 365–371.
  88. ^ Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 53 (1899), pp. 601–620.
  89. About him in detail: Enciclopedia de la Cultura Andalusí . Biblioteca de al-Andalus (BA). Almería 2004. Volume 3. pp. 207-210.
  90. ^ Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 53 (1899), p. 601. Note 1.
  91. Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG) 45 (1891), pp. 685-691.
  92. Muhammadan Studies . Volume 2, p. IX (foreword).
  93. R. Patai (1987), p. 68; Róbert Simon (1987), p. 99ff.
  94. Muhammadan Studies . Volume 2, pp. IX – X (preface).
  95. Muhammadan Studies . Volume 2, p. 5.
  96. ^ Diary, p. 117.
  97. Peter Haber (2006), pp. 176–177 erroneously calls this work “Muhammedanische Schriften” several times; See the critical comments on this book by Lawrence I. Conrad in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS) 17 (2007), pp. 325–328.
  98. 1st edition: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. London 1968. Aldine Transaction Edition 2008 with an introduction by Hamid Dabashi: Ignaz Goldziher and the Question Concerning Orientalism . Also in: Hamid Dabashi: Post-Orientalism. Knowledge and Power in Time of Terror. Transaction Publishers. 2009. pp. 1–122.
  99. Volume I. (Foreword), S. V. Brill, Leiden 1896. Volume II. S. V. Brill, Leiden 1899
  100. ^ Róbert Simon (1986), p. 113ff.
  101. István Ormos (1995), Volume 2. pp. 531-597 (The Tradition of the Poetry of the Heathen Arabs. Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Papers in Linguistics and Moral Sciences. Vol. XVI. No. 2).
  102. ^ Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature . Volume 2 (poetry). Brill, Leiden 1975. p. 8.
  103. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Vol. 1, p. 125.
  104. LI Conrad (1993), p. 140: "... formidable introduction to his edition of Abū Ḥātim al-Sijistānī's Kitāb al-Muʿammarīn , an essay almost as long as the Arabic text itself ...".
  105. Published in one volume (reprint): Georg Olms Verlag. Hildesheim 1982
  106. ^ Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 50 (1896), pp. 465–506; Entry in the diary on October 1, 1896.
  107. ^ Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 50 (1896), p. 489 with reference to Muhammedanische Studien , Volume 2, p. 228.
  108. ^ Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic literature. Vol. 2 (Poetry), pp. 336-338; The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, Leiden, Vol. 3, p. 641 (Ḥuṭayʾa).
  109. ZDMG 46 (1892), pp. 1-53; 173-225; 471-527; and 47 (1893), pp. 43-85; 163-201.
  110. See also: Collected Writings . Volume 3, pp. 50-294; Róbert Simon (1986), p. 107.
  111. Part I. Section III: The Oriental Religions. Berlin-Leipzig 1906. pp. 87-135.
  112. ^ Carl Winter's University Bookstore . Heidelberg 1910; 2nd edition 1925.
  113. diary ; Entry on August 15, 1909.
  114. Bernard Lewis (1981), pp. VII-VIII.
  115. Róbert Simon (1987), pp. 126-130.
  116. ^ LI Conrad (1993), p. 146; S. D. Goitein: Goldziher as Seen Through His Letters . In: Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume. Tape. 1. 9-12.
  117. In: Lectures on Islam by Dr. Ignaz Goldziher, Heidelberg 1925, Carl Winter's university bookstore. Ignaz Goldziher in memory. A preface by C. H. Becker. S. V.
  118. Translated by Andras and Ruth Hamori. Princeton University Press 1981.
  119. pp. 1-16; 178-191; 220-234 and 292-313; Born 1958, pp. 1–27 and 135–152.
  120. ^ Ignace Goldziher: A Short History of Classical Arabic Literature. Translated, revised, and enlarged by Joseph Desomogyi. Georg Olms. Hildesheim 1966. S. VI
  121. ^ Ignace Goldziher: A Short History of Classical Arabic Literature . Preface VII.
  122. Brill, Leiden 1920. - Translated into Arabic by Dr. ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm al-Naǧǧār. Cairo / Baghdad (no year) under the title: Maḏāhib (sic) at-tafsīr al-islāmīy .
  123. Angelika Neuwirth : Koran . In: Helmut Gätje: Grundriß der Arabischen Philologie . Volume II: Literary Studies. P. 120. Dr. Ludwig Reichelt Verlag, Wiesbaden 1987.
  124. Reprint in: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 1, pp. 1–64.
  125. ^ Reprint in: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 529-598.
  126. Reprint in: István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 1067-1090.
  127. See István Ormos (1995), vol. 1, p. XXVI (foreword).
  128. ^ Commemorative Addresses Delivered in Memory of Deceased Members of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Vol. VIII. No. 2. Budapest 1894. See F. Niewöhner (Ed.): Renan als Orientalist . Zurich 2000.
  129. ^ LI Conrad: Ignaz Goldziher and Ernest Renan. From Orientalist Philology to the Study of Islam. In: M. Kramer (Ed.) The Jewish Discovery of Islam . The Moshe Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies. 1999. pp. 137-180; Peter Haber (2006), p. 186.
  130. For general analysis and appreciation see: LI Conrad: Ignaz Goldziher and Ernest Renan. From Orientalist Philology to the Study of Islam. In: M. Kramer (Ed.) The Jewish Discovery of Islam . The Moshe Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies. 1999. p. 137ff .; A. Rohde: The Orient Within ... , p. 158. In: Benjamin Jokisch, Ulrich Rebstock, Lawrence I. Conrad (eds.): Strangers, enemies and curiosities. Walter de Gruyter. Berlin 2009.
  131. Letters to Goldziher. Slipcase No. 35: Ritter, H. Hamburg.
  132. Az arabok és az iszlám, VÁLOGATOTT Tanulmányok . The Arabs and Islam. Selected Studies. Budapest Oriental Reprints. Series A 7. Edited by Ormos István, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára, Vols. I – II, Budapest 1995.
  133. This is originally a letter from David Heinrich Müller to Nöldeke, which the latter forwarded to Goldziher with the above note, since it concerned Goldziher's professorship in Prague. István Ormos (1995), p. XXV and note 13. See the references in LI Conrad (1993), p. 111 and Róbert Simon (1986), p. 58.
  134. From the Arabic: "The master of (his) epoch". Arab biographers such as Adh-Dhahabī in his Siyar… Volume 17, p. 160. Beirut 1981 use this expression .
  135. Orientalistische Literaturzeitung (OLZ) 31 (1928), 117; Róbert Simon (1986), p. 89.
  136. ^ Islam up to the Fall of the Umayyads. In: Nagy Képes Világtörténet (The Large Illustrated History of the World). Vol. 4, pp. 581-678. Budapest 1900; see István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 745-860.
  137. The Arabs. In: Egyetemes Irodalomtörténet (Universal History of Literature). Vol. 1, pp. 245-328. Budapest 1903; see István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 905-996.
  138. ^ Egyptian Islam. In: Egyiptom. Tanulmánykönyv. (Egypt. A Volume of Essays and Studies). Budapest 1899. pp. 253-273; István Ormos (1995), Vol. 2, pp. 723-744.
  139. See Isván Ormos (1995), vol. 1. p. XI. Note 2.
  140. ^ The Oriental Manuscripts in the Library of the Hungarian National Museum. In: Hungarian Book Review 5 (1880), pp. 102-125; 222-243; István Ormos (1995), Vol. 1, pp. 291-339.
  141. Ignaz Goldziher: Muhammadan Public Opinion. Translated with notes by J. Payne and P. Sadgrove. In: Journal of Semitic Studies (JSS), 38 (1993), pp. 97-133. See: István Ormos (1995), Volume 1. pp. XIX and pp. 350–382.
  142. Értekezések a nyelv - és széptudományok köréből. Vol. XIII, 3. Budapest 1886. The statement by Conrad (2007), p. 313, note 13, that several pages are missing in the digitized edition, is incorrect.
  143. ^ LI Conrad (2007), p. 324.
  144. Goldziher's work is currently only available in the original language. For the content and appreciation of the lecture see: LI Conrad (2007), p. 309ff. The reprint of this work appeared two years after his death in a collection of articles by which Goldziher was honored as a Jewish scientist: Goldziher Ignác: A zsidóság lényege és fejlődése (Essence and Development of Judaism). Budapest 1924. Reprinted in 2000. pp. 181-242; see LI Conrad (2007), p. 313, note 14.
  145. Volume 57 (1889), pp. 1-31; See Isván Ormos (1995), Vol. 1, pp. 459-490.
  146. Mecca . 2 vols. And a picture atlas vol. 1 The city and its masters 1888; Vol. 2 From today's life 1889. Haag: Nijhoff 1888–89. (Facsimile re-print 2006 by Fines Mundi). See also: Mecca in the latter part of the 19th century. Translated by J. H. Monathan. Brill, Leiden, Luzac, London 1931; Leiden 2007 with an introduction by Jan Just Witkam.
  147. ^ Rudolf Slatin and Francis Reginald Wingate: Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A Personal narrative of Fighting and Serving the Dervishes. London 1896. Reprinted in 2003.
  148. 2 volumes. Buda-Pest, Athenæum 1896.
  149. ^ From the Country of the Mahdi. Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) 88 (1896), pp. 161-194; István Ormos (1995), Volume 2, pp. 689-722.
  150. What is meant is: Muhammadan Studies . Volume 2. The foreword is dated July 1890.
  151. ^ Edited by Stanley A. Cook. London. Adam and Charles Black. 1903; LI Conrad (2007), p. 330. Notes 90–91.
  152. R. Patai (1987), p. 26; A. S. Yahuda: The Significance of the Goldziher Library for the Future Hebrew University . In: Der Jude 8 (1924), pp. 575-592; G. Scholem: From Berlin to Jerusalem . Frankfurt am Main 1977. pp. 206-207.
  153. ^ The Goldziher Collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences . In: Ungarische Jahrbücher 13 (1933), pp. 371–372; Joseph Desomogyi: A collection of the literary remains of Ignace Goldziher . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1935), pp. 149-154.
  154. ^ Friedrich Niewöhner: The prisoner of Budapest . P. 131.
  155. LI Conrad (1, 1990) 265-266; Róbert Simon (1986); Koningsveld (1985); L. Hanisch (2000).
  156. ^ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. Volume 11, p. 476; Albert Hourani: Arabic thought in the liberal age 1798-1939 . P. 246. Oxford 1970.
  157. ^ Gibb Memorial Series . Vol. 4. Leiden, London 1907.
  158. Letters September 1903; of October 1904 regarding the 4th volume.
  159. ^ Letters from August 1904; August 1908; April, May 1912.
  160. On Zaydān's works see: Jack A. Crabbs, Jr .: The Writing of History in Nineteenth-Century Egypt. The American University at Cairo Press 1984. pp. 191-196.
  161. ^ The Oriental Diary . Introduction, p. 27; Diary , pp. 71-72; Róbert Simon (1986), p. 44.
  162. Budapesti Szemle, 30 (1882), pp. 234-265; See Róbert Simon (1986), p. 47.
  163. ^ Translated by J. Payne and P. Sadgrove. In: Journal of Semitic Studies (JSS) 38 (1993), pp. 97-133.
  164. ^ Youth and street poetry in Cairo. Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 33 (1879), p. 608. In Note 1, the author mentions Hasaneyn Efendi.
  165. Goldziher is referring to the Arabic-English Lexicon by Edward William Lane .
  166. Under the Bulaker press located Arabic works. From a letter from Ḥasanein Efendi, library officials of the Vicekönigl. public Library in Cairo (Darb al-ǧamāmīz). In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 28 (1874), pp. 679–680.
  167. "al-Azharī" means both "student" and "graduate" / "scholar" of the Azhar Mosque University , as Goldziher describes the institution.
  168. About its effect in Cairo see: Karl Vollers: From the vice-royal library in Cairo . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 43 (1889), p. 99ff .; Rudi Paret: The Study of Arabic and Islam at German Universities. German Orientalists since Theodor Nöldeke. P. 37. Franz Steiner, Wiesbaden 1968; Sabine Mangold: The Khedivial Library in Cairo and its German librarians (1871-1914) . In: Journal of the German Oriental Society (ZDMG), 157 (2007), p. 58ff.
  169. ^ Letter from Spitta to Goldziher of October 20, 1878; Slipcase No. 41.
  170. See above all the selection of letters from Theodor Nöldeke to Goldziher in: Róbert Simon (1986), pp. 159–448.
  171. See Muhammadan Studies. Volume 1, pp. 219-228.
  172. ḥilm: Meekness, Insight, Reason.
  173. Jāhilīya .
  174. What is meant is as-Suyutis al-Muzhir fī-l-luġa (The Shining in Linguistics): see The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition. Brill, suffering. > Volume 9, p. 913.
  175. Meant were the treatises of the Royal Society of Sciences in Göttingen : online . A contribution by Krehl did not appear there.
  176. LI Conrad (1993), pp. 107-108; ders. (2, 1999), pp. 265-266.
  177. Diary, p. 15.
  178. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 137.
  179. LI Conrad (1993), pp. 111–112 and there note 33. - On the importance of diaries as biographical sources, see Petr Haber (2006), pp. 26ff with further sources.
  180. ↑ On this R. Patai (1987), p. 9: “… the family presented him with the manuscripts of Goldziher's Oriental diary and his later, more voluminous memoirs and diary that he kept from 1890, when he was forty years old, until 1919 , just two years before his death. "
  181. ^ LI Conrad (1993), p. 111.
  182. Small Collections. Box 1; see: LI Conrad (1993), p. 148. Note 6.
  183. ^ R. Patai (1987), Introduction, p. 26.
  184. In: László Körösi (Ed.): Egyiptom . Budapest, Pátria 1899. pp. 253-273; LI Conrad (1993), p. 150. Note 36.
  185. LI Conrad (1993), p. 148. Note 6; in more detail: The Near East Study Tour of Ignaz Goldziher . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. 1 (1990), pp. 105-126; and ibid. p. 229: In Patai's portrait one will find such terms as 'paranoid', 'pathological', 'permanently depressed', 'tortured psyche', and 'obsessed', but this spring not from a distinctly psychological assessment, but rather from an effort to discredit statements by Goldziher.
  186. See the introduction to the new edition by I. Goldziher: The Ẓāhirīs. Their Doctrine an their History (Brill, Leiden 2008) by Camilla Adang, p. XVIII. Note 1: "Virtually, the only discordent voice in the chorus of Goldziher's admirers is Raphael Patai, who has some rather unflattering things to say in the psychological portrait preceding his translation of Goldziher's Oriental Diary."
  187. ^ LI Conrad: The Near East Study Tour of Ignaz Goldziher . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. New Series. 1 (1990), p. 113.
  188. Compiled by LI Conrad (1990), pp. 113-126. For example: "one of the Arab scholars" must read: one of the scholars of the (classical) Arabic language; (P. 116); the famous al-Madrasa aẓ-Ẓāhiriyya is not a "Ẓāhirite school" , but the madrasa of Damascus founded by the Sultan al-Malik al-Ẓāhir (p. 117); and an "O you, in whom praise themselves" is not a "street song of Damascus" (Patai), but a form of invoking God at the beginning of the Islamic ritual prayer (p. 119) ... etc.
  189. Hamid Dabashi (2009), p. 33; see also p. 31 and passim . Dabashi's criticism of Patai was published in 2006 in the new edition by Ignaz Goldziher: Muslim Studies (Ed. Samuel Miklos Stern), Translated by C. R. Barber and S. M. Stern: Introduction to the AldineTransaction Edition. Ignaz Goldziher and the Question Concerning Orientalism. Pp. IX-XCIII. 2nd edition 2008.
  190. Hamid Dabashi (2009), p. 116. Note 128.
  191. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 92: Original text in transcription from Arabic.
  192. LI Conrad (1993), pp. 114-115.
  193. Joseph E. Escovitz: Hey what the Muhammad'Abduh of Syria. In: International Journal of Middle East Studies (IJME), 18 (1986), pp. 293-310.
  194. ^ LI Conrad (1993), pp. 134-135.
  195. ^ Albert Hourani: Arabic thought in the liberal age 1798–1939 . P. 222. Oxford 1970.
  196. The Oriental Diary , pp. 114-118; 120.
  197. On this see Goldziher's report: The bookseller of Damascus . In: Pester Lloyd. Pp. 111-112 (1874).
  198. Letters from Kurd Ali, Muhammad, Damas: slipcase 23.
  199. Damascus 1980. pp. 132-136; LI Conrad (1993), p. 135.
  200. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 120.
  201. In: Meeting reports of the phil.-hist. Class of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Volume 78 (1874), pp. 439-524.
  202. From a letter from Dr. Goldziher's to Prof. Fleischer . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft (ZDMG) 28 (1874), pp. 161–168.
  203. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 131: So I shall, after all, see Jerusalem, the city of swindle, of the befooling of the people ...
  204. ^ The Oriental Diary, p. 134: R. Patai, the editor, gives the place in the transcription of the Arabic text. However, he misunderstood the passage. For the translation of the passage see: LI Conrad (1993), p. 131 and p. 154, note 100: This is given in Arabic in the Keleti Naplóm Ms. and has been badly misread by Patai ( Oriental Diary , p. 134) ders . The Near East Study Tour Diary of Ignaz Goldziher . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS), 1 (1990), pp. 105-126; here: 119–120.
  205. Oh Church of the Holy Sepulcher (literally Church of the Resurrection) , what has brought you so far from being a place visited by the adherents of monotheism and so close to being a place visited by the idol worshipers? Your people kiss stones and bow to them and the places that they claim are marked by human footprints. May you be protected from them and from their deeds, for God has nothing to do with what they do in their ignorance.
  206. ^ The Oriental Diary , pp. 139-144.
  207. Raphael Patai interprets the following section: "Except for a formal declaration of conversion he became to all intents and purposes a Muslim.": The Oriental Diary . Introduction p. 27.
  208. ^ Diary , p. 72; The Oriental Diary . Introduction p. 28. These parts in the oriental diary have apparently been lost: The Oriental Diary. Introduction p. 26; LI Conrad (1993), p. 117. - P. Haber (2006), p. 151 erroneously describes this event as "visiting the Friday prayer in the Azhar mosque ...". Goldziher's participation in the Friday prayer took place according to his own description in the diary in the burial mosque of ash-Shafid .
  209. the Islam he discovered becomes the model for a new spirit of Judaism at the close of the nineteenth century. Sander Gilman: "Can the Experience of Diaspora Judaism Serve as a Model for Islam in Today's Multicultural Europe?" in: Hillel Schenker, Abu Zayyad Ziad (ed.), Islamophobia and anti-Semitism, Markus Wiener Publishers, 2006 pp. 59–74.
  210. The Oriental Diary , pp. 98, 123. Against Patais tendentious representation see LI Conrad (1990), p. 239: “He was not, however, 'enchanted' by Islam, nor was his response to it one of 'rapture' . A reaction along these lines could be expected to produce panegyric rather than criticism, but in fact, and contrary to Patai's assessment, Goldziher does not hesitate to criticize when in Islam and among Muslim peoples he finds the same problems that inflame his ire in Judaism. "
  211. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 150; Diary , pp. 67–70.
  212. ^ The Oriental Diary , p. 153.
  213. LI Conrad (1993), p. 111; István Ormos (1995), Vol. 1, pp. 65-106 (in Hungarian).
  214. The editors in the footnote: “Dr. Goldziher has been in Pest since September BC. J. on behalf of the Hungarian Ministry of Cultus in the Orient to study the various dialects of Arabic. From a letter addressed to us, we believe we can share the above here. "
  215. According to information from Sándor Scheiber in the preface to the diary, p. 9: “Ignaz Goldziher's youngest son, the mathematician Prof. Karl Goldziher, died on November 6, 1955. I gave the funeral oration at his funeral. In his will he left me his father's diary, which only he and his mother knew during his lifetime. "
  216. ^ Diary . Foreword, p. 9
  217. ^ LI Conrad (2007), p. 327; See especially the work of P. Sj. Koningsveld, Róbert Simon and Ludmila Hanisch (see secondary literature); Peter Haber (2006) primarily uses the diary as a source for Goldziher's biography
  218. ^ Diary , pp. 15 and 55; LI Conrad (1990), p. 230.
  219. "... an important historical document for the insights it gives into the state of Hungarian Jewry and of Hungarian academic life as well as into the international community of scholars of Islam.": Times Literary Supplement, September 8, 1978. p. 998; LI Conrad (1990), p. 230; P. 226.
  220. ^ Hungarian literary man, poet and translator from Hebrew, student of Goldziher and father of Raphael Patai, the editor of the Oriental Diary
  221. Múlt és Jövő , 6 (1916), pp. 207–212
  222. The Hungarian orientalist and Goldziher biographer Róbert Simon (see: literature ) has compiled the total of sixty-nine omissions, around forty pages of the original, as references and published them in the Bulletin of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (February 2000) with his analysis: online ; Peter Haber (2006), pp. 222-223.
  223. See also the foreword to the book, pp. IX and X: “The remaining printing errors, the list of which I ask you to consider before using the book, are due to the often indistinct condition of my printing manuscript, which was made under unspeakably gloomy conditions with respect to the same. ”(Dated March 1920). - The supplements and corrections are on pp. 388–392.